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Records  of  Early  English  Drama 








Records  of  Early  English  Drama 








©  University  of  Toronto  Press  Incorporated  1999 
Toronto  Buffalo 
Printed  in  Canada 

First  published  in  North  America  in  1999  by  University  of  Toronto  Press  Incorporated 

ISBN  0-8020-4379-8 

and  in  the  European  Union  in  1999  by  Brepols  Publishers 

ISBN  2-503-50813-8 

Printed  on  acid-free  paper 

Canadian  Cataloguing  in  Publication  Data 

Main  entry  under  title: 
Dorset.  Cornwall 

(Records  of  early  English  drama) 

Includes  bibliographical  references  and  index. 

ISBN  0-8020-4379-8 

1.   Performing  arts  -  England  -  Dorset  -  History  -  Sources.  2.   Performing 
arts  -  England  -  Cornwall  -  History  -  Sources.   3.  Theater  -  England - 
Dorset  -  History  -  Sources.   4.   Theater  -  England  -  Cornwall  -  History  - 
Sources,   i.   Hays,  Rosalind  C.   n.   McGee,  C.  Edward,  1949-     . 
in.  Joyce,  Sally,   iv.   Newlyn,  Evelyn,  v.  Title:  Cornwall,  vi.   Series. 

PN2595.5.D67D67  1999     790.2'094233     C98-932491-5 

The  research  and  typesetting  costs  of 

Records  of  Early  English  Drama 

have  been  underwritten  by  the 

National  Endowment  for  the  Humanities  and  the 

Social  Sciences  and  Humanities  Research  Council  of  Canada 


SYMBOLS         IX 




Historical  Background     7 

Local  Customs,  Music,  and  Drama     31 

The  Documents     48 

Editorial  Procedures  87 

Notes  91 

MAPS     108 

Dioceses      113 
County  of  Dorset      117 
Boroughs  and  Parishes      121 
Households     290 


1  Undated  Records     292 

2  Post- 1642  Records     293 

3  Lyme  Regis  Cobb  Ale     297 

4  Sir  John  Digby's  Embassy  to  Spain     309 

5  Saints' Days  and  Festivals     313 





Historical  Background     375 

Drama,  Music,  Dance,  and  Popular  Customs     397 

The  Documents     417 

Editorial  Procedures  439 

Notes  444 

MAPS    461 

Diocese  of  Exeter     463 
Boroughs  and  Parishes     468 
Monasteries     527 
Households     529 
County  of  Cornwall      534 


1  'Vocabularium  CornicunY:  Old  Cornish  Translation  of  ,/Elfric's  Glossary     539 

2  Cornish  Plays  and  Their  Evidence  for  Performance     541 

3  Ancient  Parishes  with  Possible  Examples  of  the  Plain-an-gwary      559 

4  The  Hurling  Game  in  Cornwall     564 

5  Sample  Church  Ale  Expenses  at  Kilkhampton      572 

6  A  Merry  Tale  of  the  Queen's  Ape  in  Cornwall     574 

7  Saints'  Days  and  Festivals     577 



Introduction      627 
Latin  Glossary     631 
English  Glossary     646 

INDEX     655 

Records  of  Early  English  Drama 

The  aim  of  Records  of  Early  English  Drama  (REED)  is  to  find,  transcribe,  and  publish 
external  evidence  of  dramatic,  ceremonial,  and  minstrel  activity  in  Great  Britain  before 
1642.  The  executive  editor  would  be  grateful  for  comments  on  and  corrections  to  the 
present  volume  and  for  having  any  relevant  additional  material  drawn  to  her  attention  at 
REED,  150  Charles  St  West,  Toronto,  Ontario,  Canada  M5S  1K9  or 

ALEXANDRA  F.  JOHNSTON   University  of  Toronto  DIRECTOR 


PETER  CLARK   University  of  Leicester 

C.E.  MCGEE   University  of  St  Jerome's  College 

PETER  MEREDITH   University  of  Leeds 

DAVID  MILLS   University  of  Liverpool 

A.H.  NELSON  University  of  California,  Berkeley 

BARBARA  PALMER  Mary  Washington  College 

•*  D  O 

J.A.B.  SOMERSET  University  of  Western  Ontario 
ROBERT  TITTLER  Concordia  University 



J.J.  ANDERSON    University  of  Manchester 


DAVID  BEVINGTON   University  of  Chicago 
L.M.  CLOPPER  Indiana  University 
JOANNA  DUTKA   University  of  Toronto 
IAN  LANCASHIRE  University  of  Toronto 
RICHARD  PROUDFOOT  King's  College, 


LAETITIA  YEANDLE   Folger  Shakespeare 


ARLEANE  RALPH  Associate  Editor 
WILLIAM  ROWCLIFFE  Graphic  Artist / 


MIRIAM  SKEY  Bibliographer/Copy  Editor 
ABIGAIL  ANN  YOUNG  Associate  Editor 


BL  British  Library 

Bodl.  Bodleian  Library 

CRO  Cornwall  Record  Office 

CUL  Cambridge  University  Library 

DRO  Dorset  Record  Office 

JRL  John  Rylands  Library 

PRO  Public  Record  Office 

RIC  Royal  Institute  of  Cornwall 

SRO  Somerset  Record  Office 

SSL  Sherborne  School  Library 

WM  Weymouth  Museum 

WRO  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office 














!    1 


r  i 
t  j 

Antiquarian  Compilation 
Antiquarian  Collection 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography 
Dorset  Natural  History  and  Archaeological  Society 
Journal  of  the  Royal  Institution  of  Cornwall 

Proceedings  of  the  Dorset  Natural  History  and  Antiquarian  Field  Club 
Proceedings  of  the  Dorset  Natural  History  and  Archaeological  Society 
Records  of  Early  English  Drama 
Somerset  and  Dorset  Notes  and  Queries 

A.W.  Pollard  and  G.R.  Redgrave  (comps),  Short-Title  Catalogue  . . .  1475-1640 
The  Victoria  County  History  of  the  Counties  of  England 
D.G.  Wing  (comp),  Short-Title  Catalogue  . . .  1641-1700 
(after  folio,  page,  membrane,  or  sheet  number)  see  endnote 
lost  or  illegible  letters  in  the  original 
cancellation  in  the  original 

a  blank  in  the  original  where  writing  would  be  expected 
matter  in  the  original  added  in  another  hand 
interlineation  above  the  line 
interlineation  below  the  line 
caret  mark  in  the  original 
ellipsis  of  original  matter 

change  of  folio,  membrane,  sheet,  or  page  in  passages  of  continuous  prose 
right-hand  marginale 
marginale  too  long  for  the  left-hand  margin 



Any  REED  collection  represents  the  collaboration  of  many  generous  scholars.  Our  work  on  the 
Dorset  records  owes  a  great  deal  to  the  interchange  between  REED  editors  and  other  students 
of  the  drama,  interchange  fostered  by  REED  and  nurtured  by  the  project's  founder  and  director, 
Alexandra  F.  Johnston,  and  the  indefatigable  efforts  of  executive  editor,  Sally-Beth  MacLean. 
Their  wisdom,  expertise,  breadth  of  vision,  and  sheer  energy  teach  and  inspire  and  also  serve 
as  catalysts  for  a  remarkable  generation  of  ideas.  We  are  enormously  grateful  to  them  and  to 
other  REED  editors  from  whom  we  have  learned  a  great  deal. 

We  would  like,  in  particular,  to  thank  Sally-Beth  MacLean  for  her  unfailing  encouragement, 
her  skilful  coordination  of  REED'S  work  on  the  Dorset  records,  her  insightful  assessment  of 
each  section  of  the  collection,  and  her  work  on  first  proofs.  Associate  editor  Abigail  Ann  Young's 
editorial  suggestions  have  been  invaluable,  as  have  her  meticulous  paleographical  corrections, 
translations  of  Latin  documents,  and  creation  of  the  Latin  Glossary;  we  greatly  admire  the 
breadth  and  precision  of  her  knowledge.  The  patience  and  skill  Miriam  Skey  brought  to  the 
sometimes  frustrating  process  of  copy-editing  and  proof-reading  the  text  have  been  enormously 
helpful  as  has  been  her  relentless  bibliographical  work.  We  are  most  grateful  for  Arleane  Ralph's 
many  hours  of  work  on  the  lists  of  patrons  and  travelling  companies,  for  her  scrupulous  but 
genial  attention  to  detail  in  proofing  the  entire  collection,  and  for  her  willingness  to  tackle  the 
thankless  task  of  a  two-collection  index.  REED:  Dorset  owes  a  great  deal  also  to  Sheena  Levitt's 
expertise  in  financial  administration;  to  Theodore  DeWelles'  bibliographic  work;  to  William 
Cooke  for  the  English  Glossary;  to  Richard  Gyug,  Philip  Collington,  and  William  Cooke  for 
paleographical  checking;  to  Catherine  Emerson  for  checking  the  Latin  Glossary  and  Translations; 
and  to  William  Rowcliffe  for  typesetting  the  collection.  Subash  Shanbhag  of  the  Department 
of  Geology  at  the  University  of  Toronto  furnished  us  with  a  modern  map  of  Dorset. 

British  archivists,  librarians,  and  holders  of  manuscript  collections  have  welcomed  two  North 
American  scholars  and  given  us  a  great  deal  of  much-needed  assistance  in  locating,  identifying, 
and  interpreting  the  records.  Most  important  has  been  the  help  given  by  the  several  archivists 
at  the  Dorset  Record  Office  and  their  staffs:  Hugh  Jaques,  Dorset  County  Archivist,  and  his 
predecessor,  Margaret  Holmes;  principal  archivist,  Sarah  Bridges;  assistant  and  junior  archivists, 
Caroline  Ferris,  Jennifer  Hofmann,  M.  Prescott,  David  C.  Reeves,  and  Mary  Rose;  and  read 
ing  room  assistant  Felicity  Cohen.  I.K.D.  Andrews,  Town  Clerk  of  Poole,  and  G.M.  Smith, 
then  Curator  of  Museums  at  Poole,  were  extraordinarily  helpful,  permitting  us  to  see  some 
damaged  records  in  early  stages  of  repair  and  to  examine  manuscripts  on  display  in  the  Poole 


Museum  as  well  as  those  then  held  in  the  Poole  Borough  Archives.  John  Warmington,  Librarian 
of  Sherborne  School,  made  available  some  of  the  parish's  earliest  manuscripts,  then  kept  in 
the  subterranean  reaches  of  the  school.  We  also  thank  Tom  Mayberry  of  the  Somerset  Record 
Office,  S.D.  Hobbs,  County  Archivist,  and  J.  d'Arcy,  Principal  Archivist,  at  the  Wiltshire 
Record  Office  and  his  staff.  Mark  Nicholls,  Deputy  Keeper  of  Manuscripts,  Cambridge  Uni 
versity  Library,  and  Peter  McNiven,  head  of  Special  Collections  at  the  John  Rylands  Library 
in  Manchester,  kindly  checked  documents  for  us.  Others  who  checked  documents  included 
Michael  Heaney,  who  verified  entries  at  the  Bodleian  and  other  Oxford  libraries  and  aJso 
transcribed  quotations  from  the  manuscript  of  Leland's  Itinerary;  Alasdair  Hawkyard,  who 
worked  on  the  voluminous  and  scarcely  legible  membranes  of  Condytt  v.  Chubbe  at  the 
Public  Record  Office;  Eileen  White,  who  confirmed  readings  of  manuscripts  at  the  Wiltshire 
Record  Office  and  who  also  located  and  did  preliminary  transcriptions  of  ecclesiastical  court 
records;  and  Julia  Merntt  and  Monica  Ory,  who  checked  PRO  records.  Claire  Breay  checked 
records  at  the  British  Library  and  helped  us  secure  reproductions  of  the  earliest  map  of  Dorset, 
Alan  Fletcher  checked  records  at  Marsh's  Library,  Dublin,  and  Adrian  Moon  did  some  early 
checking  of  records  at  the  Dorset  Record  Office.  We  are  especially  appreciative  of  the  efficient 
and  expert  work  of  Richard  Samways  who  did  extensive  checking  of  records  at  the  Dorset 
Record  Office,  the  Poole  Borough  Archives,  and  the  Weymouth  Museum  as  well  as  locating 
and  transcribing  records  at  the  PRO. 

Among  the  many  scholars  with  whom  we  have  discussed  this  collection  we  particularly  thank 
James  Stokes,  REED  editor  for  neighbouring  Somerset,  for  his  generous  sharing  of  records 
relevant  to  both  counties  and  for  the  assistance  his  findings  gave  us  in  interpreting  the  Dorset 
records.  John  Elliott,  Jr  alerted  us  to  relevant  material  in  Robert  Ashley's  autobiography  and 
Father  Owen  Lee  clarified  crucial  aspects  of  the  Dorchester  show  for  Bishop  Thornborough. 
Early  discussions  of  Dorset  material  with  John  Fowles,  David  Underdown,  Adrian  Moon,  and 
the  late  Maureen  Weinstock  were  also  helpful.  Each  of  us  has  benefitted  from  the  enthusiasm 
and  informed  interest  of  colleagues  as  well,  particularly  Sister  Mary  Clemente  Davlin,  O.P., 
of  Dominican  University  (formerly  Rosary  College),  Lynne  Magnusson  of  the  University  of 
Waterloo,  and  Paul  Stevens  of  Queen's  University,  Kingston,  Ontario. 

Financial  support  for  the  work  on  the  Dorset  records  has  included  grants  to  REED  from 
the  Social  Sciences  and  Humanities  Research  Council  of  Canada  (SSHRCC)  and  the  National 
Endowment  for  the  Humanities,  a  substantial  individual  SSHRCC  research  grant,  and  generous 
grants  from  Fadier  Edward  Jackman,  O.P.,  and  the  Jackman  Foundation.  A  sabbatical  leave  from 
Dominican  University  supported  work  with  the  records.  St  Jerome's  University  offered  both 
moral  and  financial  support  for  the  research  and  both  universities  supported  the  presentation 
of  preliminary  results  at  several  scholarly  conferences. 

We  are  most  grateful  to  the  following  libraries  and  owners  for  permission  to  quote  extracts 
from  documents  in  their  possession:  the  Bodleian  Library,  University  of  Oxford;  the  British 
Library;  the  Dorset  Record  Office;  the  Public  Record  Office;  the  Somerset  Record  Office;  the 
Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office;  and  the  Weymouth  and  Portland  Borough  Council. 
Crown  copyright  material  in  the  Public  Record  Office  appears  by  permission  of  the  Controller 
of  Her  Majesty's  Stationery  Office  and  excerpts  from  the  Gillingham  Manorial  Court  Orders 


(Nicholas  MS  69)  are  reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  Director  and  University  Librarian,  the 
John  Rylands  University  Library  of  Manchester.  Extracts  from  manuscripts  and  early  printed 
books  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library  collection  appear  with  the  kind  permission  of  the 
Syndics  of  Cambridge  University  Library.  The  excerpt  from  William  Kethe's  Sermon  made  at 
Stanford  Forum  (STC:  14943)  appears  by  permission  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  University  of 
Oxford,  the  owner  of  a  copy  (Mason  CC  73)  of  the  printed  book,  and  the  excerpt  from  John 
Stows  Chronicle  of  England  (STC:  23333)  by  permission  of  the  Folger  Shakespeare  Library.  We 
thank  also  the  owners  of  copies  of  episcopal  visitation  articles  from  which  we  print  extracts: 
the  Rector  and  Fellows  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford;  the  Master  and  Fellows,  Magdalene  College, 
Cambridge;  Manchester  College  Library,  Oxford;  the  Governors  and  Guardians  of  Archbishop 
Marsh's  Library,  Dublin;  and  the  Master  and  Fellows  of  St  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

Finally,  we  thank  our  families.  Rebecca  and  David  Hays'  enjoyment  of  enforced  Dorset 
vacations  taught  their  mother  about  parts  of  Dorset  she  might  otherwise  have  missed  and 
they  tolerated  many  more  'bo-o-oring'  conversations  about  Dorset  records  than  any  child  or 
teenager  should  have  to  endure.  Haley  McGee,  first  as  a  baby  and  then  as  a  toddler,  made 
research  trips  to  Dorset  more  complex  -  and  enormously  more  fun  -  for  her  father,  and  Rory 
McGee  has  graciously  put  up  with  stories  of  times  and  travels  before  his  time.  Donna  Penrose 
has  been  a  constant  source  of  perspective,  support,  and  love  throughout  all  the  years  of  work 
on  this  project.  Jo  Hays  provided  a  willing  ear,  a  thoughtful  editorial  eye  for  drafts  of  the  histor 
ical  introduction,  and  love  that  is  beyond  price. 

Historical  Background 

Modern  Dorset  -  apart  from  her  eastern  urban  complex  -  has  remained  a  pre-eminently  rural 
county,  still  displaying  much  of  the  rustic  and  sometimes  wild  country  and  parochial  culture 
described  by  Thomas  Hardy  and  the  Dorset  poet  William  Barnes.  The  shire  attracts  fewer 
tourists  than  more  spectacular  Devon  and  Cornwall,  Hampshire's  Southampton  overshadows 
Dorset's  ports,  and  the  main  routes  westward  from  London  or  Salisbury  to  Exeter  or  Bristol 
now  cross  through  only  the  narrow  northern  part  of  the  county.  There  seems  a  striking  continu 
ity  between  the  modern  shire  and  the  sixteenth-  and  seventeenth-century  county,  it,  too,  was 
prosperous,  overwhelmingly  rural,  and  of  little  importance  in  national  affairs,  and  early  modern 
travellers  to  the  west  country  tended  to  bypass  most  of  the  county.1 

Dorset's  terrain  is  extraordinarily  varied.  The  centre  of  the  county  is  dominated  by  the 
broad  crescent  of  the  chalk  downs  that  sweeps  north  and  west  from  the  rocky  coast  east  of 
Portland,  turning  east  to  join  eventually  with  the  range  that  continues  through  Wiltshire  to 
the  Marlborough  and  Berkshire  downs.  This  high  and  broad  range  of  hills  has  encouraged 
continuous  patterns  of  settlement  and  farming  since  at  least  Roman  times.  The  hilltops  are 
most  useful  as  pastureland,  land  that  supports  the  animals  so  important  for  the  fertilizing  value 
of  their  manure  on  the  rich  arable  in  the  well-watered  river  valleys  between  the  hills.2  The  downs 
were  first  settled  in  neolithic  times  and  more  thoroughly  cultivated  during  the  four  centuries 
of  Roman  dominance  in  Dorset;  the  pattern  of  settlement  continued  and  expanded  after  the 
belated  Saxon  conquest  of  the  county.  Thus,  cultivation  of  the  chalk  down  country  after  Domes- 
day  was  an  extension  and  development  of  long-standing  patterns  of  land  use.  Both  the  pastures 
on  the  hilltops  and  the  use  of  valley  ploughland  favoured  collective  agriculture,  and  medieval 
and  early  modern  downland  Dorset  was  typified  by  nucleated  villages  and  important  manors. 

The  heath  country  between  the  rocky  Isle  of  Purbeck  in  southeastern  Dorset  and  the  arc  of 
the  chalk  downs  has  relatively  acidic  and,  hence,  poor  soil;  it  was  perhaps  settled  and  cultivated 
most  fully  by  the  Saxons.  Early  Purbeck  farmers  could  eke  out  a  living  but  the  area  was  most 
valuable  in  the  medieval  period  for  the  limestone  and  marble  quarried  for  building.  And  al 
though  there  were  isolated  farmsteads  throughout  the  county  from  prehistoric  times,  the 
heavier  clays  in  Blackmoor  Vale  and  in  northern  and  western  Dorset,  regions  also  more  heavily 
wooded  than  the  down  country,  were  more  profitably  cultivated  only  after  the  development 
of  medieval  agricultural  technology. 

Seventy-five  miles  of  coast  and  easy  access  to  important  shipping  routes  have  meant  that 


much  of  Dorset's  history  and  several  of  her  more  important  towns  have  been  linked  to  the 
sea.  Both  small  river  mouths  and  natural  harbours  could  admit  the  vessels  bringing  Roman, 
Saxon,  or  Danish  invaders  or  the  small  ships  carrying  medieval  and  later  coastal  commerce. 
Much  of  that  coast  is  dominated,  however,  by  magnificent  but  unmanageable  cliffs;  havens 
useful  in  the  medieval  centuries  were  less  accessible  to  the  larger  sixteenth-century  ships.  Only 
the  natural  harbours  at  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis  and  Poole  and  the  artificial  harbour  at 
Lyme  Regis  were  to  be  of  more  than  local  importance  after  1500.  Nonetheless,  much  of  Dorset's 
interchange  with  the  world  outside  the  county  was  by  sea,  so  much  so  that  sometimes  the 
coastal  towns  seem  to  have  had  more  to  do  with  their  trading  partners  outside  the  shire  than 
with  inland  regions  of  the  county  itself. 

Dorset  was  relatively  well-developed  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  Its  country  was  'heart 
land'  that  boasted  nearly  300  mills,  and  the  moderate  development  and  expansion  of  the 
arable  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  was  accompanied  by  population  growth  but  not 
radical  social  change.3  The  county  borders  are  ancient  and  have  changed  but  little  from  the 
borders  implicit  in  the  process  of  the  Saxon  conquest  (modern  county  reorganizations  have 
exchanged  a  few  parishes  between  Dorset  and  Devon;  more  importantly,  territory  including 
Bournemouth  and  Christchurch  was  added  to  the  eastern  end  of  the  county).  In  the  medieval 
period  the  county  had  close  connections  with  the  king:  nearly  forty  Dorset  manors  made 
William  i  the  most  important  landlord  in  the  shire,  and  several  medieval  kings  spent  fair  periods 
of  time  in  Dorset,  with  Dorchester  an  important  point  on  the  itineraries  of  Edward  I  and 
Edward  n.  The  west  country  had,  of  course,  been  the  core  of  Alfred's  territory  in  the  ninth 
century;  it  witnessed  civil  war  both  immediately  after  the  Conquest  and  during  the  conflict 
between  Stephen  and  Matilda  when  Dorset  castles  at  Sherborne,  Powerstock,  Wareham,  and 
Corfe  were  besieged.  Sharing  a  sheriff  with  Somerset  during  much  of  the  medieval  period, 
Dorset  was  a  frequent  source  of  supply  for  royal  ventures." 

Dorset's  religious  life  was  shaped  by  institutions  initially  founded  in  the  Saxon  period.  The 
county  was  originally  in  the  diocese  of  Sherborne:  that  see  was  united  to  that  of  Ramsbury, 
Wiltshire,  in  1058  and  the  bishop  moved  to  Old  Sarum  after  1075.  Under  the  bishop  of 
Salisbury's  jurisdiction  until  1542  (when  the  county  was  joined  to  the  new  diocese  of  Bristol), 
several  sections  of  the  county  were  in  one  or  another  peculiar  jurisdiction  that  provided  some 
ecclesiastical  independence,  most  notably  the  very  large  parish  and  royal  peculiar  centred  on 
the  royal  free  chapel  of  Wimborne  Minster,  and  the  peculiar  of  the  dean  of  Salisbury  that  pre 
served  both  the  property  rights  and  influence  of  the  dean  and  prebends  of  Salisbury  Cathedral 
within  Dorset  even  after  the  shire  was  joined  to  Bristol  diocese.  Much  of  the  pattern  of 
parish  and  monastic  life  was  firmly  rooted,  however,  in  the  Saxon  church.  Saxon  Dorset  was 
dominated  by  the  huge  parishes  of  the  minster  churches,  some  of  which  still  served  large 
parishes  in  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  centuries,  although  many  former  dependencies  had 
acquired  parochial  independence  in  the  intervening  years.  Sizeable  monasteries  at  Abbotsbury, 
Cerne  Abbas,  Shaftesbury,  and  Milton  Abbas  were  beginning  to  serve  as  centres  for  towns  by 
the  time  of  the  Conquest.  These  houses  and  three  others  -  Sherborne  Abbey  (the  Benedictine 
monastery  which  became  the  focus  of  Sherborne  life  after  Sherborne's  bishop  moved  to  Sarum), 
the  college  of  secular  canons  at  Wimborne  Minster  (founded  after  an  earlier  monastery  was 


destroyed  in  the  late  tenth-century  Danish  invasion),  and  the  twelfth-century  Cistercian  house 
at  Bindon  -  dominated  monastic  life  in  Dorset  until  the  Dissolution;  although  the  friars  were 
active  in  the  county,  their  houses  were  never  so  influential  as  the  large  pre-Conquest  monas 


Expanded  land  use,  such  technological  developments  as  the  horizontal  loom  and  the  fulling 
mill,  and  the  emigration  of  skilled  craftsmen  from  guild-dominated  towns  to  the  countryside 
were  among  the  factors  that  stimulated  the  growth  of  west  country  cloth  production  in  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  particularly  in  the  cheese  country  of  Somerset  and  Wiltshire. 
The  Dorset  sheep  herds  also  grew  during  this  period  and  contributed  to  the  growth  of  local 
wool  cloth  production.  As  prosperous  agricultural  communities  developed  markets,  the 
Dorset  markets  and  small  market  towns  also  grew.  J.H.  Bettey  tells  us  that  four  Domesday 
Dorset  boroughs  (Bridport,  Dorchester,  Shaftesbury,  Wareham;  Wimborne  Minster  also  had 
burgesses)  were  joined  by  ten  other  boroughs  by  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  including 
the  successful  ports  of  Lyme  Regis,  Melcombe  Regis,  Poole,  and  Weymouth." 

The  Black  Death  entered  England  through  Melcombe  Regis  and  it  is  probable  that  Dorset 
lost  a  higher  percentage  of  its  people  than  other  rural  counties  to  the  initial  epidemic  and  fre 
quent  recurrence  of  disease  in  the  next  three  centuries.  Some  villages  were  deserted,  particu 
larly  in  wilder,  more  heavily  wooded  west  Dorset  and  in  the  Blackmoor  Vale.  In  the  chalk 
country  and  in  most  towns,  population  loss  resulted  in  the  contraction  of  economic  activity 
in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  although  it  is  possible  growing  sheep  flocks  may  be 
linked  to  shrinking  population  and  arable  acreage  in  the  downlands.  Fifteenth-  and  sixteenth- 
century  growth  of  such  coastal  towns  as  Poole  and  Lyme  Regis,  on  the  other  hand,  was  import 
ant  to  the  general  economic  recovery  of  Tudor  Dorset.7 

An  early  seventeenth-century  description  of  the  county  may  serve  to  emphasize  the  con 
tinued  rural  character  of  the  shire  in  the  early  modern  period: 

Though  the  Aire  of  this  Territorie  bee  good  and  healthfull,  yet  is  not  the  Soyle  barren,  but 
rich  and  fruitfull  ...  The  more  Northerne  Part,  divided  from  the  South  almost  by  a  con- 
tinuall  Ridge  of  high  Hills,  is  somewhat  flat,  and  was  in  foregoeing  Ages  wholely  Forrests; 
neither  is  it  yet  in  this  decaying  Age  of  ours  altogether  destitute  of  Timber  Trees,  and  Woods; 
abounding  also  with  verie  good  Pastures,  and  Feedeings  for  Cattell;  watered  with  fine 
Streames,  which  take  their  Courses  through  rich  Meadowes  . . .  the  South  Parte  . . .  consisteth 
altogether  of  Hills,  (Downes  we  call  them  ...  )  all  overspread  with  innumerable  Flockes  of 
Sheepe,  for  which  it  yeelds  very  good  and  sound  Feedeing,  and  from  which  the  Countrie 
hath  reaped  an  unknowen  Gaine.  Valleys  it  hath  diverse,  but  not  large,  in  the  which,  for 
the  most  parte,  the  Townes  and  Gentlemens  Houses  are  seated,  for  avoideing  those  sharpe 
Blasts  which  this  Southerne  Parte  is  subject  to;  for  it  is  somethinge  wilde,  and  verie  destitute 
of  Woods;  Cornefeilds  they  have  plentie,  which  seldome  deceive  the  Husbandmans  Expecta 
tion;  and  adjoyneing  to  the  Rivers  good  Meadowes,  though  not  in  soe  great  Plentie  as  the 
North  Parte  of  the  Shire... 

It  is  generallie  well  watered  with  Rills,  and  swift  runneing  Brookes;  which,  passeing 
through  the  Plaines  and  Valleys,  doe  at  the  last  in  a  most  loveing  manner  unite  themselves, 


and  of  their  manie  Branches  make  two  bigge  bodied  Streames,  Frome  and  Slower,  both 
passeing  full  of  good  Fish,  which  neverthelesse  is  not  soe  much  respected  there,  because  the 
adjoyneing  Sea  doeth  furnish  the  Countrie  with  all  Kindes  of  Fish." 

Most  striking  about  Thomas  Gerard's  description  of  Dorset  is  the  extraordinarily  rural  tone  of 
his  account,  perhaps  to  be  expected  in  the  voice  of  a  member  of  the  gentry  most  interested 
in  the  fortunes  of  his  own  kind.  But  some  circumstances  conspired  to  preserve  Dorset's  relative 
isolation.  There  were  in  the  county  few  large  landholders  of  national  prominence:  Henry  vu's 
mother,  Margaret  Beaufort,  had  close  connections  with  Wimborne  and  was  eventually  buried 
in  the  minster;  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  was  for  a  time  at  Corfe  Castle,  later  purchased  by  Sir 
John  Bankes,  attorney-general  to  Charles  I;  and  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  spent  much  time  at  his  seat 
at  Sherborne  Castle  and  exercised  both  patronage  and  authority  in  Sherborne.  For  the  most 
part,  however,  such  figures  from  national  politics  had  little  to  do  with  the  county  and  Dorset 
politics  remained  in  the  hands  of  prosperous  local  gentry  families,  headed  by  the  Strangways 
of  Abbotsbury  and  Melbury  Sampford.  Gerard's  impression  in  the  1620s  was  that  the  Dorset 
gentlemen  were  'for  the  most  pane  ...  of  antient  Descent'  although  freeholders,  profiting 
from  'rakt  Rent  ...  doe  now  beginne  much  to  encroch  upon  the  Gentrie,'  producing  occasion 
ally  new  'Families  of  note.'9  It  is  notable  that  he  found  Dorset  gentlemen  essentially  local 
worthies,  although  they  sometimes  bought  lands  or  intermarried  with  families  from  neighbour 
ing  counties.  The  considerable  social  upheaval  in  Dorset  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  -  almost  50  per  cent  of  the  leading  families  in  the  1630s  first  appeared  among  the 
Dorset  gentry  after  1529  —  was  fed  by  immigration,  notably  of  Devonshire  gentry  families, 
the  purchase  of  confiscated  monastic  properties  by  lesser  Crown  servants  and  local  gentry,  the 
social  rise  of  local  farmers,  the  economic  success  of  Dorset  merchants,  and  the  occasional 
movement  of  local  town  patricians  into  the  ranks  of  country  gentlemen.  As  David  Underdown 
has  argued  eloquently  in  Fire  from  Heaven,  prominent  Dorset  men  could  be  very  much  aware 
of  national  and  international  events.  But  Dorset's  own  affairs  were  generally  her  own;  the 
county  was  largely  free  from  the  domination  of  aristocrats  or  of  political  figures  of  national 

Dorset  apparently  adapted  successfully  and  reasonably  peacefully  to  the  changing  agricultural 
markets  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  The  flocks  pastured  on  the  downs  increased 
greatly  and  there  were  frequent  enclosures  of  downland  commons  for  both  sheep  pasture  and 
arable,  often  by  common  agreement  of  the  tenants  or  between  the  tenants  and  a  great  land 
lord.  By  the  seventeenth  century  the  county  boasted  twenty-one  important  markets  and  forty- 
six  annual  fairs;  by  far  the  most  important  fair  was  the  centrally-located  September  fair  at 
Woodbury  Hill  near  Bere  Regis,  which  attracted  many  visitors  from  outside  the  shire."  From 
the  early  seventeenth  century  there  were  also  experiments  with  water  meadows,  and  some 
increased  specialization  and  some  expansion  of  pasturage  and  arable  into  cleared  and  enclosed 
waste  and  forest  also  occurred  in  the  claylands  of  Blackmoor  Vale  and  the  west  country. 
Apparently  such  developments  occasioned  little  social  upheaval  in  most  cases,  although  in  the 
1620s  and  early  1640s  riots  followed  the  disafforesting  of  Gillingham,  riots  Joan  Thirsk  associ 
ates  with  general,  multifaceted  economic  depression  and  David  Underdown  with  attacks  on 


the  'clique  of  courtiers  and  Londoners'  whom  local  villagers  saw  as  responsible  for  the  disaf- 


Expanded  exploitation  of  the  land  contributed  to  Dorset  s  general  prosperity.  Indeed,  u 
general,  the  pattern  of  Dorset's  early  modern  development  was  one  of  growth  and  successful 
adaptation  of  an  economy  that  nonetheless  remained  second  rank.  Dorset's  growing  herds 
supplied  a  sizeable  Dorset  broadcloth  manufacture  in  the  fifteenth  century,  for  example;  weavers 
were  turning  to  both  the  newer  dyed  cloths  and  narrower  and  cheaper  kersies  and  'Dorset 
dozens'  by  the  early  seventeenth,  and  Dorset  ports  exported  cloth  made  in  Somerset  as  well  as 
Dorset.  But  the  centre  of  marketing  for  the  expanding  cloth  trade  lay  to  the  north  in  Wiltshire 
and  Somerset,  and  Dorset  cloth  was  considered  inferior  to  that  of  neighbouring  counties. 
Similarly,  enterprising  Dorset  coast  towns  took  advantage  of  new  opportunities  for  growth. 
Poole  and  Weymouth  early  joined  the  new  trade  with  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland,  import 
ing  and  re-exporting  Newfoundland  fish  with  great  profit,  and  Bridport  and  Lyme  Regis  may 
have  helped  redistribute  the  fish  in  southwest  England.  The  manufacture  of  sailcloth  and 
rope,  particularly  for  shipping  and  the  navy,  were  important  industries  in  west  Dorset,  especially 
at  Bridport,  and  Dorset  was  also  one  of  the  chief  sixteenth-century  woad-producing  shires. 
But  despite  considerable  growth,  Dorset's  coastal  commerce  was  adversely  affected  by  the  shift 
of  commercial  shipping  to  London:  the  harbours  at  Lyme  Regis,  Weymouth-Melcombe 
Regis,  and  Poole  were  also  too  small  or  shallow  to  allow  for  the  increasingly  large  ships  that 
became  the  commercial  carriers  and  more  important  naval  vessels  of  the  sixteenth  century.13 

Tudor  governments—  like  their  medieval  predecessors  -  brought  sometimes  reluctant  Dorset 
coast  towns  into  the  structure  of  coordinated  English  maritime  defence,  building  additional 
coastal  forts,  such  as  Sandsfoot  Castle,  near  Weymouth.  Dorset  coast  towns  were  all  involved 
to  some  extent  in  furnishing  ships  to  fight  the  Armada  but  their  participation  was  mainly 
through  money  or  the  provision  of  small,  armed  merchant  ships,  a  fact  reflecting  the  strong 
but  secondary  prosperity  of  these  small,  vital  ports,  important  for  supporting  the  larger  ships 
against  the  Armada,  as  they  were  important  for  supporting  coastal  shipping  increasingly 
dominated  by  London.  Perhaps  symbolic  of  the  enterprising,  flexible,  and  very  localized 
character  of  county  commerce  is  the  county's  involvement  in  privateering,  smuggling,  and 
piracy  in  the  late  sixteenth  century.  At  least  thirty-six  ships  from  Weymouth,  Lyme  Regis, 
and  Poole  captured  foreign  prizes  as  part  of  the  privately  financed  maritime  activities  against 
Spain  after  1585.  Pirates  based  first  in  West  Lulworth,  and  later  in  Purbeck,  were  linked  to 
members  of  the  Dorset  gentry,  to  the  deputy  of  the  vice  admiral  for  the  Isle  of  Purbeck,  and 
to  the  deputy  searcher  for  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis,  as  was  discovered  during  Crown  in 
quiries  of  the  1570s  and  1580s,  and  both  pirates  and  smugglers  operated  with  the  cooperation 
of  villagers  in  the  hinterlands,  town  officials  from  several  towns,  and  profit-taking  merchants 
and  gentry.  The  piracy  was  suppressed  and  the  pirates  hanged  from  gallows  stretched  out 
over  the  sea.  But  smuggling  continued  as  a  cooperative  local  enterprise  adding  to  the  profits 
of  enterprising  agriculture  and  successful  town  adaptation  to  the  Tudor  market  economy."1 

The  prosperity  of  the  county  is  reflected  in  the  growth  of  Dorset's  towns  in  the  sixteenth 
century  (records  of  performance  activity  survive  largely  from  towns  that  were  successful),  in 
the  increased  amount  of  land  brought  under  cultivation  and  the  innovative  techniques  used 


in  agriculture,  and  in  the  apparent  complacency  and  increasingly  visible  affluence  of  Dorset 
gentry.  Prosperity  is  also  reflected  in  the  relative  placidity  of  the  shire's  relationship  to  national 
signs  of  conflict.  Dorset  was  divided,  for  example,  about  religion  in  the  sixteenth  and  seven 
teenth  centuries.  But  signs  of  Lollardy  had  been  less  frequent  in  Dorset  than  elsewhere  in  the 
west  country  -  there  was  a  great  deal  of  church  rebuilding  in  fifteenth-century  Dorset  -  and 
Dorset  monasteries  surrendered  to  Henry  vin's  commissioners  peacefully."  Conflict  about 
religion  seems  generally  confined  to  town  or  parish  in  the  succeeding  generations,  perhaps  in 
part  because  Dorset's  1542  assignment  to  the  often  headless  diocese  of  Bristol  and  the  con 
sequent  lack  of  effective  episcopal  supervision  during  Elizabeth's  reign  made  difficult  enforcement 
of  any  policy  against  local  sentiment.  When  Devon  and  Cornwall  rose  in  the  conservative 
'prayerbook  rising'  of  1549,  Dorset  remained  calm.  The  county's  quiescence  probably  did  not, 
however,  mean  enthusiastic  support  for  reformed  religion,  for  the  county  militia  fought  only 
reluctantly  against  their  more  passionate  neighbours."'  In  the  Elizabethan  period  Puritanism 
gradually  gained  a  hold  in  many  towns,  particularly  in  Dorchester  and  Poole,  but  several 
prominent  Dorset  families  preserved  Catholic  traditions.  Attempts  to  stamp  out  undesirable 
religious  opinion  tended  to  be  inconsistent  and  probably  limited  in  their  effect.  For  example, 
Elizabethan  efforts  against  Catholicism  resulted  in  the  execution  of  priests  at  Dorchester  in  the 
1580s  and  1590s,  but  in  1592  a  member  of  one  of  Dorset's  more  prominent  Catholic  famil 
ies  was  appointed  to  the  commission  supposed  to  uncover  Jesuits  in  the  county;  seventeenth- 
century  presentments  from  the  Wimborne  peculiar  show  the  church  pursuing  both  recusants 
and  sabbath  breakers.  Religious  factionalism  was  a  prominent  factor  in  the  quarrels  that 
divided  several  Dorset  towns  early  in  James  is  reign,  and  by  the  1630s  Archbishop  Laud's 
visitors  found  many  Dorset  Puritans,  particularly  in  Poole,  Dorchester,  and  Lyme  Regis,  but 
the  Dorset  countryside  still  harboured  considerable  anti-Puritan  sentiment.17 

Any  interpretation  of  the  records  of  performance  activity  in  Dorset  must  consider  Under- 
down's  recent  challenging  interpretation  of  early  seventeenth-century  popular  politics  and 
culture,  particularly  in  the  west  country.  In  Revel,  Riot,  and  Rebellion,  Underdown  argues  for 
a  model  of  understanding  popular  culture  in  the  region,  based  on  contrasts  between  '"tradi 
tional"  areas  of  open-field,  sheep-corn  husbandry  in  the  nucleated  villages  of  the  chalk  down- 
lands,  and  the  more  individualistic  economies  and  settlement  patterns  of  the  north  Somerset 
and  Wiltshire  cheese  and  cloth-making  country;  with  the  less  industrially  developed  pasture 
region  in  south-east  Somerset  and  Blackmore  Vale  representing  an  intermediate  type  in  respect 
of  both  economic  and  settlement  patterns.'1"  He  describes  a  Tudor  and  Stuart  England  in 
which  there  was  a  natural  survival  of  popular  traditions  of  various  sorts.  Communities  often 
maintained  such  traditions  because  of  civic  pride  as  well  as  local  sentiment  and  sometimes 
abandoned  them  for  practical  reasons,  when  other  fund-raisers  or  fund-raising  techniques 
seemed  more  efficient  or  profitable  than  traditional  merry-makings.  Moreover,  campaigns 
against  traditional  feasts  -  against  traditional  popular  culture  -  were  fuelled  by  a  'preoccupation 
with  social  discipline  . . .  visible  at  all  levels  of  English  life'1'1  that  ranged  'the  Protestant  country 
gentry  and  middling  sort  . . .  against  what  they  perceived  as  the  corrupt  and  popish  extravag 
ance  of  the  Court  and  its  hangers-on'  and  also  'ranged  many  of  the  gentry,  the  Puritan  clergy 
and  their  allies  among  the  respectable  parish  notables  against  the  bulk  of  their  social  inferiors 


and  the  poor.'2"  The  campaign  for  moral  reform  was  generally  more  successful,  he  believes,  in 
wood-pasture  regions.  Traditional  festivals  and  other  plebeian  amusements  survived  longer, 
and  continued  to  reflect  an  older  notion  of  community'  in  the  arable  downlands,  while  a  few 
pasture  regions  -  including  Dorset's  Blackmoor  Vale  -  remained  'as  culturally  conservative  as 

the  downlands.'21 

Underdown's  work  has  been  the  object  of  much  cogent  criticism,  summarized  succinctly 
by  Ronald  Hutton.22  As  Hutton  indicates,  Underdown's  topographical  analysis  has  borne  the 
brunt  of  criticism,  notably  by  Martin  Ingram,  who  found  similar  patterns  of  declining  festiv 
ity  in  Wiltshire  regions  of  all  types.  Finding  revels  and  Robin  Hood  games  throughout  all 
regions  of  Somerset  and  staunch  defence  of 'traditional  entertainment'  in  the  'heart  of  wood- 
pasture  areas,'  James  Stokes  similarly  concludes  that  'reform-minded  justices'  had  more  to  do 
with  efforts  at  controlling  traditional  entertainment  than  Somerset's  topography  and  that 
'support  for  traditional  culture'  had  'less  to  do  with  class  and  income  level  than  with  whether 
one  was  native  to  the  area  or  a  recent  immigrant.'25  Nor  does  our  examination  of  Dorset  evid 
ence  yield  more  support  for  Underdown's  model,  although  our  conclusions  must  be  even 
more  tentative  than  Stokes'  or  Ingram's.  A  major  difficulty  in  fitting  Dorset  into  Underdown's 
framework  is  the  peculiarities  of  the  Dorset  evidence.  For  much  of  the  period  with  which  we 
are  concerned  ecclesiastical  records  are  fragmentary;  no  sixteenth-century  Bristol  bishops' 
registers  or  ecclesiastical  court  books  survive,  for  example.  Although  there  are  extant  quarter 
session  records  for  other  counties  -  the  Somerset  evidence  is  particularly  rich  -  for  Dorset 
there  is  only  a  single  order  book  (1625-37).  Most  of  the  Dorset  evidence  for  performance 
activity  comes  from  towns,  generally  outside  the  framework  of  Underdown's  regional  analysis 
(although  he  suggests  that  most  of  the  towns  shared  political  views  with  the  rural  areas  around 
them).  In  general,  we  find  it  difficult  in  Dorset  to  distinguish  clear  geographical  patterns  for 
survival  or  disappearance  of  popular  custom.  Indeed,  Underdown's  model  implies  a  general 
cultural  conservatism  in  the  Dorset  countryside,  where  there  was  little  that  could  rival  the 
'individualistic'  enterprise  of  the  north  Somerset  and  Wiltshire  cheese  country.  Much  of  the 
Dorset  evidence  does  suggest,  however,  that  the  decline  or  continued  support  for  revelry  or 
traditional  custom  was  partly  associated  with  'religious  beliefs  and  the  fear  of  disorder.'  Like 
Hutton,  we  think  that  Underdown's  'stress  upon  the  power  of  ideology  may  well  be  correct.'" 

Second,  a  detailed  examination  of  the  Dorset  evidence  suggests  that  individual  pieces  do 
not  always  fit  Underdown's  use  of  them.  For  example,  Underdown  talks  of  James  is  reign  as  a 
'transitional  period,'  during  which  festivals  survived  in  many  places;  he  states  that  at  'Cerne 
Abbas  the  maypole  survived  the  earlier  Puritan  attack,  only  to  be  cut  down  to  make  a  town 
ladder  in  1635,  just  when  maypoles  were  reappearing  in  other  places  after  the  second  Book  of 
Sports.'"  Since  the  only  surviving  reference  to  the  Cerne  Abbas  maypole  relates  to  its  destruc 
tion,  the  Cerne  maypole  may  have  languished  unused  for  several  years  before  the  parishioners 
used  it  for  timber,  or  it  may  first  have  been  built  in  1634.  Surely  the  reference  cannot  support 
Underdown's  indication  on  a  map  showing  Dorset  popular  festivals  that  1635  was  the  'latest 
recorded  date'  for  a  public  revel  in  Cerne  Abbas.2"  Other  points  where  we  think  Underdown 
or  others  have  used  Dorset  evidence  incorrectly  will  be  indicated  in  endnotes  to  the  records. 

In  brief,  we  find  Underdown's  discussion  of  patterns  of  social  and  economic  change  stimu- 


lacing,  as  is  much  of  his  discussion  of  the  geographical  distribution  of  Dorset  political  sentiment 
during  the  1640s  and  1650s;  we  can,  however,  only  regard  his  framework  for  understanding 
regional  patterns  of  cultural  conflict  as  unproved  in  the  case  of  the  county  whose  records  we 
have  examined.  Sixteenth-  and  seventeenth-century  Dorset,  like  the  rest  of  England,  was  experi 
encing  far-reaching  changes  in  economic  and  social  structure.  Generally  Dorset's  reflection  of 
the  national  pattern  is  seen  both  in  the  county's  moderately  successful  response  to  economic 
setbacks  and  opportunity  and  in  the  increasing  gulf  between  the  expanded  ranks  of  the  gentry 
and  successful  middling  sort  and  the  expanding  ranks  of  the  poor.  Various  communities  suc 
ceeded  in  different  ways  in  adapting  to  change,  just  as  individuals  succeeded  in  different  ways; 
some  of  the  differences  in  success  or  failure  are  almost  certainly  reflected  in  the  continuance  or 
abandonment  of  traditional  culture,  including  both  revelry  and  performance.  A  comprehen 
sive  and  convincing  model  for  understanding  those  differences,  however,  has  yet  to  be  written; 
promising  elements  of  that  model  may  be  the  ideology  stressed  by  Hutton  and  his  suggestion 
that  'the  principal  development  of  the  early  Stuart  period  in  the  history  of  [the  old  festive] 
culture  [was]  to  turn  it  into  a  national  political  issue.'27 

Boroughs  and  Major  Market  Towns 


'A  faire  Markett  Towne'  in  the  1620s,  'pleasantlie  seated  upon  the  River,  and  neare  unto  the 
Downes,'2"  Blandford  Forum  had  begun  to  develop  as  a  trading  centre  by  the  mid-twelfth 
century.  The  town  had  several  advantages  over  its  immediate  neighbours:  it  straddled  a  major 
crossing  of  the  Stour,  one  of  Dorset's  two  largest  rivers,  and  several  roads  converged  there, 
including  both  the  road  connecting  Poole  to  the  hinterland  of  northwest  Dorset  and  Somerset, 
and  the  main  route  from  Dorchester  to  Salisbury,  described  by  a  writer  of  1  588  as  part  of  a 
major  secondary  route  between  Exeter  and  London.21  Although  medieval  Blandford  only  twice 
sent  members  to  parliament,  there  were  markets  in  the  town  by  the  early  thirteenth  century 
and  Edward  I  granted  fairs  on  the  feast  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  (29  June)  and  on  the 
vigil  of  saints  Simon  and  Jude  (28  October)  and  the  fifteen  days  following,  and  James  i  would 
confirm  a  one-day  fair  on  St  Mathias'  Day  (24  February).3"  By  the  Elizabethan  period  Bland- 
ford  Forum  was  a  thriving  country  town  with  well-known  markets  and  fairs.  A  council  often 
capital  burgesses,  headed  by  a  bailiff,  ran  the  town  with  advice  from  a  steward  appointed  by 
the  duchy  of  Lancaster."  The  burgesses  appointed  chamberlains  to  carry  out  the  main  execut 
ive  responsibilities  of  the  town's  government.  In  1605  the  community,  then  numbering 
perhaps  500-800  people,  received  a  charter  confirming  its  customs  and  giving  the  town  lord 
ship  of  the  manor  for  which  it  would  pay  fee  farm  to  the  duchy.  By  that  time  Blandford  was 
exempt  from  manorial  control  and  could  appoint  stewards  for  its  own  court  leet.32 

Several  signs  suggest  that  in  the  sixteenth  century  Blandford  was  profiting  from  its  position 
as  a  county  market  town.  A  fire  in  1570  had  destroyed  the  town  hall,  and  the  community 
undertook  to  build  a  new  one,  drawing  on  loans  and  gifts  from  individual  burgesses  as  well 
as  on  funds  from  various  Blandford  charities.  The  new  hall  was  built  by  1593  and  in  1610 


Camden,  commenting  on  the  town's  phoenix-like  recovery,  would  claim  the  town  was  'built 
more  elegantly,  and  is  better  peopled  with  inhabitants.'"  The  town's  sense  of  community 
appeared  not  only  in  its  successful  building  campaign  but  also  in  the  variety  of  ways  the  town 
raised  funds,  ranging  from  the  several  different  ales  featured  in  the  Elizabethan  chambetlains' 
accounts  and  the  renting  of  space  to  players  to  the  sponsorship  of  annual  races  after  1600." 
The  Puritan  preacher  William  Kethe.  rector  of  tiny  Child  Okeford,  denounced  a  Dorset 
parish  in  his  sermon  to  the  justices  at  Blandford  sessions  in  1571  and  it  is  tempting  to  guess 
that  the  parish  that  profaned  its  sabbath  with  'bulbeatynges,  boulynges,  drunkennes,  daun- 
cynges,  and  such  lyke'  (see  p  1 18)  was  Blandford  itself.  If  so,  the  parish,  according  to  Kethe, 
staunchly  resisted  the  reforming  minister.  We  know  little  of  Blandford's  internal  affairs,  how 
ever;  repeated  and  devastating  town  fires,  most  notably  that  in  1731,  destroyed  most  Bland- 
ford  records. 


The  Brit  river  flows  into  the  sea  through  an  impressive  gap  between  East  and  West  Cliffs;  the 
cliffs  thus  provide  a  sheltered  river  anchorage  for  small  ships.  Some  distance  north  of  the 
anchorage,  in  the  angle  formed  by  the  Asker  and  Woth  rivers  as  they  join  the  Brit,  was  the 
settlement  that  became  Bridport,  perhaps  originally  developed  in  connection  with  Anglo- 
Saxon  defence.  By  the  time  of  the  Conquest  the  town  numbered  about  120  houses.  In  the 
thirteenth  century  the  draining  and  cultivation  of  the  Marshwood  Vale  fostered  the  growing 
of  hemp  on  land  ideaJly  suited  to  it;  King  John,  who  had  visited  the  town  a  few  years  earlier, 
ordered  Bridport  sailcloth  and  hemp  thread  for  ships'  cables  in  1211.  The  development  of 
flax  and  hemp  growing  between  Bridport  and  Beaminster  contributed  in  turn  to  Bridport's 
growth;  the  harbour  and  the  manufacture  of  rope  and  sailcloth  -  particularly  for  naval  stores  — 
were  to  prove  the  focus  of  Bridport's  economy.  By  the  fifteenth  century  the  growing  urbanity 
of  a  town  increasingly  shaped  by  its  relationship  to  trade  and  manufacturing  may  be  seen  in 
the  numerous  confraternities  founded  in  each  of  the  two  local  churches." 

Although  until  the  late  fourteenth  century  Bridport's  river  was  still  too  underdeveloped  to 
provide  more  than  a  mooring  for  ships  perhaps  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  town  itself,  by  the 
reign  of  Edward  in  Bridport  sea  captains  participated  in  the  Gascon  wine  trade  and  Bridport 
rope  and  sail  manufacture  was  recognized  by  the  Crown.  Late  fourteenth-century  efforts  to 
dredge  the  Brit  and  build  a  well-developed  harbour  set  what  was  to  be  the  pattern  for  the 
remainder  of  our  period:  time  and  again  Bridport  tried  to  gain  permission  and  raise  funds  to 
build  a  well-equipped  harbour  but  never  managed  to  construct  and  maintain  anything  but  a 
safe  landing  site  for  small  ships.3" 

In  the  meantime,  Bridport  activity  in  an  increasingly  complex  rope  manufacture  had  grown. 
Even  by  1315  many  of  the  townsmen's  assets  included  flax,  hemp,  and  rope,  and  by  1530 
Bridport  successfully  petitioned  for  a  local  monopoly  of  hemp  selling  and  rope  making.  The 
town's  prominence  in  the  industry  came  'mainly  as  a  result  of  the  very  high  quality  of  the 
local  hemp  and  flax.'37  So  well  known  was  the  Bridport  hemp  that  a  sixteenth-century  morality 
play  could  use  'taw  halters  of  Burporte'  as  an  image  for  a  hangman's  noose.3"  By  the  1590s, 


however,  the  town's  rope  production  had  begun  to  decline  as  did  seventeenth-century  Bridport's 
domination  of  the  industry.  Contributing  to  the  decline  were  Bridport's  cumbersome  organ 
ization  of  the  trade,  high  transportation  costs  related  to  relatively  poor  overland  transport  as 
well  as  the  silted-up  harbour,  and  competition,  both  from  rope-walks  near  to  the  naval  yards 
and  from  Dutch  and  Russian  hemp,  of  somewhat  higher  quality  than  the  Dorset  product." 
Bridport  sent  members  to  parliament  regularly  after  1295;  her  government  was  a  self- 
perpetuating  council  of  capital  burgesses.  In  his  Itinerary  Leland  called  her  a  'fair  larg  town' 
in  the  1530s4"  but  it  was  not  until  1593  that  Elizabeth  granted  the  town  a  market  and  fairs, 
including  a  one-day  fair  on  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  (25  March),  a  three-day  fair  on  the 
feast  of  the  Ascension  (the  Thursday  following  Rogation  Sunday),  and  a  one-day  fair  at  Michael 
mas.  In  her  grant  the  queen  stated  that  Bridport  was  'an  ancient  Borough  and  mercantile 
town  and  formerly  was  a  port  of  great  celebrity  and  resort  until  the  entrance  and  ascent  of 
the  same  port  were  lately  choked  by  the  sand  of  the  sea  and  almost  blocked  up,  by  reason  of 
which  the  same  Borough  in  commerce  and  merchandise  is  diminished  and  deteriorated  and 
the  buildings  and  edifices  of  the  same  Borough  are  in  great  decay  ruin  and  dissolation.'41  The 
queen  was  probably  responding  to  requests  from  Bridport  burgesses,  whose  determination  to 
revive  the  town's  economic  health  Robert  Tittler  sees  in  the  celebrations  surrounding  the 
opening  of  a  new  market  house  in  1593.42  The  influence  of  an  active  local  group  of  Puritans 
may  also  be  visible  in  Bridport's  quick  support  for  parliament  in  1642.43  Consensus  like  that 
of  1642  was  not  easily  obtained  earlier  in  the  century,  when  Puritanism  set  Bridport  citizens 
at  odds  with  one  another.  In  1614  allegedly  libellous  verses  attacked  The  puritans  of  Bridporte 
Towne'  as  smug,  self-righteous  hypocrites  whose  supposedly  religious  gatherings  masked 
sexual  self-indulgence  and  adultery  (see  p  1 58).  Named  in  the  verses  were  many  members  of 
the  town's  leading  families,  men  who  had  held  or  would  go  on  to  hold  Bridport's  highest  civic 


The  Romans  probably  chose  to  build  a  fort  and  administrative  centre  at  Durnovaria  (Dor 
chester)  because  of  its  proximity  to  British  hill  forts  at  nearby  Poundbury  and  Maiden  Castle: 
the  site  had  been  'pre-eminent  in  the  area'  since  the  Bronze  Age.  Although  there  is  no  clear 
evidence  of  continuous  occupation,  the  wealth  of  Roman  remains  at  Dorchester  and  the  pros 
perity  of  the  town  during  the  medieval  period  suggest  that  the  city  on  the  Frome  River 
maintained  its  importance.  In  the  time  of  Edward  the  Confessor  the  town  boasted  over  170 
houses,  of  which  perhaps  100  were  destroyed  by  1086.  Bettey  estimates  the  population  of  the 
town  as  about  700  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.'"1 

Its  location,  economic  role,  and  continuing  political  role  in  the  neighbourhood  all  contrib 
uted  to  Dorchester's  growth  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  town  was  on  one  of  two  major  sixteenth- 
century  routes  between  Exeter  and  Salisbury  or  London,  although  the  main  road  between 
Bristol  and  Weymouth  bypassed  the  town.  Growing  agricultural  prosperity  in  the  region  seems 
to  have  contributed  to  Dorchester's  revival  and  growth  as  a  market  town.  By  the  thirteenth 
century  Dorchester  had  borough  status  and  routinely  sent  members  to  parliament  after  1295.4"1 


K  J.  Penn  sees  a  sizeable  local  Jewish  community  as  evidence  of  Dorchester's  thirteenth-century 
participation  in  more  than  local  commerce.4"  In  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century  the 
town  was  granted  several  market  days  a  week  and  several  days  of  fairs  a  year.  The  town  also 
had  the  right  to  maintain  a  prison.  It  was  'the  main  commercial  and  political  centre  for  south 
Dorset  during  the  medieval  period,'47  important  both  as  a  centre  of  exchange  for  the  wool 
from  the  surrounding  sheep  farming  areas  and  as  a  textile  manufacturing  town.  As  the  king's 
justice  became  more  influential  in  the  shires,  Dorchester  also  grew  in  importance  as  the  'county 
town'  and  the  town  where  the  king's  justices  came  when  they  sat  the  assizes. 

In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  Dorchester  remained  important  primarily  as  a 
market  town,  selling  a  wide  range  of  commodities  at  her  weekly  markets  in  addition  to  the 
cattle,  sheep,  and  corn  that  were  the  markets'  mainstays.  The  town  held  fairs  on  the  day  after 
Trinity  Sunday,  St  John's  Day  (24  June),  St  James  Day  (25  July),  and  received  an  early  Eliza 
bethan  grant  for  a  fair  at  Candlemas  (2  February).4"  Camden  found  Dorchester  'neither  great 
nor  beautifull,  being  long  since  despoiled  of  the  walls  by  the  Danes,'"  but  perhaps  he  visited 
the  town  when  sixteenth-century  depression  and  inflation  had  had  their  worst  impact  on 
Dorchester's  population  and  economy/"  His  opinion  was  not  shared  by  Gerard  a  generation 
later.  Although  in  1613  a  devastating  fire  had  consumed  300  houses  and  Dorchester  suffered 
more  fire  damage  in  1622,  Gerard  could  comment,  nonetheless,  that  Dorchester  'hath  encreased 
and  flourished  exceedeinglie,  soe  that  nowe  it  maye  justlie  challenge  the  Superioritie  of  all 
this  Shire,  as  well  for  quick  Marketts  and  neate  Buildings,  as  for  the  Number  of  the  Inhabitants; 
manie  of  which  are  Men  of  great  Wealth.'"1  At  least  some  of  Dorchester's  e^ite  were  drawn 
from  an  influx  of  substantial  immigrants  to  the  town  in  the  late  sixteenth  and  early  seventeenth 
centuries;  besides  such  newcomers  to  Dorchester,  Underdown  tells  us  the  dlite  included 
Dorset  men  who  parlayed  land  investments  into  wealth,  some  even  moving  to  the  ranks  of  the 
gentry.  The  importance  of  the  town's  men  of  substance  may  be  seen  influencing  the  reshaping 
of  Dorchester's  cultural  milieu  in  the  seventeenth  century,  in  their  contributions  to  local 
charities  and  support  for  the  Free  Grammar  School  founded  after  the  1613  fire,  in  their  leader 
ship  in  the  Dorchester  Company,  and  in  their  successful  campaign  for  a  new  Dorchester  charter, 
one  that  was  to  give  Dorchester  a  unique  form  of  municipal  government  after  1629." 

By  Gerard's  time  many  Dorchester  men  were  Puritans,  many  of  them  relative  newcomers, 
and  all  of  them  greatly  influenced  by  the  preacher  John  White,  rector  of  Holy  Trinity  and  of 
St  Peter's,  1605-48.  White's  dominance  in  the  town  had  met  some  initial  resistance.  As  early 
as  1607  well-to-do  burgesses  of  Dorchester  were  engaged  in  factional  wrangling,  perhaps  best 
seen  as  resulting  from  schisms  among  members  of  a  ruling  elite.  The  reciprocal  accusations 
employed  the  rhetoric  of  religion:  White  was  reported  to  preach  extreme  Puritan  doctrine 
and,  in  turn,  he  and  his  friends  accused  opponents  of  sabbath  breaking  as  well  as  recusancy. 
A  dispute  of  this  type,  one  which  incidentally  associated  opposition  to  drama  with  hypocrisy 
and  foolishness,  eventually  reached  the  Star  Chamber  (see  pp  173-98  and  340-5).  In  this 
nest  of  quarrelling  the  fire  of  1613  seemed  to  provide  heavenly  support  for  the  Puritan  inter 
pretation  of  Dorchester's  condition  as  well  as  for  the  town  faction  allied  to  its  godly  rector.  In 
his  recent  study  of  Dorchester,  Underdown  shows  how  events  after  the  fire  brought  White 
and  his  allies  to  dominance  by  the  1620s,  placing  them  in  a  position  to  engage  in  a  ferocious 


and  partly  successful  campaign  to  suppress  frivolity  and  enforce  godliness  in  Dorchester. 
Underdown  also  suggests  ways  in  which  there  may  have  been  substantial  resentment  against 
the  Puritan  reformers,  particularly  from  among  the  young  and  the  poor.'3  The  1631  catalogue 
of  the  Dorchester  library  describes  a  collection  which  seems  to  mirror  Dorchester's  religious 
interests  and  the  continuing  religious  controversy  in  the  town.  Although  there  are  many  Pur 
itan  tracts  and  several  'answeres'  to  Catholic  treatises,  the  catalogue  also  lists  tracts  defending 
English  Catholics  or  relating  the  lives  of  English  Catholic  martyrs. M 

White  was  also  deeply  engaged  in  the  organization  of  companies  and  the  recruitment  of 
investors  interested  in  the  promotion  of  trade  and  colonization  in  New  England.  In  1623 
fifty  Dorset  gentry  as  well  as  humbler  men  and  some  men  from  other  counties  were  subscribers 
to  the  New  England  Planters  Parliament  that  was  to  become  the  Dorchester  Company  of 
Adventurers.  White  was  influential  in  both  the  Dorchester  Company  and  its  successor,  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  in  which  west  country  investors  cooperated  with  those  from 
East  Anglia  to  send  expeditions  to  New  England."  Such  endeavours,  initially  stimulated  by 
the  commercial  enterprise  of  Dorset  gentry  and  Dorchester  townspeople,  probably  also  owed 
much  to  the  desire  to  provide  a  haven  for  those  dissatisfied  with  the  increasingly  less  puritan 
Anglican  church. 

The  era  of  White's  predominance  in  Dorchester  saw  the  drastic  curtailment  of  freedom  of 
behaviour  and  thought  within  the  community,  but  it  also  encouraged  a  strongly  independent 
spirit  with  respect  to  outsiders,  a  spirit  visible  in  the  town's  reaction  to  an  incident  in  the 
parliament  of  1629.  Denzil  Holies,  one  of  the  Dorchester  MPS,  held  the  speaker  in  his  seat 
while  opposition  resolutions  were  read  in  the  Commons;  hearing  of  their  representative's 
subsequent  imprisonment,  the  Dorchester  townsmen  voted  him  a  silver  cup.s" 


Sixteenth-century  Lyme  Regis  was  a  'praty  market  toun  set  in  the  rootes  of  an  high  rokky 
hille  down  to  the  hard  shore'  and  close  to  the  Devon  border."  A  settlement  noted  for  its  pro 
cessing  of  salt  in  pre-Conquest  England,  by  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century  Lyme 
had  also  developed  as  a  port.  The  town  was  in  competition  with  Dartmouth  for  overseas  trade 
by  the  1260s;  in  1284  Edward  [  chartered  Lyme  as  a  free  borough  with  a  merchant  guild  and 
with  institutions  like  those  of  nearby  Melcombe  Regis.  By  the  1280s  Lyme  seems  to  have 
been  an  active  participant  in  the  French  wine  trade.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  townsmen 
'with  much  Industrie  and  Charge"1"  built  the  Cobb,  a  massive  breakwater  curving  into  the  sea 
to  create  Lyme's  artificial  harbour.  Lyme  Regis  began  to  send  members  to  parliament  in  the 
1290s  and  the  town  was  asked  to  provide  ships  for  the  Crown.  By  the  early  fourteenth  century 
Lyme  Regis  was  apparently  a  very  prosperous  port.v' 

A  series  of  fourteenth-century  misfortunes,  including  partial  destruction  of  the  Cobb  by 
heavy  November  gales  in  1377  and  devastating  French  raids,  left  the  town  too  impoverished  to 
pay  its  fee-farm;  the  patent  rolls  picture  the  town  in  1401  as  so  devastated  by  disease,  war,  and 
natural  disaster  that  'scarcely  a  twentieth  part  of  it  is  now  inhabited.''1"  Lyme's  port  continued 
to  develop  in  the  fifteenth  century,  however,  exporting  locally-produced  cloth  and  importing 



various  goods  destined  for  the  Dorset  hinterland/"  By  the  sixteenth  century  the  town's  for 
tunes  were  again  improving;  Leland  said  Lyme  'hath  good  shippes  and  usith  fisshing  and 
marchauntice,'  commenting  also  on  the  wine  trade  with  Brittany."2  There  are  many  signs  of 
Lyme's  continued  revival  and  growth  in  the  sixteenth  century,  largely  connected  with  her 
continued  development  as  a  port.  Public  building  included  extension  of  the  church,  repair  of 
the  guildhall  and  almshouse,  and  maintenance  of  the  Cobb."s  Elizabeth's  reign  witnessed  Lyme's 
seamen's  involvement  in  profitable  smuggling  and  in  the  semi-legal  piracy  that  accompanied 
late  sixteenth-century  diplomacy:  according  to  Kenneth  R.  Andrews,  eleven  of  the  twenty-Six 
Dorset  privateers  operating  between  1  589  and  1  591  were  from  Lyme  Regis,  second  only  to 
Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis  among  the  Dorset  privateering  ports;  in  1 598  four  of  ten  Dorset 
privateers  came  from  Lyme.M 

On  the  basis  of  evidence  from  Dorset  port  books,  W.B.  Stephens  believes  Lyme  Regis  to 
be  the  most  prosperous  Dorset  port  in  the  early  seventeenth  century."'  His  analysis  does  not 
take  into  account  the  thriving  Newfoundland  trade  of  Poole  and  Weymouth  -  from  which 
Lyme  also  profited  after  1608'1"  -  but  it  is  nonetheless  suggestive  of  Lyme's  continued  growth 
and  relative  prosperity,  even  during  the  depression  years  of  the  1620s.  A  1618/19  royal  assess 
ment  of  the  ports  to  fund  an  expedition  against  Moorish  pirates  demanded  that  Lyme  Regis 
and  Weymouth  pay  four  times  as  much  as  Poole.''"  Stephens  suggests  that  Lyme  had  better 
physical  facilities  than  Poole  and  Weymouth  because  of  the  depth  and  protected  waters  of  its 
harbour,  which  a  visitor  of  1 635  said  was  'so  strongly  encompass'd,  as  they  feare  no  wracke  . . . 
although  they  have  incroach'd  so  farre  into  Neptunes  bosome.'''"  Stephens'  figures  show  Lyme 
exporting  almost  as  much  cloth  as  Weymouth  in  1622  and  considerably  more  than  both  Poole 
and  Weymouth  by  the  late  1630s,  importing  almost  as  much  wine  as  "Weymouth  and  much 
more  than  Poole  before  1640,  and  rapidly  expanding  both  imports  in  general  and  her  share 
of  Dorset  imports  before  1640.  During  this  period  Lyme  served  as  an  export  centre  for  cloth 
merchants  from  Bristol,  Bridgwater,  Chard,  Taunton,  Tiverton,  and  Exeter,  as  well  as  exporting 
cloth  produced  in  the  Dorset-Wiltshire-Berkshire  area;  she  also  'was  unique  in  being  the  only 
provincial  cloth  port  continuing  to  deal  chiefly  with  [the  French]  market  on  a  large  scale'  during 
the  l630s."'J  Evidence  of  the  town's  growing  sense  of  civic  pride  may  be  seen  in  the  construction 
of  a  new  town  hall  in  1612,  partly  financed  -  as  had  been  earlier  repairs  to  the  Cobb  -  by 
drawing  on  funds  intended  for  the  poor.7" 

Factionalism  about  religion,  social  conduct,  and  economic  activity  was  expressed  in  acrimo 
nious  and  reciprocal  attacks  in  both  religious  and  secular  courts  in  the  next  several  years.  All 
these  causes  of  social  discord  came  together  in  the  Star  Chamber  libel  suit  of  Robert  Salter  v. 
Benjamin  Cowper,  Richard  Harvey,  and  Edward  Rotheram.  The  conflict  had  an  economic 
basis  since  Salter  was  one  of  the  farmers  of  the  king's  customs  and  Cowper,  Harvey,  and 
Rotheram  were  officers  of  the  borough  engaged  in  the  same  work.  However,  their  allegedly 
libellous  attack  focused  on  Salter's  conduct,  which  they  represented  as  relentless,  adulterous 
sexual  hunting.  Given  the  inclusion  of  Robert  Hassard  and  John  Viney  among  the  confeder 
ates  of  this  libellous  action,  this  case  may  well  have  had  a  religious  aspect  as  well;  Hassard 
and  Viney  were  deprived  of  their  magistracy  by  an  order  of  the  town  council  in  October  1608 
in  part  because  they  were  supporters  and  special  favourites  of  John  Geare  'an  vnbeneficed 


Preacher  who  hath  bin  a  cause  of  great  factions  &  deuisions  amongst  vs.'7'  The  interactions 
among  Lyme's  citizens  at  this  time  were  very  complex,  far  more  complex  than  a  simple  binary 
opposition  between  moderate  and  radical  Protestant  factions.  John  Viney,  for  instance,  who 
lost  his  civic  office  because  of  his  loyalty  to  Geare,  fought  the  vicar  in  the  borough  court  for 
several  years  in  the  second  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century.72  And  John  Geare,  whose  activism 
probably  helped  put  an  end  to  the  Cobb  ale,  did  not  dominate  the  corporation;  indeed,  in 
1616  Lyme  parishioners  reported  their  vicar  for  over-zealous  Puritanism,  but  Bettey  describes 
the  town  as  strongly  Puritan  by  the  1630s/1 


Although  its  entrance  tends  to  silt  up  and  only  frequent  dredging  permits  the  passage  of  very 
large  vessels,  Poole  Harbour  is  one  of  the  world's  largest  natural  harbours.  The  medieval  town 
of  Poole  was  situated  on  a  rounded  and  very  visible  promontory  extending  into  the  protected 
harbour;  Leland  said  the  peninsula  'standith  almost  as  an  isle  in  the  hauen.'74  It  is  in  some 
ways  surprising  that  the  first  port  to  develop  in  the  harbour  was  not  at  Poole  but  at  the  Saxon 
settlement  of  Wareham  to  the  north  and  west. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  Poole,  then  merely  a  settlement  'at  the  edge  of  the  great  heath  and 
commons  belonging  to  the  parish  of  Canrord,"s  began  to  develop  as  a  settlement  of  fishermen 
and  traders;  the  town  acquired  the  right  to  hold  markets  and  fairs  by  1239  and  in  1248  the 
community  purchased  its  first  charter  from  William  Longespee,  lord  of  Canford  Manor. 
These  were  the  first  of  many  steps  in  Poole's  gradual  achievement  of  commercial  success  and 
greater  political  independence.'1' 

Medieval  Poole  continued  to  thrive  as  a  port  serving  the  Dorset  hinterland  and  as  a  haven 
for  ships  plying  the  coastal  and  Channel  trades.  Asked  to  supply  ships  to  Edward  I,  it  also  sent 
occasional  burgesses  to  fourteenth-century  parliaments.  Early  fourteenth-century  feuds  with 
the  Cinque  Ports  presaged  Poole's  recognition  as  their  equal  in  1364,  shortly  before  William 
Montacute,  earl  of  Salisbury,  sanctioned  its  mayoral  government  and  jurisdiction  over  breaches 
of  market  assizes.  Poole's  prosperity  as  a  port  made  it  not  only  the  home  base  for  the  pirate, 
Henry  Paye,  but  also  the  target  of  French  raids  during  the  fourteenth  century.  By  the  fifteenth 
century  Poole  had  become  the  richest  port  on  the  Dorset  coast.  The  wool  staple  was  moved 
to  Poole  from  Melcombe  Regis  in  1433  in  letters  patent  recognizing  Poole's  larger  population 
and  more  secure  harbour.  The  town  also  profited  from  a  lively  trade  with  the  Channel  Islands. 
In  1453  Poole's  mayor  and  bailiffs  received  jurisdiction  over  weekly  Thursday  markets  and 
two  week-long  annual  fairs  beginning  on  the  feast  of  the  apostles  Philip  and  James  (1  May) 
and  the  feast  of  All  Souls  (2  November);  after  1453  the  town  always  sent  two  members  to 

With  the  fifteenth-century  decline  of  the  wool  trade,  Poole  may  also  have  declined.  Leland 
insists  that  'Ther  be  men  alyue  yat  saw  almost  al  ye  town  of  Pole  kyuerid  with  segge  and  risshis,' 
but  by  the  1540s,  he  asserts,  the  town  has  recently  been  'much  encreasid  with  fair  building 
and  use  of  marchaundise. >?*  By  then  the  town  may  also  have  benefited  from  the  enterprise  of 
several  immigrant  families  from  the  Channel  Islands  who  were,  for  example,  to  provide  the 


town  with  five  sixteenth-century  mayors  named  Havilland.  Poole's  early  sixteenth-century 
record  books  reveal  the  town's  developing  civic  pride,  reflected  in  the  development  of  civic 
ceremony  and  the  quest  for  civic  autonomy  by  the  emerging  town  elite.  A  charter  from 
Henry  vni  exempted  the  town  from  admiralty  jurisdiction  (the  records  of  Poole's  court  of 
admiralty  date  from  the  1 550s).  Finally,  in  1 568,  after  a  great  deal  of  expense  and  effort,  Poole 
won  the  Great  Charter  that  made  the  town  a  separate  county  corporate.7" 

The  1568  charter  added  to  Poole's  autonomy,  probably  both  confirming  and  stimulating 
the  further  development  of  the  town's  civic  pride  and  spirit  of  enterprise.  The  records  reveal 
the  continuous  sixteenth-century  development  of  a  community  with  great  adaptability  and 
little  deference  to  outsiders.  With  the  Great  Charter,  Poole  acquired  legal  recognition  of  the 
relative  freedom  from  external  authority  that  in  some  senses  it  already  enjoyed.  Earlier  sixteenth- 
century  records  show  Poole's  mayor  or  bailiffs  exercising  many  of  the  powers  confirmed  by 
the  charter  and  assigned  to  the  mayor  or  to  the  new  sheriff.  County  status,  however,  provided 
an  unusually  strong  basis  for  preserving  town  autonomy  and  for  ensuring  the  role  of  prominent 
Poole  men  in  influencing  the  exercise  of  royal  authority  in  Poole  as  well  as  wielding  power  of 

their  own."" 

Although  many  south  coast  towns  suffered  reverses  in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  Poole  'maintained  distinct  prosperity  right  up  to  the  1580s.'*'  The  town's  population 
(1,200-1,400  in  the  early  Elizabethan  period)  grew  by  about  1.5  per  cent  per  year  for  at  least 
part  of  the  period,  growth  paralleled  by  substantial  public  and  private  building  and  by  growing 
overseas  trade,  which  partly  compensated  for  a  decline  in  Poole's  share  of  coastal  shipping. 
Periods  of  lively  building  and  commercial  activity  occurred  from  1520  to  1545  and  in  the 
1560s  and  1570s.  Before  the  1580s  the  brewing,  shipbuilding,  and  butchery  industries  were 
important  to  the  town  but  Poole's  main  business  was  commerce  and,  according  to  Tittler,  it 
proved  relatively  immune  to  the  competition  and  dominance  of  Elizabethan  London,  perhaps 
partly  because  of  the  diversity  of  Poole's  trade,  perhaps  partly  because  of  the  town's  healthy 
relationship  with  the  Channel  Islands."2  Only  in  the  1580s  did  Poole's  commercial  vigour 
decrease;  Tittler  suggests  that  by  then  the  decline  of  Poole's  coastal  trading  partners  hindered 
the  resale  of  its  imports.  Poole  was  also  troubled  by  epidemics  in  the  early  1  580s.  An  atmo 
sphere  of  crisis  may  also  have  been  generated  by  incompetent  government,  reflected  by  the 
enormous  debts  contracted  by  townsmen  who  had  financed  'over-expansion  and  . . .  bad 
management.'85  But  although  the  slump  was  to  last  until  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  Poole 
retained  commercial  viability  and  was  also  developing  new  areas  of  activity  during  the  late 
sixteenth  century. 

Poole's  interest  in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries  began  in  the  1550s  and  developed  steadily  in 
the  late  sixteenth  century.  In  1583  the  town  bailiff,  Christopher  Farwell,  thought  the  New 
foundland  trade  so  important  and  potentially  profitable  that  he  left  for  Newfoundland  despite 
his  office  and  without  the  town's  consent;  he  was  heavily  fined,  probably  as  a  part  of  the  parry 
quarrels  of  Poole's  leading  political  figures  of  the  period.  By  the  early  seventeenth  century, 
Poole  was  regularly  sending  ships  to  Newfoundland  and  re-exporting  several  hundred  pounds' 
worth  of  Newfoundland  fish  to  European  ports;  in  1619  the  mayor  claimed  that  the  'New 
foundland  fishery  and  one  other  trade  together  occupied  all  the  port's  shipping.'"4 


The  mayor's  comment,  however,  may  suggest  more  about  the  decline  of  Poole's  other 
commercial  activities  than  about  prosperity  based  on  Newfoundland  fish:  by  1622  Poole  was 
a  distant  third  to  Weymouth  and  Lyme  Regis  in  the  export  of  cloth  and  the  town  was  similarly 
placed  with  respect  to  the  import  of  wine  and  other  trade  by  the  1630s."  Despite  the  flexibil 
ity  that  led  her  merchants  to  change  their  cargoes  with  changing  markets  -  Poole  was,  for 
example,  shipping  considerable  tonnage  of  Purbeck  clay  for  tobacco  pipes  to  London  by  the 
1630s"1'  -  Poole's  fortunes  ebbed  in  the  seventeenth  century.  In  the  1620s  the  town  suffered 
from  the  general  depression  experienced  by  cloth  exporters  after  the  failure  of  the  Cokayne 
experiment.  One  of  several  ports  reporting  'shrinking  markets,  unfavourable  trading  conditions, 
credit  tightness  and  widening  poverty'  in  1621,  Poole  pleaded  her  poverty  to  avoid  taxation 
in  1622;*"  in  162$  Gerard  said  Poole  was  'much  fallen  from  the  pristine  Glorie,  yea,  and  soe 
much,  that  nowe  the  Houses  beginne  to  decaye  for  want  of  Dwellers.'""  In  the  1630s  the  town 
was  again  ravaged  by  plague  and  seems  not  to  have  recovered  its  prosperity  until  some  time 
after  the  Restoration. 

During  Edward  vi's  reign,  Thomas  Hancock,  one  of  the  more  avid  Puritan  preachers,  served 
as  curate  to  Poole's  church  of  St  James.  Hancock  himself  was  initially  distressed  because,  he 
said,  Poole's  citizens  'lacke  the  favor  and  frendship  of  the  godly  rewlars  and  governors  to  defend 
them,'  and  some  of  his  parish  walked  out  while  he  was  preaching.  The  town  remained  gener 
ally  Puritan  in  its  religious  preferences,  however,  although  in  Poole's  late  sixteenth-century 
internal  political  turmoil  it  is  unlikely  that  any  controversial  opinion  could  have  gone  un 
challenged.  Like  Dorchester  and  Weymouth,  Poole  supported  parliament  in  the  1640s."11 


Shaftesbury  was  one  of  King  Alfred's  three  Dorset  burhs;  it  was  built  on  the  flat-topped  spur 
of  a  high  down  in  the  northern  part  of  the  county.  Alfred  also  founded  a  Benedictine  abbey 
for  nuns  under  the  protection  of  the  fortress  walls  and,  perhaps  partly  because  Edward  the 
Martyr's  grave  was  there,  the  house  grew  to  be  England's  largest  and  richest  nunnery.  A  secular 
settlement  sprang  up  in  the  shadow  of  both  the  protective  fortress  and  the  prosperous  monastery, 
probably  profiting  from  the  patronage  of  both  at  various  times,  but  the  town  was  almost 
certainly  less  able  to  develop  as  an  independent  community  than  the  coastal  ports  or  Bland- 
ford  Forum.90 

Thus,  Shaftesbury's  prominence  and  role  in  the  countryside  were  very  ancient.  The  town 
had  perhaps  1,000  inhabitants  at  the  time  of  the  Domesday  survey  and  was  the  largest  of 
Dorset's  five  Domesday  boroughs;  its  prosperity  depended  on  both  the  prominence  of  its  abbey 
and  its  developing  economic  role  in  the  neighbourhood.'"  As  early  as  1252  Shaftesbury's 
charter  gave  assurance  that  the  king's  justices  would  regularly  visit  the  borough.  Despite  con 
fusing  jurisdictions  (the  town  lay  within  two  manors)  and  some  conflict  with  the  abbey,  the 
town  remained  generally  prosperous.  By  the  fourteenth  century  Shaftesbury  had  a  mayor  and 
constables,  although  both  king  and  abbess  continued  to  profit  from  the  town  market  and 
tolls.  Friction  between  abbey  and  the  town  may  have  had  several  sources:  the  abbey's  church 
was  large  and  beautiful  and,  as  at  Sherborne,  the  townspeople  had  to  make  do  with  a  much 



....alter  church  and  were  generally  barred  from  the  abbey  precincts.  After  the  abbey's  dissolu 
tion  in  1 539,  the  monastic  property  was  granted  to  Sir  Thomas  Arundell;  Sir  Thomas'  heir  let 
the  buildings  fall  into  ruins  and  they  came  eventually  to  serve  as  quarry  for  building  stone. '" 
By  the  sixteenth  century,  however,  Shaftesbury's  location  along  the  main  London-Exeter 
road  and  position  as  an  entrepot  between  the  Blackmoor  Vale  and  the  downlands  of  Wilt 
shire  and  Dorset  had  made  the  town  largely  independent  of  the  nunnery.  Although  it  is  a 
steep  climb  from  any  direction  except  the  northeast  and  the  town  had  to  be  supplied  with  water 
from  communities  down  the  slopes,  Shaftesbury  served  as  the  major  distributor  of  much  of 
the  grain  grown  in  the  countryside.  Town  markets  also  sold  fish  and  salt  and  other  goods  as 
well:  ironware,  candles,  gloves,  leather,  and  cloth  are  among  the  wares  listed  by  Bettey;  Shaftes 
bury's  fairs  were  held  the  Saturday  before  Palm  Sunday,  22  November,  and  for  the  four  days 
before  and  four  days  after  Midsummer  Day  (24  June)."  By  the  seventeenth  century  its  role 
as  a  town  with  'one  of  the  most  frequented  of  all  the  markets  in  the  region""  enabled  Shaftes 
bury  to  support  twenty-four  licensed  inns  and  alehouses,  although  the  numbers  of  the  poor 
grew  as  well.''s  An  active  Puritan  faction  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  seems  not  to  have 
prevailed;  Shaftesbury  was  the  home  of  a  disproportionate  number  of  royalist  pensioners  after 
the  Civil  War.1"'  A  charter  of  James  I  (1604)  incorporated  the  ancient  borough;  the  borough's 
pride  is  evident  in  its  public  building  (a  new  hall  in  1  568  and  possibly  another  in  the  1620s, 
according  to  Tittler'^)  and  in  the  town's  faithful  adherence  to  its  traditional  ceremonial. 


Sherborne  nestles  between  the  hills  that  surround  the  Yeo  River  valley  of  northwest  Dorset, 
near  enough  to  the  Somerset  border  so  that  the  town  has  sometimes  had  more  developed 
relationships  with  Somerset  than  with  other  Dorset  communities.  Made  the  episcopal  see  of 
the  Saxon  diocese  in  the  early  eighth  century,  the  town  continued  to  grow  both  as  a  service 
centre  for  its  ecclesiastical  core  and  as  a  market  town,  even  after  the  bishop  transferred  to 
Salisbury  in  1075,  for  by  then  a  large  abbey  for  Benedictine  monks  had  grown  up  in  Sherborne. 
In  the  early  twelfth  century  Salisbury's  bishop  built  a  castle  outside  the  town;  the  castle  was 
designed  primarily  as  a  domestic  residence  and  was  near  an  extensive  deer  park.'"  Taken  over 
by  the  Crown  in  the  1 140s,  the  castle  remained  a  potential  local  customer  for  trade  and  services, 
and  the  town  could  also  profit  from  its  position  on  the  main  London-Exeter  road. 

The  town  grew  as  a  market  centre,  always  dominated  by  the  great  abbey  at  its  core  and  its 
relationship  to  its  manorial  landlord,  the  bishop  of  Salisbury.  The  bishop's  men  also  controlled 
the  hundred  courts  that  had  jurisdiction  over  Sherborne  and  Sherborne's  abbot  had  a  voice  in 
the  bishop's  chapter  in  Salisbury.  The  thirteenth-century  markets  and  fairs  of  the  community 
proved  profitable;  in  the  sixteenth  and  early  seventeenth  centuries  the  town  'for  Largenesse, 
Frequencie  of  Inhabitants,  and  quicke  Marketts,  giveth  place  to  none  in  these  Partes.''w 

Like  Shaftesbury,  the  community  of  Sherborne  was  sometimes  restive  under  the  domination 
of  a  large  and  wealthy  monastery.  Originally  the  townspeople  worshipped  in  the  nave  of 
St  Mary's,  the  abbey  church;  later  the  townspeople  met  in  All  Hallows',  Sherborne,  a  small 
chapel  of  ease  built  close  to  the  west  end  of  the  abbey  church  in  the  fourteenth  century.""'  The 


All  Hallows'  priest  was  subordinated  to  the  abbot  as  rector  of  Sherborne  and  incumbent  of  the 
prebend  belonging  to  the  abbot  and  monastic  congregation.  Tithes  and  other  parish  revenue 
had  been  appropriated  to  the  prebend  in  1091.""  By  the  fifteenth  century  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  number  of  long-standing  disputes  between  the  parish  congregation  and  the  monastic 
community,  notably  a  suit  in  the  bishop's  court  in  which  the  monks  opposed  a  new  parish 
baptismal  font.  The  lay  congregation  claimed  their  font  was  needed  because  the  monks  had 
narrowed  the  processional  door  connecting  All  Hallows'  ambulatory  to  the  west  end  of  St  Mary's. 
The  quarrels  remained  intense  even  after  an  episcopal  attempt  to  reconcile  the  disputants 
and  in  1436  the  townsmen  reportedly  set  fire  to  the  roof  of  the  abbey  church  with  a  flaming 
arrow.  Although  they  were  forced  to  contribute  to  rebuilding  St  Mary's,  it  was  at  this  time 
that  All  Hallows'  became  an  independent,  parochial  church."12  A  further  contemporary  sign  of 
the  growing  autonomy  of  the  rown  community  may  be  seen  in  the  fifteenth-century  develop 
ment  of  the  community  almshouse.  In  granting  letters  patent  empowering  the  masters  of  the 
almshouse  as  a  corporation,  Henry  vi  was  both  recognizing  the  recent  efforts  of  local  philan 
thropists  and  providing  a  structure  for  community  action.  A  building  drive  was  shortly  underway 
and  new  almshouses  were  soon  built  with  funds  raised  by  a  house-to-house  collection;  the 
institution  remained  a  focus  for  civic  charity  and  civic  spirit  throughout  the  period  before  the 
English  Civil  War."" 

The  Reformation  made  possible  the  development  of  still  more  autonomous  town  institutions. 
After  the  Dissolution  the  abbey  passed  to  Sir  John  Horsey,  a  privy  councillor  and  former 
steward  of  the  monastery.  He  in  turn  sold  St  Mary's  Church  to  the  vicar  and  parish  of  Sherborne 
at  100  marks  for  the  abbey  church;  the  roof  leads  and  bells  brought  the  total  to  nearly  £250. "* 
The  parish  promptly  tore  down  tiny  All  Hallows'  and  parochial  life  henceforth  was  centred 
in  the  same  church  that  still  effectively  dominates  Sherborne's  landscape.  Although  the  parish 
was  annexed  —  with  the  rest  of  Dorset  -  to  the  newly-formed  diocese  of  Bristol  in  1542,  the 
manor  and  castle  of  Sherborne  continued  to  belong  to  the  estates  of  the  bishop  of  Salisbury, 
and  Sherborne  was  one  of  the  parishes  in  the  peculiars  that  continued  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  diocese  of  Salisbury.  The  see  of  Bristol  was  also  vacant  for  much  of  Elizabeth's  reign  and 
the  parish  perhaps  gained  autonomy  because  of  the  unenforceable  and  conflicting  claims  of 
powerful  and  absent  ecclesiastics.  Moreover,  Sir  John  Horsey  obtained  the  farm  of  the  prebend 
of  Sherborne,  which,  before  the  Dissolution,  had  supplied  revenue  to  Sherborne's  vicar  as 
well  as  to  Sherborne  Abbey's  abbot  and  sacrist;  Sir  John  and  his  heirs  enjoyed  the  revenues 
from  the  leased  lands  of  the  prebend  until  the  early  seventeenth  century;  thus,  after  about  1540 
the  income  Sherborne's  vicar  received  was  inadequate  to  attract  powerful  clergy.1"''  A  single 
vicar  held  sway  from  1 538  to  1 566;  interestingly  enough  he  and  the  parish  apparently  cooper 
ated  in  adapting  to  the  prevailing  religious  winds  during  that  period.""'  Some  later  clerics 
accepted  the  Sherborne  living  only  on  condition  that  their  income  be  supplemented  from  other 
sources  and  this  may  sometimes  have  made  them  dependent  on  the  continued  goodwill  of 
neighbouring  lords  like  the  Horseys  or  on  the  townspeople  themselves;  other  vicars  did  not 
live  in  Sherborne.1"7  For  a  time  Sherborne's  churchwardens  may  have  been  more  independent 
of  the  incumbent  than  were  those  in  other  parishes.  Although  after  1632  the  Sherborne  vicar 
was  a  Puritan  preacher  and  the  town's  autonomy  may  have  dwindled,  Underdown  can  still 
refer  to  mid-century  Sherborne  as  the  'least  puritan  town  in  the  entire  west  country.'"' 


Fragmentary  evidence  shows  the  existence  of  a  medieval  grammar  school  in  Sherborne, 
closely  associated  with  the  abbey,  although  the  schoolmaster  seems  to  have  been  a  layman  by 
the  1530s.  Lands  of  five  suppressed  Dorset  chantries  were  used  by  Edward  vi  to  endow  a  new 
grammar  school  in  1 550.  Men  who  became  governors  of  the  school  might  also  have  held  office 
as  masters  or  brethren  of  the  almshouse  corporation  or  as  churchwardens  of  the  parish;  all 
three  institutions  thus  became  foci  for  growing  community  feeling  and  civic  pride,  particularly 
among  Sherborne's  multi-occupational  elite  citizens.11"  Members  of  the  corporations  of  the 
almshouse  and  the  school  took  the  reversion  of  the  lease  of  the  bishop  of  Salisbury's  fairs  and 
markets  in  Sherborne  in  1582,  in  Fowler's  opinion  a  distinct  stage  in  the  'evolution  of  the 

town's  freedom  from  manorial  control. After  that  date  community  records  increasingly  use 

the  word  'town'  to  refer  to  an  autonomous  entity,  according  to  Joseph  Fowler;  he  suggests  that 
by  the  end  of  the  century  community  affairs  were  beginning  to  pass  from  the  hands  of  the  lay 
churchwardens  to  some  body  made  up  of  the  townspeople. 

Almshouse,  parish,  and  eventually  school  were  also  active  in  the  economic  life  of  a  town 
that  was  enjoying  at  least  modest  growth  as  a  market  centre.  Each  of  the  three  institutions 
derived  revenue  from  shops  and  the  like,  and  each  might  build  so  as  deliberately  to  take  advant 
age  of  greater  opportunities  for  commercial  rentals.  A  good  example  of  the  phenomenon  may 
be  seen  in  the  history  of  the  parish  church  house,  also  of  interest  because  its  upper  storey  was 
used  for  both  church  ales  and  later  dramatic  productions.  A  series  of  false  starts  was  finally 
concluded  in  the  1520s  by  the  decision  to  build  a  church  house  with  a  large  upper-storey  room 
and  a  well-equipped  kitchen,  enabling  it  to  function  as  a  parish  hall,  and  with  several  ground- 
floor  shops  that  could  be  let  to  tenants  for  income  that  would  help  to  support  the  main  build- 


But  if  the  parish  was  growing  in  independence  and  civic  pride,  and  the  economy  of  market- 
minded  Sherborne  seems  generally  prosperous  during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries, 
the  town  was  still  less  independent  than  other  large  Dorset  towns,  perhaps  because  of  the 
continued  presence  in  the  town  of  important  landlords  and  its  close  proximity  to  the  seat  of  a 
prominent  family.  Sherborne  Old  Castle,  still  standing  until  it  was  destroyed  in  the  Civil  War, 
was  joined  in  the  1590s  by  Sherborne  Castle,  built  to  replace  an  early  Tudor  hunting  lodge 
by  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  who  had  first  admired  Sherborne  on  a  journey  from  London  to  Plymouth, 
and  who  found  Sherborne  a  congenial  place  to  live  after  his  amorous  adventures  lost  him 
favour  with  Elizabeth.  While  there  he  was  feted  by  the  town,  served  as  MP  for  Dorset,  and 
organized  a  salon  society  of  intellectuals  who  may  have  dabbled  in  magic  and  certainly  aroused 
suspicions  of  heterodoxy  among  their  more  orthodox  neighbours."2  Ralegh  was  based  at 
Sherborne  when  he  sailed  for  Guiana,  Cadiz,  the  Azores,  and  Jersey.  After  Ralegh's  attainder 
and  imprisonment,  Sherborne  Castle  passed  through  several  hands;  by  1620  the  lease  had  been 
sold  to  Sir  John  Digby,  later  first  earl  of  Bristol. 


The  shelter  of  the  remarkable  limestone  formations  of  Portland  Bill  and  of  the  peculiar  deposit 
of  sea-swept  stones  that  forms  the  eighteen  miles  of  Chesil  Beach  make  the  mouth  of  the  Wey 
a  natural  and  pleasant  harbour.  Although  there  is  some  evidence  of  earlier  settlement,  both 


the  medieval  towns  that  attempted  to  use  and  profit  from  the  harbour  date  from  the  thirteenth 
century.  Weymouth  was  founded  before  1244  on  a  narrow  strip  of  land  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river  where  it  leads  from  the  placid  waters  of  Radipole  Lake  to  Weymouth  Bay  itself. 
Weymouth's  church  was  a  dependent  chapel  of  Wyke  Regis,  a  rural  village  on  top  of  the  steep 
hill  rising  sharply  behind  the  town.  A  bailiff  and  a  royal  steward  headed  the  sixteenth-century 
town  government.  Facing  Weymouth  from  less  than  a  sixty-yard  ferry  ride  across  the  Wey 
River,  Melcombe  Regis  was  established  by  1268  on  a  peninsula  perhaps  3/8  mile  wide,  between 
Radipole  Lake  on  the  west  and  Weymouth  Bay  on  the  east.  Melcombe  became  a  borough  in 
1280  and  Edward  in  granted  the  town  an  eight-day  fair  on  the  eve,  day,  morrow  and  five 
days  following  the  feast  of  St  Botolph  (17  June).  Medieval  Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis 
seem  to  have  had  similar  populations;  in  each  the  more  well-to-do  townsmen  made  their  livings 
from  trade.  Both  were  summoned  to  send  members  to  parliament  from  the  early  fourteenth 
century.  Vulnerable  like  other  Dorset  coast  towns  to  the  depredations  of  pirates  and  of  the 
French  during  the  late  fourteenth-century  wars,  and  the  site  of  the  first  devastating  inroads 
of  the  Black  Death  in  1349,  Melcombe  Regis  was  decayed  enough  in  the  early  fifteenth 
century  for  the  king  to  transfer  the  wool  staple  to  Poole. "3 

Both  towns  grew  in  the  early  sixteenth  century,  both  apparently  profiting  from  the  rise  of 
overseas  trade  in  the  reign  of  Henry  vui.  But  by  the  1 560s  the  towns  were  continually  embroiled 
in  competition  for  control  of  the  harbour  and  its  shipping,  vying  for  rights  to  collect  customs, 
maintain  wharves,  and  so  on.  Disputes  between  them  were  supposedly  formally  resolved  in 
1564  but  neither  that  agreement  nor  the  forced  union  of  the  two  boroughs  in  1571  'saving 
their  ancient  liberties  and  privileges,'  ended  the  controversy  between  them."'1  The  corporation 
created  by  the  union  was  to  be  governed  by  a  mayor,  two  bailiffs  (whom  Weymouth  saw  as 
continuations  of  her  pre-union  government),  six  aldermen,  and  twenty-four  capital  burgesses, 
with  the  aldermen  and  burgesses  forming  a  council.  But  until  1 597,  when  a  bridge  across  the 
Wey  physically  united  the  two  towns,  the  governments  and  citizens  of  the  boroughs  continued 
to  be  at  odds;  lengthy  and  acrimonious  disputes  were  accompanied  by  reciprocal  arrests  and 
lawsuits.  The  bridge  induced  rich  Weymouth  men  to  settle  in  expanding  Melcombe  Regis 
and  by  1616,  when  letters  patent  of  James  I  cleared  up  remaining  ambiguities  about  the  form 
of  the  union,  the  town  was  more  peaceful.  The  late  sixteenth-century  records,  however,  are 
dominated  by  internecine  fights  between  the  formerly  independent  towns. 

They  are  also  dominated  by  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis'  adaptations  to  the  opportunities 
of  Tudor  economic  growth.  Perhaps  not  so  forward  in  the  Newfoundland  trade  as  Poole,  by 
the  early  decades  of  the  seventeenth  century  Weymouth  would  be  as  active  as  her  Dorset  rival 
in  the  trade  and  transshipment  of  Newfoundland  fish  to  continental  ports.  Together  with 
Lyme  Regis,  Weymouth  was  active  in  privateering  attacks  on  Spanish  shipping,  activities  that 
brought  considerable  wealth  to  prominent  families  of  both  boroughs.  There  also  seems  to  have 
been  a  great  deal  of  piracy  in  the  town,  although  the  distinction  between  privateering  and  piracy 
was  not  always  clear.  Judging  from  the  expansion  of  the  town  settlement  on  the  Melcombe 
Regis  peninsula  in  the  Elizabethan  and  early  Stuart  periods,  the  town  seems  to  have  grown 
rapidly,  dominated,  as  one  might  expect,  by  merchant  families.  Community  experience  was 
also  coloured  by  more  than  ordinarily  bitter  local  politics  and  more  than  ordinarily  complex 
relations  (for  such  a  relatively  small  town)  with  the  national  courts  and  central  government. 



In  the  seventeenth  century,  although  hampered  by  the  low  draught  of  her  harbour,  Weymouth- 
Melcombe  Regis  came  to  outstrip  Poole  as  a  port,  particularly  in  the  export  of  cloth  before  the 
slump  of  the  1620s;  by  the  1630s  Weymouth's  cloth  exports  were  clearly  declining  but  the 
port  continued  to  be  an  important  importer  of  wine  and  her  general  trade  continued  to  exceed 
Poole's,  although  lagging  behind  that  of  Lyme  Regis." 

Since  both  Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis  were  served  by  dependent  chapels  during  most 
of  the  period  (a  newly  built  church  in  Melcombe  Regis  was  finally  made  parochial  in  1606), 
in  neither  town  did  the  parish  church  serve  as  a  focus  fot  community  activity.  Puritan  influence 
may  be  seen  in  the  early  seventeenth-century  municipal  court's  stern  attitude  to  tippling  or 
games  on  the  sabbath  or  during  evening  service  and  Bettey  describes  the  town  as  'strongly 
Puritan' by  the  1630s.'"' 


Jude  James  subtitles  his  1982  history  of  Wimborne  Minster  'A  Country  Town,'  a  title  connoting 
Wimborne's  past  and  present  central  function  as  market  place  for  the  surrounding  country 
side."7  The  town  is  still  dominated  visually  by  the  imposing  minster  church  and  its  dual  cent- 
rality  in  the  religious  and  commercial  affairs  of  a  large  area  was  the  community's  distinctive 
trait  for  the  whole  of  its  early  history.  Indeed,  when  sources  mention  'Wimborne  Minster'  it 
is  often  not  clear  whether  what  is  meant  is  the  town  itself  or  the  much  larger  rural  parish, 
including  the  several  villages  within  the  parish.  The  site  of  the  town,  where  the  Allen  River 
flows  into  the  Stour,  is  'so  low  you  have  to  cross  water  from  almost  every  approach,'"*  and 
much  of  the  surrounding  country  was  heathland  and  did  not  encourage  such  dense  settlement 
as  the  valleys  of  western  Dorset,  for  example.  A  settlement  at  Wimborne  may  have  preceded 
the  eighth-century  founding  of  a  Benedictine  nunnery  there  by  Cuthburga,  the  sister  of  King 
Ine  of  Wessex;  the  town,  however,  flourished  after  the  monastery  was  founded  and  the  church 
was,  by  the  time  of  Alfred  the  Great,  a  minster  at  the  centre  of  a  huge  rural  parish  with  several 
dependent  chapels.  In  the  late  tenth  century  the  monastery  was  probably  destroyed  by  Danish 
raids;  it  was  converted,  perhaps  by  Edward  the  Confessor,  into  a  house  for  a  dean  and  college 
of  secular  canons.  By  the  time  of  the  Conquest  the  town  had  developed  into  a  'small  and 
flourishing  township  with  the  monastic  church  at  its  centre,'  a  township  with  close  connections 
to  several  manors  at  least  partly  within  the  parish,  and  a  town  whose  inhabitants  generally 
depended,  directly  or  indirectly,  on  agriculture  for  their  livings."9 

The  college  of  canons  came  to  include  chaplains  for  the  dependent  chapels  of  St  Peter  in  the 
Wimborne  town  square,  St  Catherine  at  Leigh,  and  St  Stephen  at  Kingston  Lacy,  and  Wim 
borne  was  also  a  royal  free  chapel  with  considerable  independence  from  the  diocesan  bishop. 
This  freedom  was  reflected  in  the  status  of  the  parish  as  a  royal  peculiar  with  its  own  ecclesi 
astical  court.  By  1218  the  town  had  a  market  under  the  minster's  dean  and  was  growing  both 
to  the  south  on  minster  property  and  in  the  present  East  and  West  Boroughs,  perhaps  creations 
of  the  lords  of  Kingston  Lacy,  who  ran  markets  in  competition  with  the  dean's  market.  Sim 
ilarly  both  the  manorial  courts  of  Kingston  Lacy  and  those  of  the  dean  held  jurisdiction  over 
some  Wimborne  parishioners.12" 

The  Black  Death  must  have  greatly  reduced  the  parish  population  (estimated  by  James  at 


slightly  over  1,400  in  about  1330;  the  town  itself  had  a  population  then  of  about  325).  Demo 
graphic  loss  probably  occasioned  the  desertion  of  the  Leaze,  that  part  of  the  expanded  town 
on  land  controlled  by  Wimborne's  dean,121  and  probably  resulted  in  the  beginnings  of  the 
gradual  conversion  of  much  of  the  land  in  the  parish  to  copyhold  tenure,  a  process  that  began  in 
the  early  fifteenth  century.  Both  markets  and  two  annual  fairs  at  nearby  Pamphill  -  on  the  feast 
of  St  Luke  (18  October)  and  the  feast  of  St  Thomas  the  Martyr  (29  December)  -  contributed 
to  the  parish  revenues  after  1496;  the  parish  fair  of  St  Cuthburga  was  on  31  August.122  At 
least  from  the  early  fifteenth  century  the  parish  churchwardens  had  considerable  responsibility 
for  maintaining  the  minster  building  and  managing  the  properties  and  functions  that  provided 
the  church  revenues.  These  included  several  church  houses  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries  and  the  proceeds  of  church  ales  and  church  'cakes,'  as  well  as  rent  from  several 
properties  in  the  parish.  For  most  purposes  the  town  as  a  secular  community  and  the  parish 
are  indistinguishable  before  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  Leland  tells  us  that  the  early  sixteenth- 
century  town  was  'meatly  good  and  reasonably  welle  inhabitid.'12 

Some  conflict  -  notably  in  1539  -  preceded  the  dissolution  of  the  college  of  canons  and 
the  minster  chantries  in  1547.  The  Wimborne  community  was  particularly  upset  by  the 
threat  to  their  college-run  school,  founded  by  Henry  vn's  mother,  Margaret  Beaufort,  and 
determinedly  continued  by  the  parish  in  the  years  following  the  Dissolution,  despite  royal 
interference  and  inadequate  resources.  In  1563  Elizabeth  yielded  to  petitions  from  the  parish 
and  granted  Wimborne  a  charter,  establishing  a  corporation  to  run  both  town  and  grammar 
school,  the  latter  endowed  with  many  of  the  former  properties  of  the  Wimborne  canons.124 
The  twelve  Elizabethan  governors  of  church  and  school  also  appointed  an  official  to  preside 
over  the  ecclesiastical  peculiar  court. l2' 

Although  Wimborne  undoubtedly  experienced  some  social  dislocation  during  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  the  general  impression  left  by  the  Wimborne  records  is  that  of  a 
sleepy  country  town,  dominated  by  what  continued  to  be  overwhelmingly  local  concerns.  Many 
of  the  same  individuals  served  as  both  churchwardens  and  governors  of  the  grammar  school; 
they  could  also,  through  the  peculiar  court,  supervise  much  of  the  life  of  the  town.  As  late  as 
the  1 590s  the  parish  of  Wimborne  seems  to  have  had  an  unusual  number  of  CauHolic  recusants; 
Thomas  Norman,  the  Wimborne  minister  after  1597,  also  offended  many  of  the  church 
wardens  and  sidesmen  with  his  Puritan  views  and  preaching.  Town  dissension  arising  from 
such  diversity  of  religious  views  is  reflected  in  the  records  of  the  peculiar  court,  quoted  extens 
ively  below  for  their  references  to  local  festival  and  games.  Devastation  by  plague  in  1638 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  of  more  importance  to  the  community  than  economic  change 
or  religious  controversy.  The  spirit  of  the  age  was  also  shown  in  the  endowment  of  a  number 
of  late  sixteenth-  and  early  seventeenth-century  charities.12'' 

Miscellaneous  Parishes 

Three  of  the  scattered  parishes  represented  in  the  records  were  of  some  importance  in  the  six 
teenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  Beammster  and  Bere  Regis  were  commercial  centres,  Corfe 
Castle  a  focus  of  military  and  judicial  authority. 



Today  Beaminster  is  a  charming  village  in  a  lovely  west  Dorset  vale  at  the  head  of  the  Brit 
River  valley,  north  of  Bridport  and  west  of  Sherborne.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  Leland 
described  it:  'Bemistre  is  a  praty  market  town  'in  Dorsetshire1  and  usith  much  housbandry 
and  lyith  in  one  streat  from  north  to  south:  and  in  a  nother  from  west  to  est.'  Leland  also 
stressed  the  subordination  of  Beaminster's  chapel  of  ease  to  Netherbury's  parish  church,  as 
well  as  its  closeness  to  Salisbury.127  A  local  historian  estimates  that  the  population  grew  from 
less  than  500  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  about  1 ,350  in  1642,  growth  sup 
ported  by  Beaminster's  participation  in  cloth  manufacture  and  hemp  growing  as  well  as  by 
its  market.12"  Leland  comments  that  the  land  from  Bridport  to  Netherbury  and  on  to  Beaminster 
'is  in  an  exceding  good  and  almost  the  best  uain  of  ground  for  corne  and  pasture  and  wood 
yat  is  in  al  Dorsetshire.'12 

From  the  time  of  the  Conquest  when  the  manor  at  Beaminster  had  been  part  of  the  endow 
ments  of  the  episcopal  see  relocated  at  Salisbury,  Beaminster  had  ordinarily  boasted  little 
self-government.  The  town  market  was  granted  in  the  thirteenth  century  and  the  town  may 
have  become  a  'minor  trading  centre'  with  some  craftsmen  as  citizens  by  the  first  half  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  Some  sense  of  community  may  be  seen  in  the  extension  of  the  church  in 
the  fifteenth  century  and  the  building  of  a  market  house  in  1626.  During  Elizabeth's  reign 
quarter  sessions  were  held  in  Beaminster,  probably  because  it  was  the  most  convenient  central 
town  in  the  relatively  underpopulated  western  reaches  of  Dorset.13" 

The  village  of  Bere  Regis  was  the  centre  of  a  manor  at  the  intersection  of  chalk  downlands 
east  of  Dorchester  and  of  forest  country  extending  east  to  Poole  Harbour.  King  John  frequently 
visited  the  manor.  By  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  it  was  held  jointly  by  the  nuns  of 
Tarrant  Keynston  (southeast  of  Blandford)  and  the  Turberville  family;  after  the  Dissolution  the 
whole  was  held  by  the  Turbervilles,  who  lived  in  a  manor  house  within  sight  of  the  parish 
church.131  The  latter  dates  from  at  least  the  twelfth  century  and  Bere  was  a  market  town  by  the 
end  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  wealth  of  the  village  was  almost  certainly  increased  by  the 
annual  celebrations  at  the  September  fair  on  Woodbury  Hill,  a  nearby  Iron  Age  hill  fort;  the 
fair  was  important  enough  for  seventeenth-century  communities  several  miles  away  to  date 
their  records  by.  Fires  in  1633  and  1634  consumed  much  of  the  town;  damage  was  estimated 
at  about  £7000,  which  small  grants  from  the  county  and  neighbouring  towns  can  have  done 
little  to  alleviate.132 

Corfe  Castle  originated  in  a  Saxon  village  and  a  Norman  keep  commanding  a  break  in  the 
long  chain  of  chalk  downs  running  across  the  Isle  of  Purbeck,  a  'natural  gate  ...  in  to  the  most 
fertile  part  of  the  peninsula.'133  Nestled  in  the  shadow  of  the  castle  hill,  the  medieval  town 
profited  greatly  from  its  role  in  the  quarrying  and  shipping  of  Purbeck  marble  for  which  there 
was  something  of  a  national  market.  Corfe  markets  and  fairs  date  from  the  early  thirteenth 
century,  although  the  town  was  not  incorporated  until  the  sixteenth  century,  a  period  when 
the  influence  of  the  relatively  important  holders  of  the  castle  tended  to  dwarf  any  independent 
stirrings  on  the  part  of  the  village.1"  Elizabeth  made  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  constable  of  the 
castle  and  vice  admiral  of  the  Isle  of  Purbeck  c  1571,  creating  an  enclave  of  independent 
jurisdiction  for  Hatton.  The  mayor  of  Corfe  Castle  was  to  hold  petty  sessions  twice  annually, 
and  Purbeck  was  exempted  from  Dorset  jurisdiction.  Something  of  the  castle's  influence  may 


be  seen  in  the  requirement  that  a  Purbeck  father  obtain  the  constable's  permission  to  marry 
his  daughter  to  a  Dorsetman.  Hatton  ordinarily  ruled  Corfe  itself  through  his  deputy, 
Francis  Hawley.  Another  prominent  castle  constable  was  Sir  John  Bankes,  attorney-general 
to  Charles  I,  appointed  to  Corfe  in  1635.'" 

Local  Customs,  Music, 
and  Drama 

Much  of  the  performance  activity  in  Dorset  was  local  in  origin.  Church  ales  and  drinkings 
under  civic  sponsorship,  musters  and  maypoles,  Dorset-born  fiddlers  and  fortune-tellers,  bon 
fires  and  bell-ringing,  parish  plays  and  Corpus  Christi  processions  and,  of  course,  all  the  games 
people  played  (legally  and  illegally)  when  they  were  not  playing  plays'"'  combined  to  produce 
a  rich,  varied  cultural  scene.  Assessing  how  widespread  and  long-standing  such  activities  were 
is  difficult  because  the  records  often  document  only  those  events  at  which  something  occurred 
ro  attract  the  attention  of  ecclesiastical  or  civic  authorities.  Had  Benjamin  Goodwin  not  shot 
'a  piece  into  the  church  at  Puddleton'  during  the  Whitson  ale  in  1617,  no  trace  of  that  sea 
sonal  custom  there  would  survive."7  Had  the  city  fathers  of  Cerne  Abbas  not  turned  their 
maypole  into  a  ladder  (see  p  169),  had  some  of  the  citizens  of  Wimborne  Minster  not  forni 
cated  'at  the  setting  vpp  of  a  may  pole  in  Spettisbury'  (see  p  275),  had  the  mayor  of  Poole  not 
interfered  with  the  use  of  a  maypole  with  'a  parret  vppon  the  topp  therof  (see  p  245),  had  a 
'good  man  Paul'  not  died,  'smitten  by  the  stroke  of  God,'  because  of  his  determination  to  see 
the  summer  pole  set  up  at  Symondsbury  (see  p  276),  we  would  have  scant  evidence  of  the 
survival  of  this  popular  custom  in  Dorset.  Similarly  some  bullbaitings,  some  drumming,  some 
singing  and  dancing  by  individuals,  and  one  performance  by  a  disguised  morris  dancer  were 
noticed  because  they  occurred  at  the  time  of  divine  service  or  in  the  middle  of  the  night. 

Such  evidence,  however,  is  misleading  to  the  extent  that  it  suggests  that  there  was  a  solid, 
steadily  increasing  block  of  opposition  to  such  forms  of  celebration.  In  Dorset  there  was  on 
going  debate  about  such  practices."*  William  Whiteway,  writing  in  1633  about  the  reissuing 
of  The  kings  majesties  declaration  . . .  concerning  lawfitl  sports,  suggested  what  tensions  existed 
when  he  noted  that  ministers  were  required  to  publish  the  book  in  church  but  'diuerse  in 
conscience  refused  to  do,  &  many  after  they  had  read  it  shewd  that  it  was  against  the  word  of 
God.  'y'  In  spite  of  such  clerical  opposition  some  civic  authorities  supported  such  festivities. 
As  late  as  1641,  for  example,  the  city  fathers  of  Weymouth  (where  a  maypole  had  been  so 
important  a  landmark  that,  even  after  it  had  been  taken  down,  it  was  used  to  locate  other  things 
and  places)  spent  3s  on  a  maypole  at  Wyke  Regis  (see  p  283).  Although  Shaftesbury's  early 
records  are  fragmentary  they  also  include  evidence  in  1655-6,  1662,  and  thereafter  until  1830 
that  the  borough  continued  to  observe  its  annual  custom."1"  In  Lyme  Regis  John  Geare,  the 
zealous  vicar  whom  several  historians  credit  with  the  demise  of  the  Cobb  ale,141  failed  to  extirp 
ate  all  such  activities.   Even  after  thirty  years  in  Lyme  he  had  to  accept  local  citizens  making 


bonfires  on  Sundays  and  holy  days  'for  the  Christninge  of  Apples'  (see  p  224).  Indeed  he  some 
times  had  to  contend  with  them,  as  on  Ascension  Day  1635  when  one  William  Alford,  'callinge 
himself  a  Captaine,'  disturbed  the  morning  prayer  and  Geare's  sermon  by  organizing  a  muster 
of  men  who  marked  the  occasion  with  'Gunninge  and  drumminge  and  shootinge'  (see  p  224). 
Perhaps  the  best  indication  that  opposition  to  civic  festivities  and  entertainments  did  not  build 
steadily  toward  1642  and  Cromwell's  regime  is  to  be  found  in  the  visitation  articles  for  the 
diocese.  From  1569  to  1640  episcopal  visitation  articles  register  the  abiding  anxiety  about  pro 
fane  uses  of  the  church  by  lords  of  misrule,  dancers,  minstrels,  and  participants  in  may  games 
or  by  those  enjoying  plays,  feasts,  or  ales  (see  pp  113-116). 

Several  Dorset  communities  had  their  'olde  custums,'  traditional,  ritualized  celebrations 
peculiar  to  specific  boroughs  or  parishes  and  employing  basic  elements  of  drama:  procession, 
spectacle,  costume,  role-playing,  music,  dance.  Annually  on  Whitsunday  morning  citizens  of 
Lyme  Regis  marched  forth  with  a  flag,  drummer,  and  other  musicians  to  gather  boughs  and 
returned  for  breakfast  at  the  Cobb  house  (see  pp  222-3).  At  Wimborne  Minster  'the  great 
cacke  was  browght  thorowe  the  churche'  and  in  Bridport  there  was  a  riding  of  the  jack-o-lent 
(see  p  138). I4;  Hocktide  was  the  season  for  fund-raising  by  the  women  of  Charlton  Marshall 
probably  in  1600  and  certainly  in  1603-4,  Poole  in  1573-4,  and  Blandford  Forum  from  1567 
until  1617.  Bridport,  Netherbury,  and  Poole  also  had  collections  or  ales  associated  with  Robin 
Hood.  The  records  of  Netherbury  suggest  that  acting  was  involved  since  in  1568,  according 
to  an  undated  commonplace  book  probably  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  people  kept  their 
Whitsunday  ales  and  'had  their  Robert  hoode  and  Littell  lohn  &C  the  gentle  men  of  the  said 
parish  the  cheef  acters  in  it.'  Although  this  entry  provides  the  last  explicit  reference  to  a  Dorset 
Robin  Hood  the  character  may  have  persisted  for  several  years.  Almost  all  of  the  basic  dramatic 
elements  listed  at  the  beginning  of  this  paragraph  come  together  in  the  annual  'Coostom'  of 
Shaftesbury,  an  annual  procession  with  a  bejewelled  bezant  to  Enmore  Greene  in  nearby 
Motcombe  where  there  was  music,  dancing,  and  'play  ei  ng  in  the  greene'  (see  p  250). M3  The 
custom  of  Shaftesbury  has  further  significance  for,  in  addition  to  the  performance  elements, 
the  festivity  had  a  political  and  economic  purpose.  The  mayor  of  Shaftesbury  presented  the 
bailiff  of  Gillingham  Manor  two  penny  loaves  of  bread,  a  calf's  head,  a  gallon  of  the  best  ale, 
and  a  pair  of  gloves  as  a  symbolic  way  of  securing  access  to  the  water  from  the  spring-fed  wells 
of  Motcombe.  Shaftesbury's  use  of  civic  entertainment  to  reaffirm  its  right  to  an  invaluable 
resource  is  not  unusual. 

Ales,  the  dominant  form  of  festivity,  were  regularly  used  to  raise  the  funds  needed  to  finance 
local  projects  such  as  paving  the  streets  in  Sherborne,  building  the  market  house  and  the 
school  house  in  Bridport,  caring  for  the  sick  in  Blandford  Forum,  and  maintaining  the  Cobb 
in  Lyme  Regis.  Unfortunately  the  records  are  often  frustratingly  vague  about  what  kinds  of 
performance  enlivened  the  ales.  The  only  aspect  of  the  Cobb  ale  of  Lyme  Regis  that  adverts 
to  the  possibility  of  musical  entertainment  is  a  silver  whistle  to  be  passed  on  each  year  to  the 
new  Cobb  wardens  and  to  be  worn  at  the  ale  (see  p  299).  Though  they  may  have  played  the 
whistle,  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  whistle  was  a  device  for  commanding  the  attention  of  a 
tippling  crowd.  The  accounts  of  the  stewards  of  the  special  ale  organized  in  1592-3  by  Brid 
port  for  the  building  of  their  new  market  house  and  school  are  unusually  detailed  in  registering 


payments  not  only  for  the  wages,  liveries,  and  lodging  for  musicians,  but  also  for  wine  for 
'the  kinge  of  loders.'  This  ale  had  both  music  and  role-playing,  the  latter  being  a  feature  of 
the  Robin  Hood  ale  of  Bridport  and  the  Sherborne  church  ale,  over  which  the  'king  of  Sher- 
borne'  presided.  These  celebrations  frequently  achieved  their  principal  purpose  -  fund-raising. 
In  the  early  1590s  the  annual  street  ale  of  Sherborne,  for  example,  never  gathered  less  than 
£20  and  in  1 592  the  take  exceeded  £30.'"  The  Cobb  aJe  of  Lyme  Regis  had  earned  more  than 
enough  to  cover  the  annual  cost  of  repairing  the  Cobb  so  that  in  1591-2  the  city  appropriated 
over  £58  from  the  profits  of  the  ale  to  cover  the  costs  of  purchasing  the  charter  for  the  fee 
farm  (see  p  303).  In  Elizabeth's  reign  Blandford  Forum  held  annual  ales  (the  St  {Catherine's  ale, 
the  Maiden  ale,  the  Bailiff's  ale)  and  organized  special  purpose  ales,  such  as  those  in  1 592 
and  1593  in  support  of  the  new  guildhall.  Robert  Harden  learned  how  important  such  fund- 
raising  endeavours  were  when  in  1582  he  gave  the  town  of  Blandford  57s  lOd  'for  that  hee 
did  not  keep  the  bailifes  Ale  this  yeare.'1"  The  Blandford  bailiff  might  organize  as  many  as  ten 
festive  meals  at  the  race  meetings  the  town  sponsored  in  the  early  seventeenth  century,  on 
one  occasion  hiring  Sir  Ralph  Horsey 's  cook  to  help  prepare  the  feasts;  the  town  cleared  more 
than  £30  from  the  races  of  1605.  Apart  from  the  economic  utility  of  ales  and  ancient  customs, 
such  celebrations  had  an  important  social  role  to  play  for,  in  the  words  of  Underdown,  they 
not  only  provided  'welcome  relief  from  toil'  but  'also  brought  neighbours  together  and  affirmed 
the  links  that  bound  them  to  each  other  and  to  the  world  of  nature.'14 

As  church  and  civic  ales  occurred  at  regular  intervals  and  on  special  occasions,  so  various 
forms  of  music  marked  the  cultural  scene  of  many  Dorset  towns  annually  and  occasionally. 
For  some  of  the  townsfolk  of  early  sixteenth-century  Poole,  music  seems  to  have  been  a  daily 
experience,  given  the  minstrel  or  piper  who  played  'the  hole  yer  goywg  mornygw  &  yeuenyr/g' 
(see  p  239).  Poole,  however,  is  the  exception,  Dorchester  closer  to  the  rule.  There  each  year  the 
bells  of  Holy  Trinity  were  rung  on  Accession  Day  and  on  Guy  Fawkes  Day;  but  bell-ringing 
also  heralded  special  occasions  in  a  way  that  connected  this  small  town  in  the  southwest  of 
England  with  newsworthy  events  for  the  nation:  a  successful  treaty  with  France  in  1624,  the 
birth  of  Prince  Charles,  a  victory  by  the  king  of  Sweden,  the  arrival  of  the  vicar  general,  the 
success  of  the  parliament  in  1640.14   In  Bridport  the  bells  rang  out  to  welcome  local  gentry  to 
the  town  and  to  celebrate  (normally  along  with  bread  and  beer  laid  on  at  the  expense  of  the 
bailiffs)  the  monarch's  coronation  day.  Lyme  Regis  rewarded  two  drummers,  musicians  regu 
larly  associated  with  musters  in  Dorset,  at  the  time  of  the  proclamation  of  King  Charles  i, 
and  a  trumpeter  accompanied  the  city  fathers  of  Poole  when  they  'went  to  Broonesey  to  see 
the  shippe  of  london.'1'"  The  frequency  with  which  Poole  and  Weymouth  had  to  repair  their 
town  drums  may  be  an  indication  of  how  often  this  basic  form  of  music  was  used  to  enhance 
the  dignity  of  such  formal  occasions.'"  Less  dignified  but  no  less  purposeful  were  the  libellous 
verses  allegedly  sung  by  defendants  in  cases  heard  in  Star  Chamber.  Motivated  by  intense  reli 
gious  beliefs  or  by  economic  rivalries  citizens  of  Bere  Regis,  Bridport,  Dorchester,  Lyme  Regis, 
Melbury  Osmond,  and  Over  Compton  satirized  their  enemies  in  poems  which  they  nailed 
to  the  pillory  or  church  door,  reproduced  and  distributed,  recited  in  public  places,  or  sang  in 
inns,  taverns,  and  alehouses  (or  so,  at  least,  plaintiffs  alleged). 

Royal  visits  to  Dorset  were  marked  by  such  ceremony  as  well  as  by  the  discharge  of  local 


ordnance.  Henry  VTI  had  rewarded  players  from  Wimborne  Minster  on  New  Year's  Day,  1494, 
and  made  offerings  at  the  minster  in  1496.  The  parish  of  Wimborne  Minster  spent  6d  'for 
Redyng  and  makyng  clene  of  the  chyrche  yard'  for  the  king's  visit  in  1505-6.  Far  more  costly 
was  the  visit  of  the  queen  in  1511,  when  Wimborne  paid  to  one  of  the  king's  footmen  what 
was,  in  effect,  a  fine  of  2s  'for  defawte  of  ryngyng  at  ye  quene  ys  departyng.'15"  Poole  cleaned 
up  the  town  gates  and  relocated  ordnance  there  in  order  to  welcome  with  some  ceremony 
King  Edward  vi  when  he  visited  the  southwest  in  1552.IM  Bere  Regis  laid  on  beer  for  the  men 
who  rang  the  bells  when  King  James  I  came  through  the  town  in  1615.'"  These  scraps  of 
information  suggest  how  seldom  members  of  the  royal  family  travelled  through  Dorset  in  the 
late  medieval  and  early  modern  periods  and  how  simple  (compared  with  the  pageantry  laid  on 
by  boroughs  such  as  York,  Bristol,  Coventry,  Chester,  or  Worcester)  was  the  ceremony  with 
which  they  were  received.  Sometimes  the  problems  for  the  Dorset  towns  were  compounded 
by  uncertainty  about  the  royal  itinerary.  This  happened  in  1623  when  Prince  Charles  and  the 
duke  of  Buckingham  returned  from  Spain.  The  first  report  of  their  landing,  in  September  of 
that  year,  prompted  some  Londoners  to  write  ballads  but  when  the  reports  proved  to  be  un 
founded  the  ballad  singers  were  imprisoned  (see  p  199).  When  the  prince  did  arrive  in  October, 
landing  at  Portsmouth,  there  was  great  joy  in  Dorchester,  where  the  bells  were  rung  and  the 
great  ordnance  of  the  town  shot  off."3 

In  addition  to  evidence  of  singers  of  ballads  and  other  allegedly  libellous  songs,  Dorset 
records  provide  information  about  several  musicians,  professional  and  amateur.  An  apprentice 
ship  agreement  identifies  one,  William  Keele  of  Bridport  (see  p  154),IM  and  a  deposition  to 
the  peculiar  court  of  Wimborne  Minster  extends  what  is  known  about  the  organist  of  that 
village,  Robert  Durham,  by  noting  his  skill  on  the  harp,  lute,  and  rebeck.1"  Like  these  appar 
ently  well-established,  respectable  members  of  their  local  communities,  a  'W.  C.'  and  his  son 
'H.  C.'  had  the  authority  of  a  licence  from  Queen  Elizabeth  'to  wander  &C  goe  abrode  w/'th 
there  uzstrumentw  vsinge  there  trade  of  Minstrelcye,  pleyinge  or  singynge  throwghe  &C  iwall 
plac«  w/thin  ye  seyd  cowntye  onlye.'  Two  conditions  obtained  however:  that  they  behave 
themselves  'orderlye'  and  that  they  use  their  licence  'accordinge  to  ye  seyd  statut'  (see  p  118). 
Unfortunately  no  record  of  any  of  the  performances  of  these  musicians  is  extant.  When  per 
formances  of  minstrels  or  fiddlers  are  recorded  their  names  are  never  specified  unless  the  per 
formance  was  in  some  way  illegal.  The  churchwardens  of  Wimborne  Minster,  for  example, 
presented  John  Pyke,  minstrel,  for  playing  at  the  time  of  evening  prayer  on  20  September  1601 
and  for  playing  on  Midsummer  Day,  a  Sunday,  ten  years  later  (see  pp  284  and  286).  In  1624 
Thomas  Angell,  fiddler  of  Wyke  Regis,  was  twice  fined  (and  once  stocked)  by  the  constables 
of  the  mayor's  court  for  playing  in  at  least  one  alehouse  in  nearby  Weymouth  (see  p  282). 
William  Scot,  a  fiddler  of  Hinton  Martell,  was  required  in  1629  to  answer  unspecified  charges 
against  him  at  the  next  assizes.  William  Lucas,  alias  Bright,  minstrel  of  Holt,  four  times  ran 
afoul  of  the  ecclesiastical  officials  of  Wimborne  Minster,  in  1591-2,  1606,  1610-11,  and 
1620.  In  every  case  his  offence  was  playing  at  the  time  of  divine  service.  The  performance  in 
1620  (at  Cowgrove),  however,  was  associated  with  drinking  and  a  dancing  match.  Moreover, 
in  1620  'old  bright'  was  presented  'w/th  his  boy  and  his  daughter,'  all  of  whom  played  their 
fiddles.  Despite  his  conflicts  with  legal  authorities  old  William  Lucas  (Bright),  illustrates  how 


acceptable  and  how  popular  was  minstrelsy  in  Dorset,  for  he  used  his  trade  for  almost  thirty 
years  and  trained  his  young  companions  to  follow  in  his  footsteps.1"'  The  accounts  of  Sir  Giles 
Strangways,  the  most  influential  of  local  magnates,  confirm  this  impression  in  registering  his 
New  Year's  gift  to  fiddlers  who  visited  his  estate  to  enliven  the  Christmas  celebrations  of 
1638  and  1639.  He  also  rewarded  fiddlers  when  he  was  on  his  travels,  as  he  did  at  Knebworth 
and  Oxford  in  1638  and  at  London  in  1640,  where  he  also  paid  5s  for  a  place  to  see  the  king 
ride  to  parliament  (see  pp  290  and  291). 

The  records  of  Dorset  men  connected  to  shows  of  various  kinds  are  fraught  with  uncer 
tainty.  The  one  Dorset  patron,  Sir  Richard  Rogers  of  Bryanston,  never  appears  in  the  records 
of  his  home  county  but  he  does  turn  up  in  those  of  Plymouth  in  1 569-70,  Bath  in  1 577-8, 
and  Exeter  in  1582-3.  How  many  entertainers  he  sponsored  and  what  kind  of  entertainment 
they  provided  remain  uncertain,  for  his  performer(s)  are  associated  with  possible  bearbaiting  in 
Plymouth,  bullbaiting  in  Exeter,  and  some  undefined  form  of 'playing'  in  Bath.1"  The  same 
is  true  for  Trustrum  and  company,  who  rented  the  guildhall  of  Blandford  Forum  in  1 594-5, 
and  for  the  young  men  ofSherborne,  who  rented  its  churchhouse  in  1599-1600;  in  both 
cases  the  income  is  entered  as  proceeds  from  'playing.'  Other  individuals  associated  with  the 
production  of  plays,  such  as  John  Merywether  in  Wimborne  Minster  (see  p  283)  or  Andrew 
Pope  and  John  Gawler  of  Blandford  Forum  (see  pp  127  and  128),  were  collectors  of  the  rent 
for  the  playing  place  rather  dian  performers.  Since  Pope  and  Gawler  (and  perhaps  Merywether 
too)  acted  as  local  agents  for  a  production  mounted  outside  the  town,  their  involvement 
cannot  be  taken  as  a  sure  sign  of  local  dramatic  activity.  What  solid  evidence  we  have  of  drama 
that  originated  in  the  county  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  ofSherborne  or  in  those  of  Dorset 

The  plays  by  schoolboys  had  a  dual  function.  Schoolmasters  used  performances  as  peda 
gogical  devices  which  helped  students  master  the  content  of  a  work,  strengthened  their  grasp 
of  languages,  and  developed  their  oratorical  skills.  When  Paul  Rawlins,  schoolmaster  of  Blox- 
worth,  confessed  to  the  court  of  the  dean  and  chapter  of  Salisbury  that  he  had  arranged  for  the 
performance  of  a  dialogue  in  the  parish  church  on  Shrove  Tuesday,  1 589,  he  gave  as  his  rationale 
'the  better  exercyse  of  his  scholers.'  The  educational  value  of  performing  was  surely  a  factor, 
though  on  the  face  of  it  not  the  crucial  factor,  in  the  production  of  plays  at  Corfe  Castle  in 
1575/6  and  at  the  Free  School  in  Dorchester  in  1623.  In  these  two  cases  the  plays  were  part 
of  the  festivities  for  the  entertainment  of  a  powerful  visitor.  Robert  Ashley,  who  later  repres 
ented  Dorchester  in  parliament,  mentions  in  his  autobiography  his  involvement  in  the  per 
formance  at  Corfe  Castle,  where  comedies  and  solemn  spectacles  were  presented  for  the 
entertainment  of  Henry  Herbert,  earl  of  Pembroke.  According  to  the  Dorchester  merchant, 
William  Whiteway,  comedies  also  provided  the  entertainment  there  in  1623  when  Bishop 
Wright  visited  (see  p  199).  Judging  from  Whiteway's  entry  in  his  diary  both  the  schoolboys 
and  their  master,  Robert  Cheeke,  performed'.  'Mr  cheeke  acted  two  comedies  at  the  sheerehall 
for  his  comming,  by  his  schollers.'  For  this  use  of  drama  Cheeke  had  a  precedent  since  he  had 
produced  a  theatrical  presentation  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  by  Bishop  Thornborough  (see 
pp  171-2).  The  plays  at  Dorchester  have  important  political  implications  given  the  allegations 
that  Robert  Cheeke  was  of  the  Puritan  faction  led  by  John  White.  At  a  time  when  other  boroughs 


were  paying  travelling  companies  'for  sendinge  them  out  of  towne'  (see  p  224),  Dorchester's 
use  of  plays  to  entertain  and  to  edify  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  suggests  that  some  local 
Puritans  were  not  opposed  to  plays  or  playing  per  se.  More  subtle  issues  were  at  stake,  so  that  a 
schoolmaster,  like  Robert  Cheeke,  satirized  in  a  poem  for  sharing  the  anti-theatrical  prejudice 
of  other  Puritans,  could  use  plays  both  to  educate  his  pupils  and  to  enhance  the  festivities  in 
honour  of  a  powerful  guest  (see  pp  171—2). 

Of  local  Dorset  drama  the  Corpus  Christi  plays  of  Sherborne  are  the  most  fully  developed 
instance.  These  plays,  like  the  procession  they  replaced,  were  'an  expression  of  different  versions 
of  community  at  different  stages  in  the  town's  history.'""  Although  Sherborne  Abbey  domi 
nated  the  skyline  of  the  town,  the  parish  of  All  Hallows'  remained  fiercely  independent  of  the 
Benedictine  monks  who  owned  the  abbey.  Each  year  the  parish  confirmed  its  communal  life 
through  two  special  celebrations:  a  Whitsun  ale  and  a  Corpus  Christi  procession.  The  latter 
appears  to  have  been  a  modest  affair  in  which  four  men,  later  in  the  company  of  others  with 
banners,  carried  a  shrine.  Records  of  the  procession,  which  begin  in  the  first  decade  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  break  off  abruptly  in  1 538,  the  last  year  (1 537-8)  in  which  the  churchman 
who  collected  at  the  church  ale  was  referred  to  as  'king.'  Perhaps  this  is  an  indication  that  the 
parish  had  given  up  its  customary  procession  in  favour  of  a  different  form  of  celebration  but  it 
is  difficult  to  know  for  certain  because  there  is  an  unfortunate  gap  in  the  records  after  the 
account  of  1538-9. 

A  turning  point  in  the  dramatic  life  of  Sherborne  can  certainly  be  seen  in  1  540,  however. 
Following  the  dissolution  of  the  monastery  in  1539  Sir  John  Horsey  obtained  Sherborne 
Abbey;  he  then  sold  the  abbey  church  to  the  townspeople,  who  tore  down  the  little  church  of 
AJ1  Hallows'  and  celebrated  the  acquisition  of  the  abbey  with  a  play  on  the  feast  of  Corpus 
Christi.  Although  the  churchwardens'  records  from  1540  to  1548  never  mention  the  subject 
matter  of  the  play,  they  do  indicate  clearly  that  Sherborne's  Corpus  Christi  festivities  had  taken 
a  dramatic  form:  'pynnes  for  the  pleyerw'  were  purchased;  costumes  were  made,  painted,  and 
repaired;  boards  were  set  up  for  the  performers;  money  was  collected  from  the  'Stondyngfof 
peopell  vppon  the  Churche  at  the  pley';  and  'the  bok«off  corpus  chm/i'  were  registered  in 
the  inventories  of  the  parish.  In  this  dramatic  activity  Sherborne  resembles  Tewkesbury  in 
Gloucestershire,  Chelmsford  in  Essex,  and  Bishop's  Stortford  in  Hertfordshire. '"  All  these 
substantial  southern  communities,  where  the  parish  and  the  town  coincided,  developed  an 
elaborate  production  of  their  own  and  facilitated  dramatic  activity  elsewhere  by  renting  their 
players'  gear  to  other  towns.  But  when  through  the  1550s  Sherborne  began  to  rent  its  costumes, 
it  was  apparently  no  longer  producing  its  Corpus  Christi  play.  The  playbook  disappears  from 
the  inventories  after  1  548-9,  boy  bishops  garments  acquired  from  the  abbey  were  sold  in 
1550-1,  and  in  1561-2  the  churchwardens  sold  the  'olde  Corpuschm/i  Garment«'  to  Richard 
of  Yeovil  and  the  sepulchre  cloth  and  two  'Bannmzlothes'  to  his  fellow  townsman,  Richard 

Not  until  1571  did  Sherborne  revive  the  practice  of  producing  plays  for  the  feast  of  Corpus 
Christi.  The  churchwardens  hired  John  Dier  to  oversee  the  designing  and  the  making  of 
costumes  'Towards  Corpus  Christi  playes.'  Dier  may  well  be  Dorset's  only  theatrical  entre 
preneur.  His  involvement  in  drama  in  Sherborne  goes  beyond  the  Corpus  Christi  play.  In  1567 


he  rented  the  church  house  for  the  performance  of  interludes  and  he  may  have  been  associated 
with  the  only  Dorset  touring  company,  the  'sherborn  players,'  who  performed  in  the  church 
in  Lyme  Regis  in  December  1567-  Dier's  experience  in  theatre  would  have  helped  him  meet 
the  challenges  presented  by  Sherborne's  Corpus  Christi  play  in  the  1570s.  The  fairly  detailed 
accounts  for  1572-3  and  1573-4  suggest  the  scale  and  the  difficulty  of  the  project  as  they 
register  the  costs  of  numerous  costumes  as  well  as  of  tents,  boards  for  stages,  stands  for  the 
audience,  properties,  banners,  visages  for  the  players,  a  gilded  face  for  one  of  them,  a  canvas 
giant,  a  'vyse  coote,'  gunpowder,  carriage,  storage,  security,  and  a  trumpeter  among  other 
aspects  of  the  production.  These  accounts,  along  with  the  brief  one  for  1575-6,  also  provide 
hints  about  the  content  of  the  play  or  plays,  for  they  note  expenditures  for  'staynynge  of  Sodom 
clothes'  and  for  'the  new  dressyng  of  Lott«  wyffe,'  whose  transformation  into  a  salt  stone  was 
represented  by  a  figure  made  of  wheat  meal.  The  revival  of  dramatic  activity  in  Sherborne  in 
the  1570s  was  short-lived.  After  the  production  of  the  play(s)  of  the  destruction  of  Sodom 
and  the  punishment  of  Lot's  wife  in  1575-6,  the  evidence  in  the  churchwardens'  accounts  of 
the  performance  of  the  play  ceases.  Thus,  Sherborne's  celebration  of  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi 
with  procession  or  plays  comes  to  an  end  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  great  cycles  of  mystery 
plays  did. 

Were  there  connections  between  local  festivities,  customs,  and  performances  and  the  various 
kinds  of  touring  players  travelling  through  Dorset?  John  Dier  is  one  performer  who  worked 
both  on  plays  that  he  mounted  independently  and  on  a  play  sponsored  by  a  community  but 
his  case  suggests  a  separation  of  the  non-local,  secular  drama  from  the  parochial,  sacred  drama. 
Whereas  his  interludes  were  mounted  in  the  church  house,  a  space  later  regularly  rented  to 
touring  players  such  as  the  queen's  men,  the  Corpus  Christi  play  remained  in  the  church  and 
the  churchyard.  The  church  house  served  only  as  a  place  from  which  some  members  of  the 
audience  could  view  the  play.  Perhaps,  however,  a  tradition  of  dramatic  activity  within  a  com 
munity  fostered  a  taste  for  the  same  and  led  to  a  more  receptive  attitude  toward  travelling 
players.  That  seems  to  be  the  case,  judging  from  the  many  times  that  players  performed  in 
Sherborne  compared  with  the  few  occasions  when  they  visited  Wimborne  Minster,  both  of 
which  parishes  provided  the  actors  with  a  playing  place."'"  Two  minstrels  were  licensed  to  tour 
within  Dorset  but  no  evidence  survives  to  connect  their  putative  tour  with  occasions  of  local 
festivity  (see  p  118).  Only  one  travelling  performer,  Thomas  Nehellyng,  who  'kepeth  three 
fyghting  bulls,'  securely  links  travels  through  the  county  with  local  customs  (see  p  274). 
Arrested  in  Somerset  in  1608,  he  confessed  that  since  the  preceding  Easter  he  had  been  on  a 
profitable  tour  of  church  ales  and  watches  from  Ikon  in  Somerset,  through  Mere  in  Wiltshire, 
to  Sturminster  and  Sherborne  in  Dorset. 

Playing  Places 

Many  of  the  local  festivities  of  the  type  Underdown  would  link  to  the  'traditional  culture'  in 
Dorset  predictably  occurred  in  public  spaces.  Bullbaiting  and  maypoles,  of  course,  were  out 
door  affairs.  Weymouth's  maypole  was  in  a  central  place  on  the  Melcombe  Regis  peninsula 
(see  p  363),  for  example,  and  according  to  local  tradition  Dorchester's  bullring  was  between 


the  river  and  High  East  Street.  Church  ales  or  town  ales  might  be  held  in  community  buildings 
like  the  church  house  that  hosted  the  King  revel  at  Sherborne  (see  pp  250-8  and  356-8) 
or  they  might  be  outdoors  like  the  later  Sherborne  street  ale  or  the  Bere  Regis  church  ale 
where  a  fiddler  ran  afoul  of  the  vicar's  musical  preferences  in  1590.  Some  of  the  dancing  and 
revelry  censured  by  Wimborne's  early  Stuart  sidesmen  seems  to  have  been  outdoors,  perhaps 
in  the  greens  of  the  parish's  subordinate  villages,  although  fiddlers  or  minstrels  might  play  in 
inns,  and  private  houses  might  also  host  dancing  (see  pp  284-7).  Shaftesbury's  ceremonial 
procession  down  the  wide,  steep  road  linking  Shaftesbury  to  Motcombe  certainly  symbolized 
the  debt  owed  by  the  larger  town  to  the  supplier  of  its  water;  perhaps  the  festival  was  also  a 
symbolic  suspension  of  hierarchy,  a  limmality  encouraging  Motcombe  and  Shaftesbury  to  ex 
perience  a  temporary  community  of  the  type  described  in  David  Harris  Sacks'  discussion  of 
Bristol's  ceremonials.""' 

Playing  places  at  Sherborne  may  stimulate  further  speculation  on  the  political  import  of 
parish  celebration  and  its  association  with  place.  The  pre-Reformation  Corpus  Christi  proces 
sion  was  outside  All  Hallows',  the  small  parish  chapel  of  ease  sheltering  under  the  west  doors 
of  the  abbey  church.  Men  carried  a  shrine  in  procession  into  the  churchyard  where  tents  were 
erected;  from  1530  the  tents  were  raised  at  the  church  door  (see  pp  255-8).  The  dramatic 
innovations  of  the  1540s,  coming  shortly  after  the  parish  acquisition  of  the  abbatial  church - 
the  first  reference  to  'players'  is  in  1542—3  —  may  represent  the  townsmen's  triumph  over  the 
monks  and  pride  of  ownership  of  the  monastic  church."'2  The  evidence  suggests  that  events 
were  staged  both  inside  and  outside  St  Mary's:  players  'plaid  vppon'  boards  'in  the  churche' 
in  1543  —  4  and  may  have  acted  on  'bord«  before  the  ij  lowe  alters/  in  1547-8  when  the 
parish  also  collected  money  for  the  'Stondynge  of  peopell  vppon  the  Churche  at  the  pley,'  and 
although  the  procession  was  apparently  discontinued,  the  wardens  continued  to  have  tents  set 
up  outdoors  for  the  Corpus  Christi  festivities  (1543-4,  1546-7,  and  1547-8). 

When  Sherborne  again  mounted  a  Corpus  Christi  play  in  the  1570s  -  after  a  more  than 
twenty-year  hiatus  -  it  seems  to  have  been  an  outdoor  production  in  the  parish  churchyard. 
The  parish  collected  substantial  sums  of  money  from  spectators  standing  on  the  leads  of  the 
church  roof  (1572-3,  1573-4,  and  1575-6),  or  using  the  'roume  a  gaynste  the  churche' 
(1572-3)  or  the  ground  in  the  churchyard  (1573-4).  Expenses  for  the  play  include  many 
payments  for  tents,  including  a  'heygh  te[ay]nte'  (1572-3)  and  'backer'  tents  used  as  dressing 
rooms  (1573-4).  Parish  memories  of  indignities  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  monks  had 
faded  and  the  parish  now  took  for  granted  its  splendid  place  of  worship.  The  1570s  production 
was  probably  an  outgrowth  of  community  spirit  in  the  decades  Sherborne's  historian  finds 
decisive  in  the  transition  from  parish  to  civic  institutions;  public  presentations  in  the 
churchyard  seem  to  mirror  this  transition,  preserving  the  distinction  between  the  Tudor  citizen 
'drama  of  worship'  to  which  Ian  Lancashire  refers  and  the  secular  drama  staged  by  John  Dier 
in  the  church  house,  but  also  shifting  celebration  from  clearly  sacred  space  to  a  more  ambigu 
ous  church  exterior.'"3 

Most  of  what  we  would  now  call  drama  in  Dorset  was  performed  by  travelling  players,  in 
dividuals  or  companies,  who  visited  the  county  more  and  more  frequently  during  the  course 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  Where  did  they  play?  The  evidence  is  frustrating,  for  the  sites  of 



most  performances  are  unknown.  The  boroughs  record  many  payments  telling  us  as  little  of 
playing  places  as  they  tell  us  of  scripts  or  the  size  of  companies.  If  the  references  we  have  are 
at  all  representative,  however,  some  patterns  emerge. 

Before  and  early  in  Elizabeth's  reign  performers  might  play  in  the  homes  of  leading  burgesses 
of  boroughs:  Richard  Allyn  of  Poole  (see  p  240);  Richard  Leonard  (see  p  21 1),  Rkhard  Buck- 
ford  (see  p  212),  and  Robert  Davey  (see  p  213),  all  of  Lyme  Regis.  In  the  first  decades  of  the 
seventeenth  century  playing  places  might  still  be  private:  fiddlers  performed  in  private  homes 
of  wealthy  magnates  such  as  Sir  Giles  Strangways  of  Melbury  Sampford  (see  pp  290-1)  and  of 
commoners  such  as  Julian  Facy  of  Fordington  (see  p  209).  Morris  dancers,  perhaps  making 
their  rounds  of  households  in  Wimborne  Minster  in  1611-12,  were  reported  to  have  performed 
at  Robert  Fulford's  home  there.  But  increasingly  public  meeting  places  were  the  normal 
venue  for  performances  by  travelling  companies  from  outside  Dorset  and  sometimes  for  local 
players  as  well.  Such  meeting  places  included  the  churches  of  Poole  (1551-2),  Lyme  Regis 
(1558-9,  1567-8,  1568-9),  Beaminster  (1591-3),  Bloxworth  (1589),  and  Bere  Regis  (1599); 
the  shire  hall  in  Dorchester  and  by  default  rooms  in  the  George  Inn  there  (see  pp  177  and 
191);  and  the  schoolhouse  in  the  Lyme  Regis  churchyard  (1606-7).  The  churches  of  St  Michael 
the  Archangel  in  Lyme  Regis,  St  Mary  in  Beaminster,  and  St  John  the  Baptist  in  Bere  Regis 
survive  relatively  unchanged.  They  must  have  been  attractive  places  in  which  to  perform. 
St  Michael,  for  example,  provided  a  spacious  playing  space,  with  the  nave  measuring  61'  x  16.5', 
the  chancel  32'  x  16.5',  and  aisles  85'  x  16.5'.  St  Andrew,  Bloxworth,  was  substantially  rebuilt 
in  the  seventeenth  century  and  unfortunately  St  James,  Poole,  was  torn  down  in  1819.  The 
schoolhouses  of  Lyme  Regis  and  Dorchester  and  the  George  Inn  and  guildhall  of  Dorchester 
are  no  longer  still  standing.""1 

Perhaps  most  interesting  is  the  theatrical  use  of  certain  Dorset  parish  or  town  halls  ordinarily 
available  to  players  for  a  fee.  Such  halls  included  the  guildhall  at  Blandford  Forum  (see  pp  14  — 
15,  41),  a  church  house  at  Wimborne  Minster  (see  pp  40  —  1),  and  the  church  house  at  Sher- 
borne  (described  below,  p  40)."'"'  Tittler  has  shown  us  that  in  the  Elizabethan  and  early  Stuart 
period  many  Dorset  towns  experienced  a  rise  of  self-conscious  civic  pride  and  sense  of  them 
selves  as  autonomous  communities,  a  civic-mindedness  associated  with  the  construction  of 
secular  buildings."'1'  We  may  also  associate  such  community  building  with  other  material  civic 
improvement  (the  rebuilding  of  the  Cobb  at  Lyme  Regis,  for  example),  the  deliberate  acquisi 
tion  of  broader  rights  to  self-government  (Dorchester,  Poole,  and  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis), 
or  the  founding  of  charities  designed  to  succour  the  poor  by  teaching  them  self-sufficiency. 
Innovative  civic  fund-raising  and  changing  civic  ceremony  could  reflect  the  needs  or  aspirations 
of  a  new  town  spirit.  In  few  communities  were  changes  in  civic  consciousness  as  drastic  as  in 
Dorchester  where  Pastor  White's  Puritan  regime  greeted  the  Tire  from  heaven'  of  1613  with  a 
systematic  attempt  to  build  a  'city  on  a  hill.'  But  there  were  changes  in  many  places,  nonetheless, 
and  their  relationship  to  the  performance  climate  for  players  is  intriguing.  We  can  certainly  link 
growing  civic  consciousness,  for  example,  to  the  prideful  spirit  in  which  some  communities  - 
Lyme  Regis,  Poole,  and  Weymouth  -  made  sure  that  companies  associated  with  prominent 
patrons  were  amply  rewarded.1"7  The  decision  to  charge  players  for  playing  space  may  represent 
a  different  manifestation  of  a  similar  growth  of  community. 


In  the  early  Tudor  period  the  Sherborne  churchwardens  had  paid  about  4s  per  year  for  the 
use  of  a  building  with  a  furnace  and  at  least  some  dinnerware  for  large  parties.  During  that 
period  the  major  parish  fund-raiser  was  a  relatively  elaborate  and  quite  profitable  ale  at  Whit 
suntide,  at  which  the  'King  of  Sherborne'  presided  and  collected  the  parish  profits.  In  about 
1530  the  churchwardens  rented  a  site  in  Half  Moon  Street  from  the  master  of  Sherborne's 
almshouse  at  26s  8d  per  annum;  hiring  temporary  quarters  for  the  ale  in  1534-5,  they  built  a 
long  two-storey  building  on  the  almshouse  property.  The  ground  floor  was  divided  into  four 
shops  and  a  kitchen  and  would  be  rented  out  by  the  Elizabethan  churchwardens  for  total  re 
ceipts  of  more  than  20s  a  year.  The  upper  storey  seems  to  have  been  a  single  long  room,  116' 
x  19',  although  one  end  may  have  been  partitioned  off  as  a  storeroom.  Curved  oak  rafters 
and  beams  supported  a  ceiling  that  rose  from  a  height  of  7'  above  the  floor  where  it  met  the 
walls  to  18'  2"  at  the  peak.  The  room  was  lit  along  the  long  south  wall  by  fourteen  windows, 
each  with  four  vertical  panes,  41"  high  x  12"  wide.  A  large  fireplace  in  the  east  wall  and  an 
elaborate  staircase  with  nine  stone  steps,  probably  at  the  west  end,  completed  the  room."'* 

Sherborne's  churchwardens  paid  for  numerous  repairs  to  the  building  during  the  162  years 
it  was  used  as  a  church  house.  Elizabethan  inventories  for  the  house,  complete  for  most  years 
after  1567,  tell  us  that  its  equipment  included  trestles  and  table  boards,  cooking  and  brewing 
gear,  platters  and  pottingers,  and,  for  a  time,  the  parish  armour.  Other  parish  necessities  - 
ladders,  buckets,  racks  for  weighing  -  appear  in  the  lists  after  the  1580s."''' 

The  Sherborne  community  might  use  the  large  room  that  was  'our  part'  of  the  church  house 
for  community  functions  like  the  church  ale,  but  the  room  and  its  inventory  were  also  fre 
quently  rented  out  after  1567.  When  the  building  was  first  built  in  1533  the  rate  for  using 
the  room  on  'hallemasse  fayre  daye'  was  set  at  I6d.  Elizabethan  parishioners  seem  to  have 
been  able  to  hire  the  hall  for  as  little  as  4d,  paying  as  much  as  2s  9d  for  the  use  of  both  church 
house  and  the  church  house  vessels.  Rented  out  more  than  sixty  times,  the  room  was  used  for 
several  late  Elizabethan  weddings  as  well  as  for  the  mayor  to  entertain  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
(1  595-6). l7"  Elizabethan  players  paid  the  churchwardens  for  the  use  of  the  room  on  twelve 
separate  occasions.  In  addition  to  John  Dier  and  his  interludes  in  1567-8,  players  hired  the 
room  five  times  between  1 588  and  1591,  paying  the  churchwardens  between  6d  and  4s. 
Between  1597  and  1603  companies  hired  the  hall  six  times.  The  queen's  players  and  two 
anonymous  companies  paid  2s,  'Cerrayne'  players  paid  4s  6d,  but  the  young  men  of  the  town 
paid  16s,  four  times  the  ordinary  fee.  It  is  possible  that  local  youths  contributed  all  their  net 
receipts  to  the  parish  or  that  they  could  expect  a  more  profitable  run  than  visiting  companies. 

Wimborne  Minster  also  maintained  one  or  another  church  house  throughout  the  sixteenth 
and  early  seventeenth  centuries.  A  thatched  house  at  the  west  end  of  the  church  was  used  in 
the  late  fifteenth  century  (and  stocked  with  dishes  probably  used  for  church  ales  or  other 
parish  functions).  This  building  was  supplanted  in  the  1540s  when  the  parish  repaired  the 
former  St  Peter's  Church  in  the  town  centre  and  converted  it  to  use  as  a  church  house.  The 
building  had  glass  windows,  a  chimney  with  a  hearth  furnished  with  an  iron  bar,  and  plastered 
walls.  Repairs  and  other  parish  expenses  for  the  church  house  for  the  rest  of  the  century  sug 
gest  it  served  the  same  community  purposes  as  Sherborne's  church  house.  In  1636  when  the 
church  house  was  leased  to  a  town  clothier,  the  school  governors  (who  by  then  controlled  the 



property)  reserved  the  use  of 'all  that  vpper  roome  towards  the  East  end  of  the  said  house  now 
and  heretofore  vsed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Wimborne  Minster  aforesaid  for  publike  meetings.'1 
Although  Wimborne  churchwardens'  accounts  record  many  fewer  rentals  of  the  church  house 
facilities  than  Sherborne  records,  a  rome  in  the  church  house  might  be  hired  for  a  'bruyng' 
or  other  purposes.172  Twice  in  1 573-4  and  once  in  1 589-90  the  churchwardens  recorded 
receipts  of  rentals  for  'a  playe'  or  from  'players  that  played'  in  the  church  house.  The  building 
decayed  in  stages:  the  last  remaining  wall  of  St  Peter's  was  levelled  in  about  1800  and  the 
whole  of  the  ground  on  which  St  Peter's  and  the  later  town  hall  stood  is  now  buried  under 
the  pavement  of  the  Wimborne  Minster  town  square.17 

Between  1587  and  1599  companies  of  players  hired  the  Blandford  guildhall  on  at  least  six 
occasions;  if,  as  seems  likely,  the  customary  fee  in  the  1 590s  was  2s  6d,  the  records  probably 
represent  as  many  as  fifteen  different  visits  of  groups  of  players.174  Further  players'  rentals  occur 
in  1608-9,  1615-16,  and  1620-1.  Although  the  records  do  not  demonstrate  private  rentals 
like  those  common  in  Sherborne  and  Wimborne  Minster,  town-sponsored  ales,  including  the 
Bailiff's  ale,  may  also  have  met  in  the  guildhall  (the  last  ale  was  in  1594-5).  The  building 
was  destroyed  in  the  great  Blandford  fire  of  1731.'" 

Evidence  that  towns  charged  players  to  play  is  generally  much  rarer  than  records  of  rewards 
to  players.  Elsewhere  in  Dorset,  even  when  economic  restraint,  fear  of  sickness,  or  religious 
scruples  led  seventeenth-century  town  fathers  to  forbid  a  performance,  they  often  paid  players 
not  to  play.  In  more  welcoming  times  some  Dorset  towns  made  up  the  difference  between 
what  players  collected  from  the  audience  and  what  the  town  thought  a  reasonable  reward. 
Nothing  tells  us  with  any  certainty  why  these  three  northern  Dorset  towns  chose  to  charge 
players  rent  during  the  period  when  companies  were  most  likely  to  visit  the  county  and  most 
likely  to  receive  rewards  from  other  communities. 

If  we  presume  that  each  of  these  towns  was  experiencing  a  growing  sense  of  autonomy  and 
that  each  also  was  experimenting  with  new  sources  of  revenue,  the  choice  made  by  these  three 
communities  seems  more  explicable,  although  other  towns  made  other  choices.  Late  Eliza 
bethan  Blandford's  sense  of  greater  civic  pride  was,  says  Tittler,  reflected  in  the  construction 
of  a  guildhall  costing  many  times  the  town's  ordinary  annual  revenue. I7I>  Although  the  town 
ales  or  collections  were  profitable,  the  community  was  seeking  new  sources  of  funds.  Fees 
from  players  never  raised  more  than  £1  a  year  but  we  may  still  see  the  rental  charged  players 
as  part  of  a  complex  of  experiments  with  new  sources  of  revenue;  after  all,  players  played  in 
the  building  that  represented  the  town's  greatest  expenditure.  As  Sherborne  groped  toward  a 
clearer  identification  as  a  secular  community,  the  old  church  ale  gave  way  to  a  newer  street 
ale,  a  more  clearly  secular  affair.  The  Sherborne  church  house  had  been  designed  partly  to  pay 
for  itself:  the  hard-headed  spirit  animating  the  Sherborne  churchwardens  would  incline  them 
to  see  visiting  players  in  the  same  terms  as  other  tenants.  Wimborne,  too,  was  moving  toward 
a  rational,  planned  government,  the  traditional  ale  yielding  less  and  less  revenue,  the  parish 
looking  for  more  consistent  sources  of  funds  that  would  eventually  be  available  in  the  pew  rents 
and  funeral  fees  of  the  seventeenth-century  parish.  As  at  Sherborne  the  ordinary  uses  for  the 
building  the  players  rented  influenced  the  town's  reception  of  visiting  companies  more  than 
did  the  town's  desire  to  please  performers'  influential  patrons. 


Travelling  Players 

Evidence  of  travelling  performers  in  Dorset  extends  from  1511  to  1636.  The  picture  produced 
by  performances  by  troupes  and  individuals  from  outside  the  county  might  be  seen  as  a  trip 
tych,  the  first  panel  dominated  by  minstrels  and  the  last  one  by  miscellaneous  entertainers, 
such  as  William  Sands  and  his  puppeteers  (see  pp  121-2  and  200),  William  Gosling  with  his 
representation  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  (see  p  207),  and  Mrs  Provoe,  'a  french  woman  that 
had  no  hands,  but  could  write,  sow,  wash,  &  do  many  other  things  with  her  feet'  (see  p  206). l77 
In  the  central  panel,  covering  the  years  from  about  1565  until  1625,  acting  companies,  rising 
then  declining,  occupy  the  foreground. 

The  very  first  record  of  travelling  performers  in  Dorset  epitomizes  the  cryptic,  uncertain 
quality  of  so  many  of  these  documents.  Although  this  entry  undoubtedly  served  the  account 
ant's  purposes  perfectly,  the  lump  sum  payment  'for  Mynstrellw'  who  visited  Poole  in  the 
151 1-12  accounting  year  fails  to  answer  the  questions  posed  by  historians  of  early  English 
drama.  Were  the  minstrels  from  Dorset  or  from  outside  the  county?  Whose  minstrels  played 
there?  When  did  they  give  their  performance?  What  did  they  play?  How  were  they  received 
by  the  audience?  Such  travelling  troupes  were  an  important  part  of  the  cultural  scene  for  Poole, 
which  one  year  later  formalized  (perhaps  not  for  the  first  time)  the  financial  arrangements  for 
rewarding  minstrels.  Costs  were  to  be  shared  by  the  mayor  and  the  town,  the  former  being 
responsible  for  expenses  associated  with  a  performance,  the  latter  covering  the  cost  of  the  reward 
to  the  troupe.  The  amount  of  a  stipend,  which  other  towns  often  pro-rated  according  to  the 
rank  of  the  patron,  was  not  specified  but  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  city  fathers  'as  they  thywnge 
cowuenyewtt'  (see  p  239).  In  singling  out  'the  kyng  mywstrellys'  among  the  troupes  that  might 
visit  Poole,  the  memorandum  of  1  512/13  reveals  the  city's  awareness  that  these  travelling 
players  were  playing  a  role  in  an  elaborate  patronage  system.  By  providing  the  reward  to  the 
players  the  town  was  not  simply  generously  easing  the  mayor's  financial  burdens  but  also  gar 
nering  what  goodwill  might  come  from  a  report  of  a  gracious  reception  made  by  some  noble 
man's  players;  in  short,  the  city  fathers  of  Poole  were  seizing  the  opportunity  'to  show  respect 
for  a  patron  whose  influence  might  be  useful.'17 

The  queen's  men  visited  Dorset  more  often  than  any  other  troupe.  They  visited  at  least 
fourteen  times  during  Elizabeth's  reign  ('at  least"  because  they  are  presumably  sometimes  the 
group  identified  merely  as  'players'  in  the  records;  see,  for  instance,  p  217)  and  they  visited 
regularly  from  1588  until  1602.  Only  the  players  under  the  patronage  of  James  Blount,  Lord 
Mountjoy,  returned  to  Dorset  with  the  same  consistency.  Leicester's  men  are  six  times  named 
in  die  records  (once  as  die  lord  high  steward's  players)  but  their  appearances  are  scattered  between 
1570  and  the  year  of  his  death,  1588.  The  Dorset  records  identify  no  other  group  of  players 
more  than  three  times.  Such  fragmentary  data  do  not  encourage  confident  generalizations 
but  one  factor  emerges  as  important,  the  strong  ties  that  patrons  of  the  companies  which 
visited  Dorset  have  to  the  west  and/or  the  south  of  England  either  because  of  substantial 
estates  in  those  regions  or  by  virtue  of  their  position  on  the  Council  in  the  Marches  of  Wales. 
Lord  Mountjoy  (c  1533-81)  is  the  best  example  of  such  ties  for  he  had  been  a  justice  of  the 
peace  of  Dorset  and  Wiltshire,  lord  lieutenant  of  Dorset,  and  commissioner  ofoyer  and 


terminer  for  the  southwest,  and  he  held  Canford  Manor  (of  which  Poole  was  a  part)  during 
Elizabeth's  reign.  In  1 559-60  Lord  and  Lady  Mountjoy  visited  Poole,  which  laid  on  a  banquet 
in  their  honour  and  laid  out  rewards  to  various  people,  including  players.  Perhaps  these  were 
Mountioy's  own  players,  a  troupe  which  performed  in  Dorset  at  least  five  other  times:  in 
Lyme  Regis  in  1568-9,  1572-3,  1573-4,  1577-8,  and  in  Poole  in  1569-70.  Other  patrons 
with  land  holdings  in  Dorset  or  administrative  responsibilities  in  the  region  included  Thomas 
Fitz  Alan,  earl  of  Arundel,  and  his  son  and  heir,  William;  Edward  Russell,  earl  of  Bedford; 
Henry  Grey,  marquess  of  Dorset;  Arthur  Plantagenet,  Viscount  Lisle,  and  vice  admiral;  Charles 
Howard,  lord  admiral  and  captain-general  in  the  south  of  England;  Thomas  Seymour,  lord 
admiral,  and  his  brother,  Edward,  duke  of  Somerset;  John  Dudley,  duke  of  Northumberland 
and  lord  admiral;  and  John  de  Vere,  earl  of  Oxford,  and  his  son  and  heir,  Edward.  However, 
the  players  of  the  patron  with  the  strongest  Dorset  ties,  Sir  Richard  Rogers  of  Bryanston,  are 
not  known  to  have  performed  in  Dorset.  Compared  to  the  regular  visits  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
players  to  Dorset  during  the  period  from  1588  to  1602,  the  identifiable  appearances  by  the 
players  of  King  James  in  Bridport  in  1620-1,  1623-4,  and  1624-5  constitute  but  a  brief 
flurry  of  dramatic  activity.  By  then  Dorset  towns  were  not  nearly  as  hospitable  to  players  as 
they  had  been  during  Elizabeth's  reign.  During  the  reign  of  King  James  I,  the  king's  men,  the 
queen's  men,  the  prince's  men,  and  the  children  of  the  revels  were  all  rewarded  but  at  reduced 
rates  and  usually  not  to  play. 

Evidence  from  Dorset  confirms  many  features  of  the  emerging  picture  of  dramatic  activity 
in  early  modern  England:  the  normal  playing  places,  the  arrangements  governing  payment  for 
playing  (and  not  playing),  the  players  themselves.  Neither  plays  nor  playwrights  were  worthy 
of  note,  though  occasionally  an  actor's  name  was  recorded.  For  some  reason  John  Hayes, 
mayor  of  Lyme  Regis,  registered  the  town's  gift  to  'the  queenes  plaiers  the  duttons'  when  they 
played  there  in  1592-3.  Gilbert  Reason,  one  of  the  prince's  men,  gave  the  authorities  of 
Dorchester  teason  to  record  his  name  in  1615  by  being  insolent  both  to  Sit  Francis  Ashley 
and  to  John  Gould,  bailiff.  The  rewards  to  players  who  did  perform  were,  it  seems,  pro-rated 
according  to  the  rank  of  the  patron17'1  and  consisted  of  money  collected  plus  a  grant  from  the 
city.  In  1560-1,  for  example,  Lyme  Regis  gave  the  players  of  the  duchess  of  Suffolk  2s  'over 
&  aboue  that  was  gatherid.'  In  1590-1  the  mayor  of  Poole  noted  in  his  account  book  his 
calculation  of  the  players'  reward:  'ther  was  gatherell  xj  s.  and  I  made  it  xx  s.  of  the  townes 
mony.'  In  1592-3  Lyme  Regis  paid  the  difference  between  the  4s  8d  given  and  the  10s  reward 
to  Worcester's  men  and  shortly  after,  it  gave  the  queen's  men  twice  that  amount  thanks  to  a 
subvention  of  12s  6d.  Twenty  shillings  for  the  queen's  men  was  half  what  the  company  usually 
received  from  large  towns  such  as  Bristol  and  Norwich  and  two-thirds  of  Gloucester's  reward 
but  it  was  certainly  not  an  inappropriate  sum  for  a  borough  the  size  of  Lyme  Regis.  Occasion 
ally  the  hospitality  offered  the  players  was  extended  to  include  wine.  In  1616-17  Bere  Regis 
even  went  so  far  as  to  make  a  Visard'  for  the  players  -  special  treatment,  perhaps  for  a  local 

Why  travelling  companies  returned  to  perform  at  some  towns  and  not  others  is  a  matter  for 
some  speculation,  particularly  since  three  Dorset  communities  -  Blandford  Forum,  Sher- 
borne,  and  Wimborne  Minster  -  had  playing  places  that  the  players  could  rent.  Players  visited 


Sherborne  at  least  a  dozen  times,  Blandford  perhaps  even  more  frequently.  But  Wimborne's 
church  house  attracted  such  visitors  only  three  times.  Is  the  difference  explicable?1""  In  this  we 
may  perhaps  look  for  a  combination  of  reasons.  Blandford  was  a  centrally  located  market  town 
with  a  population  of  between  five  and  eight  hundred.'"'  Sherborne  and  Wimborne  were 
probably  smaller.  The  Blandford  guildhall  and  Sherborne  church  house  were  likely  larger  than 
the  Wimborne  church  house  and  provided  better  playing  spaces,  although  at  higher  fees  than 
those  charged  by  Wimborne.  We  know  nothing  of  earlier  dramatic  traditions  at  Blandford  - 
there  is  really  only  one  set  of  relevant  records  from  Blandford  —  but  a  comparison  of  activity 
in  Sherborne  and  Wimborne  suggests  that  Sherborne  was  also  much  more  likely  to  provide 
an  audience  for  visiting  players  in  the  1580s  and  '90s.  Hundreds  of  years  of  churchwardens' 
accounts,  decades  of  school  records,  and  many  ecclesiastical  judicial  records  yield  precisely 
three  instances  when  Wimborne  may  have  shown  interest  in  any  non-local  performers  -  the 
three  times  the  church  house  was  let  to  players.  Perhaps  the  players,  learning  the  hard  way 
that  although  they  could  get  a  good  venue  in  Wimborne  they  could  not  attract  a  substantial 
and  receptive  audience,  decided  to  forego  a  trip  to  that  village.  Apart  from  purely  ecclesiastical 
rituals,  the  only  parish  ceremony  was  a  procession  bearing  the  fund-raising  parish  'cake.'  Late 
Elizabethan  Sherborne,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a  rich  and  varied  history  of  performance 
activity:  the  town  had  kept  a  boy  bishop's  costume  for  a  time;  a  'king'  of  Sherborne  reigned 
over  the  parish  ale  in  the  1  530s;  the  townsmen's  Corpus  Christi  procession  was  elaborated  as 
religious  drama  shortly  after  the  parish  took  control  of  the  former  abbey  church;  Sherborne's 
play  costumes  were  important  in  the  neighbourhood  in  the  1550s;  and  in  the  1570s  the  town 
and  parish  presented  an  elaborate  play  on  Corpus  Christi.  Perhaps  the  tradition  of  performance 
activity  within  Sherborne  fostered  a  taste  for  the  drama  and  led  to  a  more  receptive  attitude 
toward  travelling  players,  an  attitude  that,  in  turn,  influenced  the  players'  choice  of  public 
playing  places. 

Tracking  the  movements  of  travelling  companies  within  Dorset  is  next  to  impossible.  Though 
the  picture  of  dramatic  and  musical  entertainment  there  is  more  complete  than  ever  before, 
there  are  still  only  threee  years  when  we  know  for  sure  that  the  same  troupe  performed  at  two 
different  Dorset  towns:  Leicester's  men  played  Poole  and  Lyme  Regis  in  1570;  the  queen's 
men  performed  in  Poole  and  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis  in  1590  —  1;  and  William  Sands' 
puppeteers  turned  up  in  Dorchester  in  July  and  then  at  Beaminster  in  October  1630.  Because 
only  the  last  of  these  records  dates  both  performances,  it  is  not  clear  if  the  queen's  men  or 
Leicester's  men  were  travelling  from  east  to  west  or  from  west  to  east  through  the  county.  Nor 
can  we  glean  much  about  the  travels  of  players  in  general  from  the  trip  of  Sands  and  his  com 
pany:  that  they  took  about  ten  weeks  to  cover  the  twenty  miles  from  Dorchester  to  Beamin 
ster  suggests  that  their  route  was  not  a  direct  one. 

Dorset's  place  on  a  larger  map  of  tours  by  travelling  players  is  a  little  clearer.  Currently 
available  evidence  for  the  travels  of  players  suggests  that  Dorset  may  have  been  part  of  a  western 
circuit,  one  looping  down  into  the  southwest  and  extending  as  far  north  as  Yorkshire.  Worcesters 
men,  for  example,  visited  Poole,  Plymouth,  Barnstaple,  Bristol,  Gloucester,  and  Beverley  in 
1 570-1. '*2  Mountjoy's  men  were  rewarded  in  1577-8  by  Bath,  Lyme  Regis,  and  Gloucester.1" 
Coordinating  information  about  performances  in  Dorset  with  those  elsewhere  in  England 



suggests  the  possibility  at  least  that  some  'national'  companies  chose  to  concentrate  their  efforts, 
at  least  in  some  years,  in  the  western  regions  of  the  country,  in  those  areas  where  their  patrons 

had  power. 

More  important  for  Dorset  was  its  place  on  a  southern  line  running  between  Kent  and 
Devon.  The  tour  of  Leicester's  men  in  1  569-70  illustrates  one  likely  way  of  proceeding:  a 
spring  season  in  Kent  with  performances  in  Canterbury,  Faversham,  Lydd,  and  Rye,  followed 
by  a  summer  in  the  provinces  (Poole  dates  its  reward  1 1  July,  Dartmouth  its  30  July).1"4  Evid 
ence  from  other  years  complicates  this  impression  however.  In  November  1 598,  for  instance, 
Dartmouth,  Devon,  rewarded  the  queen's  men  and  the  company  went  on  to  receive  payments 
from  Winchester  in  March  and  Dover  in  April.  They  were  also  rewarded  in  1598-9  by  Ply 
mouth  in  Devon,  Sherborne  in  Dorset,  Reading  in  Berkshire,  and  Faversham  and  Lydd  in  Kent. 
At  Sherborne  the  company  rented  the  church  house,  perhaps  while  on  route  from  Dartmouth 
to  Winchester,  for  the  churchwardens  rendered  their  accounts  on  21  January  1  598/9. ""  In 
any  case,  the  movement  from  Dartmouth  late  in  the  autumn,  through  Winchester,  to  Dover 
in  spring  suggests  that  the  so-called  southern  line  was  not  a  straight  line,  but  it  was  a  two-way 
route  and  one  for  all  seasons. 

The  trip  through  the  south  of  England  may  also  have  been  part  of  a  much  larger,  longer 
tour,  such  as  that  of  Worcester's  men  from  the  autumn  of  1567  until  that  of  1569.  The 
troupe  received  rewards,  some  of  them  dated,  from  the  following  towns:  Bristol  (November 
1567),  Plymouth  (1 1  June  1568),  Lyme  Regis  (4  August  1568),  Winchester,  Dover,  Canter 
bury,  Folkestone,  Fordwich,  Ipswich,  and  Nottingham  (August  1569),  Gloucester,  Bath,  and 
Bristol  (September  1569).'"''  If  we  can  assume  that  the  dated  rewards  correspond  loosely  co 
the  date  of  performance  and  if  we  can  assume  that  Worcester's  men  toured  as  a  whole  those 
years,  then  we  have  the  possibility  of  a  large  circular  route  involving  many  communities  in 
the  south  and  the  centre  of  England.  Such  a  circuit,  if  it  be  one,  calls  into  question  other 
long-standing  assumptions:  that  the  tours  of  travelling  companies  were  annual  projects  and 
that  London  was  the  normal  home  base  for  national  companies.  London  may  well  have  been 
avoided  by  players  who  expected  to  make  their  living  in  the  provinces  and  Coventry,  or  Bristol, 
or  Gloucester  may  have  been  the  terminus  ad  quem  of  a  troupe  working  its  way  through 

The  heyday  for  travelling  players  in  Dorset  was  the  last  decade  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  From 
that  time  on  various  developments  —  economic  decline,  measures  taken  to  protect  boroughs 
from  the  plague,  Puritan  antagonism  to  players  in  general,  Sabbatarianism  in  particular,  and  a 
concern  with  social  order,  which  was  threatened,  some  authorities  argued,  by  travelling  per 
formers  and  the  kinds  of  gatherings  they  occasioned  -  combined  to  jeopardize  the  activity  of 
travelling  players.1"7  The  first  payment  to  a  troupe  not  to  play  occurred  in  1615-16  (see  p  279) 
but  opposition,  civic  and  ecclesiastical,  had  been  growing  for  many  years  in  Dorset.  The 
major  forces  antagonistic  to  players  came  together  in  1608  in  the  events  that  led  to  the  Star 
Chamber  case  of  Condytt  v.  Chubbe.'""  John  Condytt,  a  Dorchester  tailor,  alleged  that  he  and 
his  wife  had  been  libelled  in  three  poems  that  Matthew  Chubbe,  a  Dorchester  goldsmith  and 
at  that  time  bailiff,  had  helped  to  contrive,  publicly  read,  and  otherwise  distribute.  One  of  the 
verses  attached  to  the  bill  of  complaint  attributes  to  Puritans  a  generalized  opposition  to 


plays  and  players  and  ends  with  a  threatening  postscript  that  they  should  not  put  down  'stage 
plaiers  nor  Yet  trew  melody/  ffor  yf  thou  doest  thou  shall  be  calld  knave  and  foole/  and  so 
shall  thy  sonne  in  lawe  chicke  ye  maister  of  the  schoole'  (p  180).  No  doubt  there  were  Puritans 
in  Dorset  towns  who  judged  plays  and  players  to  be  anathema  but  this  poem's  construction 
of  the  attitudes  of  Puritan  reformers  oversimplifies  the  situation:  the  Mr  Cheeke  who  is  alluded 
to  in  the  last  line  was  the  same  schoolmaster  who  entertained  ecclesiastical  authorities  with 
comedies  in  1623.  Furthermore,  this  allegedly  libellous  poem  is  the  only  Dorset  document 
that  conjoins  Puritans  with  players  in  an  antagonistic  relationship  and  its  self-confessed  author 
was  Robert  Adyn,  a  Catholic  recusant.  Religious  opposition  to  public  performances  almost 
certainly  existed  in  Dorset  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  but  it  came  out  indirectly.  Judging 
from  the  bill  of  complaint  in  the  case  of  Condytt  v.  Chubbe  the  more  volatile  issue  in  Dorchester 
in  1608  was  respect  for  the  sabbath.  Lord  Berkeley's  men  wanted  to  play  in  the  shire  hall  on 
Sunday,  which  performance  the  burgesses  would  not  permit.  As  a  result,  through  the  media 
tion  of  Matthew  Chubbe  (so  it  was  alleged),  whose  frustrations  led  to  threats  of  revenge  against 
his  fellow  burgesses,  the  players  put  on  their  play  before  Sir  Adrian  Scrope  and  others  at  one 
of  the  local  inns.  Besides  the  role  of  Sabbatarianism  in  this  case,  the  problems  produced  by  the 
players'  refusal  quietly  to  accept  the  will  of  the  city  fathers  -  the  conflict  between  them  and 
some  of  the  bailiffs,  the  quarrelling  between  Chubbe  and  his  peers,  ultimately  the  Star 
Chamber  cases  between  Chubbe  and  Condytt  -  intensified  the  opposition  to  the  players. 

Insolent  actors,  such  as  Lord  Berkeley's  men  on  this  occasion,  or  Gilbert  Reason  in  Dorchester 
in  1615,  or  William  Sands  the  puppeteer  in  Beaminster  in  1630,  produced  more  problems 
than  pleasure  for  the  borough  and  betrayed  the  trust  placed  in  them  by  their  patron.  The 
patronage  system  on  which  the  regional  and  national  tours  of  minstrels  and  actors  was  based 
lacked  the  imperative  force  it  once  had.  The  diary  of  William  Whiteway,  one  of  the  most  influ 
ential  merchants  of  Dorchester,  confirms  this  impression.  Whiteway  seems  to  have  been 
fascinated  by  the  power  of  the  king,  particularly  by  the  king's  taste  in  drama.  At  three  points 
in  his  diary  Whiteway,  whose  sympathies  were  with  the  Protestant  reformers,  comes  back  to 
the  case  of  William  Prynne  and  notes  how  brutally  he  was  tortured  'for  writing  a  booke 
against  Stag  plaies  &  dancing'  (see  pp  202—5).  Whiteway  also  reported  the  suicide  of  Dr  Butts, 
vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge,  who  hanged  himself 'because  the  king  shewed  much  dislike  at 
a  play,  w/?/ch  he  had  caused  lately  to  be  acted  before  him  in  Cambridge'  (see  p  202).  In  an 
exceptionally  long  entry  in  his  diary  Whiteway  also  gives  an  account  of  the  occasion  of  the 
second  performance  of  James  Shirley's  masque,  The  Triumph  of  Peace.  King  Charles  invited 
himself  to  the  home  of  London's  lord  mayor,  Ralph  Freeman,  for  dinner  and  to  Merchant 
Tailors'  Hall  for  the  masque  as  a  way  of  resolving  the  dispute  between  the  monarch  and  the 
mayor  over  the  new  Westminster  soap  monopoly.  This  dispute,  according  to  Whiteway,  so 
troubled  the  mayor  'that  he  kept  his  bed  a  whole  moneth  after  it,  &  was  like  to  dy,  had  not 
the  Kings  message  reuiued  him'  (see  p  204).  Fatal  for  Butts,  restorative  (albeit  only  temporarily) 
for  Freeman:  such  was  the  power  of  Charles  as  theatre  patron  -  close  to  the  court.  Down  in 
Dorset  however,  Whiteway  and  Sir  Francis  Ashley  tell  a  different  story:  players  travelling  as 
the  prince's  men  (see  p  198),  puppeteers  who  'had  a  warrant  vnder  the  Kings  hand'  (see  p  200), 
and  Mrs  Provoe  who  'had  a  commission  vnder  the  scale  of  the  Master  of  the  Reuelles'  (see 


p  206)  were  all  summarily  dismissed  or,  in  Whiteway's  words,  'not  allowed  here.'  Indeed, 
Gilbert  Reason  was  outraged  with  Dorchester's  recorder,  Sir  Francis  Ashley,  and  one  of  its 
bailiffs,  John  Gould,  because  the  latter  refused  'to  look  on  his  Commission.'  Reason  may  have 
glimpsed  the  implications  of  Gould's  refusal  for  the  entire  patronage  system,  for  the  actor  ac 
cused  the  bailiff  of  being  'little  better  then  a  traitowr'  (see  p  198). 

The  true  eventual  story  of  the  decline  not  only  of  travelling  performers  but  also  of  local 
customs,  sports,  and  recreation  will  have  to  be  a  complex  one.  Opposition  to  players  was  not 
monolithic;  Lyme  Regis  in  1607  saw  town  and  church  authorities  at  loggerheads  when  the 
churchwardens  presented  the  mayor  for  permitting  players  of  interludes  to  perform  in  the 
schoolhouse.  Sometimes  economic  factors  were  crucial,  as  they  were  in  Weymouth  in  1600 
and  in  Poole  a  year  later,  when  the  auditors  disallowed  gifts  to  players,  a  decision  suggesting 
that  the  boroughs  were  not  opposed  to  drama  but  to  spending  public  funds  on  it  —  and  perhaps 
only  temporarily.  Similarly  in  Lyme  Regis  in  1622  economic  factors  and  moral  duty  combined 
to  cause  the  city  fathers  co  alter  a  long-standing  custom  by  cancelling  the  feast  upon  St  Stephens 
Day  so  that  the  poor  might  be  entertained  at  each  man's  private  house."'1  Ten  years  earlier  the 
same  group  had  used  borough  funds  to  fight  a  case  initiated  by  the  reformist  vicar,  John  Geare, 
who  had  procured  an  act  against  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  Cobb  wardens  for  'the  vsing  of 
profane  and  irreligious  abuses.'1'"1  Sometimes  the  danger  of  infection  was  crucial.  Only  once 
was  the  plague  used  explicitly  as  the  reason  for  refusing  to  permit  a  performer  to  play,  by 
Dorchester  when  William  Gosling  in  October  1636  asked  'to  shew  the  portraiture  of  the  city 
of  lerusalem.'  The  'dangerous  tyme  of  sicknes'  need  not  be  taken  as  a  mystification,  a  cover-up 
for  opposition  that  was  actually  sectarian,  since  Gosling  had  received  a  reward  from  Norwich, 
one  of  England's  sturdiest  Protestant  cities.1'"  Like  many  other  items  registered  in  account 
books,  the  last  payments  to  travelling  entertainers  fail  to  disclose  the  attitude  of  the  boroughs 
to  the  players  because  the  entries  record  merely  the  reward  and  the  recipient.  In  the  records 
of  Dorset,  incomplete  as  they  are  in  the  early  seventeenth  century,  a  pattern  is  clear  however: 
Dorchester  arrested  Gilbert  Reason  in  1615;  Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis  paid  the  queen's  men 
not  to  play  in  1616,  as  did  Lyme  Regis  an  unidentified  troupe  in  1621-2,  and  Bridport  the 
king's  men  in  1623;  even  Blandford  Forum,  a  town  that  profited  from  performances  in  its 
town  hall  as  late  as  1620,  paid  the  children  of  the  revels,  that  'should  have  acted  a  stage  playe 
in  the  Hall,'  10s  to  depart. 

The  Documents 

The  descriptions  of  the  documents  from  which  records  are  drawn  are  given  in  chronological 
order  under  four  headings:  Dioceses,  County  of  Dorset,  Boroughs  and  Parishes  (arranged 
alphabetically) ,  and  Households.  William  Whiteway's  records  of  performance  activity  in 
Dorset  and  elsewhere  have  been  kept  together  among  the  records  of  Dorchester.  Whiteway 
was  one  of  the  capital  burgesses  of  the  town  and  frequently  one  of  its  officers  and  Dorchester 
was  the  base  from  which  he  observed  both  local  performances  and  dramatic  activity  in  more 
distant  centres  such  as  Cambridge  and  London.  Visitation  injunctions  and  articles  appear  in 
the  section  on  Dioceses.  With  the  exception  of  the  records  from  the  peculiar  jurisdiction  of 
Wimborne  Minster,  relatively  few  ecclesiastical  court  records  for  Dorset  survive  and  even  fewer 
refer  to  public  entertainment;  descriptions  of  records  from  visitations  and  court  records  from 
the  diocese  of  Salisbury  are  therefore  arranged  by  the  borough  or  parish  to  which  they  refer. 
Within  larger  boroughs,  civic  records  are  listed  first,  followed  by  legal  records  and  miscellaneous 
documents.  Shelfmarks  and  titles  given  are  according  to  the  preference  of  the  individual  record 
offices  and  libraries  where  the  documents  are  preserved. 

The  description  of  a  document  yielding  entries  for  more  than  one  place  is  presented  under 
the  first  relevant  borough  or  parish;  included  in  the  description  is  a  list  of  other  boroughs  or 
parishes  from  which  records  have  been  printed.  Brief  cross-references  direct  the  reader  to  the 
main  description  from  those  other  locations. 


For  the  diocesan  areas  of  jurisdiction  see  p  8. 


Bishop  John  Thornborougtis  Visitation  Articles 

first  general!  visitation  of  I  the  reverend  father  in  God,  John,  I  by  Gods  permission,  Bishop  I  of  Bristol!.  I 
[University  device]  I  OXFORD,  I  Printed  by  loseph  Barnes  Printer  to  I  the  Vniversitie,  1603.  src.  10143. 



Bishop  Robert  Skinner's  Visitation  Articles 

ARTICLES  I  TO  BE  MINISTRED,  I  ENQVIRED  OF,  AND  I  ANSWERED:  I  In  the  first  Visitation 
of  the  Right  Reverend  1  Father  in  GOD,  ROBERT  by  Gods  I  Divine  providence,  LORD  Bishop  of  I  BRISTOL. 
I  [device  -  motto:  ANCHORA.  SPEI.]  I  LONDON,  I  Printed  by  George  Miller.  1637.  src:  10145. 

Visitation  of  the  Right  I  Reverend  Father  in  GOD,  (blank)  I  by  Gods  Divine  providence,  Lord  I  Bishop 
of  BRISTOL.  I  [rule]  I   [device]  I  [rule]  I  LONDON,  I  Printed  by  George  Miller  I  1640,.  STC:  10145.3.  In 
the  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  copy  the  second  blank  has  been  filled  in  with  Bishop  Skinner's  name  in  a 
contemporary  hand. 


Bishop  John  Jewel's  Visitation  Injunctions 

Injunctions  I  giuen  by  the  reuerend  father  in  christ  I  lohn  by  Gods  proiudence,  Bishop  of  I  Sarisburie, 
aswel  to  the  Cleargie,  as  to  the  I  Churchewardens  and  enquirers  of  euerye  seueral  I  Parish,  aswel  of 
his  peculiar  as  general  iurisdiction  within  I  and  of  the  Diocesse  of  Sarum  to  be  obscrued  and  kept  of 
euery  I  of  them  in  their  offices  and  callings,  as  to  them  shal  appertaine,  for  the  I  aduauncemcnt  of  gods 
honor,  thincrease  of  vertue,  and  good  or-  I  der  to  be  continued  within  his  sayd  Diocesse,  and  the 
same  to  be  enqui- 1  red  of  and  put  in  vse  by  all  the  Archdeacons,  Commissaries,  and  I  other  officers 
excercising  Ecclesiastical  iurisdiction  vnder  the  I  sayde  Bishop,  according  to  the  limittes  of  their 
se- 1  ueral  offices  and  Jurisdictions,  in  their  I  Synodes,  visitations,  I  inquiries,  and  I  Courts.  I  [device]  I 
Imprinted  at  London,  by  Henry  I  Denham  for  Richard  lackson,  I  and  are  to  be  sold  in  Gutter  Lane  I 
at  the  signe  of  the  red  Lion.  I  Anno.  1  569.  I  February.  22.  STC:  10326.5- 

Bishop  Henry  Cottons  Visitation  Articles 

ARTICLES  I  to  bee  enquired  of,  by  the  I  Churchwardens  and  sworne  men,  within  I  the  Diocesse  of 
Sarum,  in  the  visitati-  I  on  of  the  Reuerend  Father  in  God  I  Henry,  Lord  Bishop  of  Sarum,  I  in  his  first 
general!  vi- 1  sitation.  I  Holden  in  the  41.  yeare  of  the  I  raigne  of  our  most  gracious  soueraigne  I  Lady 
Elizabeth,  by  the  grace  of  I  God,  Queene  of  Englande,  I  France  and  Ireland,  defender  I  of  the  faith,  &c.  I 
[device  -  motto:  THOV  SHALT  LABOR  FOR  PEACE  (&)  PLENTIE]  I  LONDON  I  Imprinted  by 
lohn  Windet,  dwelling  at  I  Paules  Wharfe,  at  the  signe  of  the  I  Crosse  Keyes.  1599.  STC.  10327.5. 

FATHER  IN  GOD,  HENRIE  BY  I  the  prouidence  of  Almightie  God  Bishop  of  Sarum,  to  be  I  answered 
vnto  by  way  of  presentment  vpon  oath,  by  the  Church-  I  wardens  and  Sidemen  of  each  parish  and  chapell 
through- 1  out  the  Diocesse  of  Sarum,  in  his  ordinary  and  trien-  I  nail  Visitation  intended  to  be  holden 
in  (blank)  I  next  comming,  in  Anno  Dom.  1614.  I  as  followeth.  I  [device]  I  Imprinted  at  London  by 
Felix  I  Kyngston.  1614.  STC:  10328.  In  the  copy  examined  at  the  British  Library  the  blank  space  for  the 
month  has  been  filled  in  as  'lune';  another  later  hand  has  added  the  bishops  surname  in  the  right  margin. 


Bishop  Robert  Abbots  Visitation  Articles 

ARTICLES  I  TO  BE  ENQV1RED  I  OF,  WITHIN  THE  DIO- 1  ces  of  Sarisburie,  in  the  first  visitation  I 
of  the  Right  Reuerend  Father,  ROBERT  by  the  I  Prouidence  of  GOD,  Lord  Bishop  of  I  SARUM.  I  [rule]  I 
HOLDEN  I  In  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  God  I  1616.  I  [device]  I  [rule]  I  LONDON  I  Printed  by  IOHN 
LEGATT.  I  1616.  STC:   10329. 

Bishop  Martin  Fotherby's  Visitation  Articles 

ARTICLES  I  to  be  enquired  of,  with-  I  in  the  Dioccsse  of  Sarisbury,  in  the  first  visi-  I  tation  of  the  Right 
Reuerend  Father  in  I  God,  MARTIN  by  the  prouidence  of  I  GOD,  Lord  Bishoppe  I  of  Sarum.  I  [rule]  I 
HOLDEN  I  Jn  the  yere  of  our  Lord  God,  I  1619.  I  [device]  I  [rule]  I  AT  LONDON  I  Printed  by  John 
Beale,  1619.  STC:  10329.3. 

County  of  Dorset 

A  few,  very  miscellaneous  documents  yield  entries  for  the  whole  of  Dorset,  rather  than  par 
ticular  boroughs  or  villages.   These  include  a  sermon  given  at  a  court  sessions,  included  here 
since  the  speaker,  William  Kethe,  seems  to  respond  to  sinful  behaviour  in  the  whole  of  the 
county,  not  merely  at  Blandford  Forum  where  the  justices  were  meeting  when  the  sermon  was 

William  Kethe's  A  Sermon  made  at  Blanford  Forum 

William  Kethe  was  a  Protestant  divine,  forced  into  exile  in  Frankfurt  during  the  persecutions 
of  Queen  Mary,  at  which  time  he  wrote  metrical  versions  of  the  psalms  and  several  anti- 
Catholic  works.  When  he  returned  to  England  in  1561,  he  became  rector  of  Okeford  Superior 
in  the  parish  of  Child  Okeford  in  Dorset.  As  a  result  of  this  appointment  presumably,  he 
gathered  the  evidence  of  the  abuse  of  the  sabbath  in  Dorset  that  he  describes  in  the  sermon. 
In  1 563  Kethe  accompanied  the  earl  of  Warwick,  Ambrose  Dudley,  to  Le  Havre,  where  he  served 
as  minister  and  preacher  to  the  earl  and  to  the  troops  resisting  Catholic  insurgents.  When 
Kethe  published  the  sermon  he  gave  at  Blandford  Forum,  he  dedicated  the  work  to  Warwick. 

A  SERMOty  I  made  at  Blanford  Fo-  I  turn,  in  the  Countie  of  I  Dorset  on  Wensday  the  I  17.  of  lanuarij 
last  past  at  I  the  Session  holden  there,  I  before  the  honorable  and  I  the  worshyppefull  of  that  I  Shyre, 
by  William  Kethe  I  Minister  and  Preacher  I  of  Gods  word.  I  1  571 .  I  AT  LONDON  I  Printed  by  lohn  Daye,  I 
dwellyng  ouer  Aldersgate.  I  <T  Cum  gratia  &  Priuilegio  I  Regiae  Maiestatis.  STC:  14943. 

Licence  for  Minstrels 

Taunton,  Somerset  Record  Office,  DD/HI  469,  vol  2;  late  16th  century;  English;  paper;  193  leaves  + 
booklet  of  4  leaves;  310mm  x  210mm;  unnumbered;  sewn  booklets;  parchment  cover  made  from  a 
Dorset  deed.  No  date,  title,  or  identification,  except  the  name  'Raphe  Barrtt,'  which  appears  on  the 


cover.  The  book  contains  precedents  from  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  i  or  earlier,  a  court  baron  description, 
and  orders  from  a  sessions  court  in  Dorset. 

Petition  of  Somerset  Clergy  to  Sir  John  Denham 

An  abstract  of  the  relevant  item  has  been  printed  in  John  Bruce  (ed),  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Domestic  Series,  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  i.  1628-1629  (London,  1859),  20. 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  SP  16/96;  15  March  1627/8;  English;  paper;  single  sheet;  262mm  x  170mm 
(175mm  x  135mm);  folio  number  (15)  in  pencil  in  the  centre  at  the  bottom;  verso  blank  except  for 
modern  dating  in  pencil,  obsolete  page  or  folio  numbers  ('13'  in  the  upper  left  corner  and,  just  to  the 
right  of  that  number,  78'),  and  the  dating  '1627'  in  ink  and  in  a  hand  contemporary  with  the  document; 
marks  and  wear  from  the  horizontal  folds  hamper  legibility.  Bound  as  f  1  5  (of  1  55  leaves)  in  modern 
binding:  grey  paper  over  boards,  blue  cloth  corners  and  spine,  bearing  the  title:  'Domestic  Charles  I 
1627  Mar.  15-21.' 

Assize  Order  for  Western  Circuit 

This  volume  begins  with  the  Lent  circuit  1631  and  ends  with  material  from  the  same  circuit 
of  1640/1 .  It  appears  to  be  a  fair  copy  of  the  orders  for  most  of  the  volume  is  in  one  hand; 
however,  some  relevant  documents  transcribed  by  others  have  been  inserted.  It  is  the  first  of  a 
nine-volume  series  of  Western  Circuit  Assizes  Order  Books,  which  volumes  cover  the  period 
from  the  summer  assizes  of  1629  to  the  winter  assizes  of  1648.  For  a  description  of  the  series, 
seeJ.S.  Cockburn  (ed),  Western  Circuit  Assize  Orders:  1629-1648:  A  Calendar  (London,  1976), 
who  includes  on  p  33  an  abstract  of  the  relevant  item. 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  Assi  24/20/1 40;  1631-40/1;  English;  paper;  310mm  x  200mm  (210mm  x 
150mm);  modern  foliation;  good  condition:  leaves  restored  and  mounted  on  guards;  modern  binding: 
white  cloth  over  boards,  title  on  spine:  'Assizes  24/20  Part  I.' 

Boroughs  and  Parishes 


Beaminster  was  one  of  the  Dorset  parishes  which  remained  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  peculiar 
of  the  deanery  of  Salisbury  when  Dorset  was  incorporated  in  the  new  diocese  of  Bristol  in 
1542;  hence  a  few  visitation  documents  survive  for  the  parish.  Unfortunately  Beaminster 
churchwardens'  accounts  do  not  survive. 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/6,  item  34;  1591-3;  English;  paper;  single 
sheet;  203mm  x  1 55mm;  written  on  recto  only;  condition  good  but  torn  at  top  left  corner.  One  of 


176  loose  sheets,  numbered  in  modern  pencil,  tied  with  a  cloth  ribbon  between  two  cardboard  sheets. 
A  typescript  list  of  the  parishes  for  which  presentments  are  found  in  this  bundle  has  been  inserted  at 
the  beginning. 

Quarter  Sessions  Orders 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  QSM:  1/1;  1625-38;  English  and  Latin;  parchment;  ii  +  642  +  iv; 
305mm  x  200mm;  modern  pencil  and  ink  foliation;  headings  in  bold,  some  catchwords;  excellent 
condition;  modern  brown  leather  binding  with  a  blue  panel  on  the  front  and  on  the  spine  displaying: 
'Dorset  Quarter  Sessions  Orders  1625-37'  in  gold  letters. 
This  book  also  yielded  an  entry  for  Hinton  Martell. 


Bere  Regis  remained  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  peculiar  of  the  deanery  of  Salisbury  after  1542. 

Deposition  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/22/2;  1588-97;  Latin  and  English;  paper;  55 
leaves;  310mm  x  210mm;  modern  foliation;  rebound  with  modern  covers  and  flyleaves  (no  original 
flyleaves  survive). 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/7,  item  4;  1597-9;  English;  paper;  single 
sheet;  225mm  x  197mm;  written  on  recto  only;  condition  fair,  some  text  obscured  by  fold  at  top  and 
tear  and  hole  at  centre  bottom.  One  of  128  loose  sheets  (paper  and  parchment),  numbered  in  modern 
pencil,  tied  with  a  cloth  ribbon  in  a  green  cardboard  folder. 

St  John  the  Baptist's  Churchwardens  Accounts 

The  Bere  Regis  churchwardens'  accounts  are  detailed  to  about  1620;  several  years  are  missing 
after  that  date.  The  accounting  year  ran  from  the  Sunday  after  Easter  to  the  Sunday  after  Easter. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/BER:  CW1;  1607-16;  English;  paper;  27  leaves;  350mm  x 
200mm;  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet;  some  pages  badly  damaged;  inscription  on  front  cover; 
'Bere  Regis  I  A  Book  belonging  to  the  I  Churche  of  Bere  Reges  off  the  churchO  Oardens  I  acountel 
Beere  Regis  1607  and  1608  I  Bere  Reges./  1616.  I  Leonard  Church  I  Robert  ffrench.' 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/BER:  CW2;  1616-19;  English;  paper;  4  leaves;  317mm  x  200mm; 
modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet;  headings  m  bold;  tops  of  pages  stained  and  some  damaged 



A  disastrous  fire  in  1731  destroyed  most  of  the  civic  records  of  Blandford  Forum  as  well  as 
many  of  the  records  of  the  archdeaconry  of  Salisbury.  Surviving  records,  on  deposit  in  the 
Dorset  Record  Office,  relate  principally  to  various  Blandford  charities;  a  single,  beautifully 
preserved  volume  of  chamberlains'  accounts  contains  references  to  public  entertainment.  The 
town's  accounting  year  seems  to  have  run  from  Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas  and  the  chamber 
lains  usually  rendered  accounts  in  November  or  December. 

Chamberlains'  Accounts 

The  front  section  of  the  manuscript  begins  6  November  1595  and  refers  to  loose  town  papers 
in  a  locked  chest;  accounts  in  the  series  are  summary  until  1627  and  detailed  after  that  date. 
The  series  of  accounts  beginning  at  the  back  of  the  manuscript  are  mid-seventeenth-century 
copies  of  the  loose  papers  then  in  the  town's  possession.  There  is  on  f  B38v  the  following 

All  these  accompmatt  this  ende  of  the  Chamberlens  booke  of  accompt«  backwarde: 
from  the  yeare  of  our  Lorde  1564  beeinge  founde  in  the  Councell  howse  in  loose  papers 
vnto  the  date  of  our  Lorde  1627  (except  som  of  them  w/^ch  are  Lost  as  those  from  the 
yeare  1603  vnto  the  yeare  1608)  ware  in  this  yeare  of  our  Lord  Christ  1658  entred  into  the 
saied  Chamberlens  booke  by  Augustine  Drake  and  the  loose  papers  are  still  remayninge 
in  the  Councell  howse:  and  in  the  5th  yeare  of  the  gouerment  of  Olliuer  Cromwell  Lord 
protector  of  the  3  nations  of  England  Scottland  and  Ireland  who  had  that  power  Conferd 
on  him  the  16th  daye  of  december  1653: 

By  mee  Augustine  drake 

transcribed  in  anno  domino  1658 

All  the  accompt«suckseedinge:  from  the  yeare  of  our  Lorde  1627  are  constantly  entred 
euery  yeare  att  the  other  end  of  this  great  booke:  in  particuler:  where  there  is  an  entry 
of  diuers  things  worth  the  readinge  &  takinge  notice  of. 

Similarly,  there  is  on  f  F18v  the  following:  'All  the  fformer  accomptwfrom  1564  vnto  this 
yeare  1628  ware  entred  att  the  other  end  of  this  booke  taken  out  of  loose  papers  founde  &; 
remayninge  in  the  Councell  howse  by  Augustine  drake  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  Christ  1658.' 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts;  1564-1750;  English; 
paper;  i  +  261;  420mm  x  290mm  (text  area  varies);  modern  ink  foliation,  1-159  (front  section,  here 
designated  F)  and  38-1  (back  section,  here  designated  B),  63  blank  leaves  between  f  Fl  59  and  f  B38; 
some  folios  ruled,  some  with  headings  for  pounds,  shillings,  and  pence;  parchment  binding  with  spine 
reinforced  with  3  pieces  of  leather  sewn  with  thongs  of  twisted  leather,  taped  to  spine  is  a  piece  of 
paper  with  typescript:  '  Town  A/CS  etc.  1564  to  1627.' 



Dean  and  Chapter  Act  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/19/12;  1589-91;  English  and  Latin;  paper;  ii 
+  275  +  ii;  290mm  x  200mm;  foliated;  bottom  60-70mm  of  all  leaves  damaged  by  damp,  many  pages 
torn,  text  faded;  bound  in  grey  cloth  over  boards  with  olive  green  cloth  spine. 


Many  of  the  Bridport  records  were  numbered  in  ink  and  catalogued  by  Thomas  Wainwright. 
References  to  the  old  classification  scheme  are  included  in  the  present  catalogue  and  documents 
may  be  identified  within  bundles  according  to  their  old  numbers;  'document  numbers'  used 
here  to  refer  to  law  court  records  are  those  of  Wainwright's  classification  scheme. 

Civic  Records 
Bailiffs'  Accounts 

A  letter  patent  of  37  Henry  ni  (1252-3)  established  that  Bridport  was  to  be  governed  by  a 
council  of  fifteen  burgesses  who  elected  from  their  membership  two  bailiffs  each  year.  Their 
accounts  are  extant  in  thirty-seven  separate,  unbound  booklets,  the  earliest  of  which  is  for  1307, 
the  latest  for  1645.  Almost  half  of  these  account  books  date  from  the  first  half  of  the  seven 
teenth  century.  The  accounting  year  extended  from  Michaelmas  of  one  year  to  Michaelmas 
of  the  next,  and  the  official  'counting  day'  fell  during  the  last  week  of  October.  Normally  an 
account  book  included  a  section  registering  revenue  followed  by  one  listing  expenses,  expenses 
for  the  poor,  the  sick,  and  other  activities  of  the  borough.  The  account  books  are  tied  together 
with  ribbon  into  two  bundles:  twelve  from  the  years  1307  to  1464  in  one  bundle,  twenty- 
five  from  1 558  to  1645  in  the  other.  The  last  page  of  almost  every  booklet  is  blank  except  for 
an  imprint  of  the  Bridport  seal  and  various  catalogue  reference  numbers  assigned  by  Thomas 
Wainwright  in  the  late  nineteenth  century.  The  numbers  preceded  by  the  letter  K  refer  to  his 
published  catalogue,  The  Bridport  Records  and  Ancient  Manuscripts.  The  more  complete  and 
precise  reference  numbers  are  those  he  assigned  in  1903  when  compiling  his  manuscript 
'Calendar  of  the  Ancient  Records  of  the  Borough  of  Bridport,'  now  DC/BTB:  PQ/28  at  the 
Dorset  Record  Office.  He  assigned  a  number  to  indicate  the  class  of  document  (for  example,  9 
for  bailiffs'  accounts  and  10  for  cofferers'  accounts),  followed  by  a  three-  or  four-digit  number 
to  identify  each  document.  Bailiffs'  accounts  and  cofferers'  accounts  are  hard  to  distinguish  in 
practice  and  sometimes  the  class  numbers  are  inaccurate;  however,  the  reference  system  currently 
in  use  by  the  Dorset  Record  Office  normally  incorporates  Wainwright's  document  class  numbers 
but  not  the  individual  document  numbers.  These  individual  numbers  are  given  in  the  document 
descriptions  below,  whenever  available. 


Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M2/11;  1614-15;  English;  paper;  original  half-sheet  folded 
lengthwise  to  make  a  bifolium;  395mm  x  1 55mm  (383mm  x  134mm);  unnumbered;  good  condition. 
Assigned  reference  numbers  K21  and  2191  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of  Robert  Miller. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M2/9;  1616-17;  English;  paper;  3  bifolia  sewn  together 
to  make  a  booklet  of  6  leaves;  310mm  x  197mm  (276mm  x  182mm);  unnumbered  (ff  [IvJ,  [2v],  and 
[3v]  blank);  frayed  along  the  outside  edges.  Assigned  reference  number  199  by  Wainwright.  Contains 
the  account  of  Stephen  Colfox. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M2/1  1;  1623-4;  English;  paper;  1  half-sheet  plus  2 
bifolia,  making  a  booklet  of  5  leaves;  203mm  x  154mm  (f  (1J),  385mm  x  154mm  (ff  [2-5]);  un 
numbered  (f  [lv]  blank);  badly  torn  (57mm  at  the  widest  point)  across  the  bottom  so  that  the  last  3 
or  4  entries  have  been  lost.  Assigned  reference  number  1669  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of 
Richard  Payne. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M2/9;  1624-5;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  395mm  x 
154mm;  unnumbered;  poor  condition:  wrinkled,  stained,  torn  at  the  top  and  the  bottom  left.  Assigned 
reference  number  200  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of  Robert  Miller,  dated  3  November. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB.  M2/9;  1633-4;  English;  paper;  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet 
of4  leaves;  304mm  x  197mm  (274mm  x  172mm);  unnumbered.  Assigned  reference  number  1941  by 
Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of  William  Wey  and  Walter  Baylie. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M2/9;  1638-9;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  320mm  x  195mm 
(315mm  x  180mm);  unnumbered;  fair  condition.  Assigned  reference  number  904  by  Wainwright. 
Contains  the  account  of  William  Wey. 

Cofferers'  Accounts 

The  incomplete  series  of  Cofferers'  Account  Books  begins  in  1400.  Bundled  and  tied  with 
ribbons,  there  are  ten  fifteenth-century  booklets  (DC/BTB:  M6),  eleven  sixteenth-century  ones 
(DC/BTB:  M7),  and  forty-five  from  the  seventeenth  and  early  eighteenth  centuries.  The 
accounting  year  ran  from  Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas.  A  complete  account  book  usually  had 
a  section  listing  revenues  (chiefly  from  rental  of  properties)  followed  by  a  section  of  payments 
made  on  behalf  of  the  borough. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M7;  1  555-6;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  287mm  x  198mm 
(text  area  varies);  unnumbered;  good  condition  (tears  along  the  top  and  in  the  centre  at  the  fold  line  do 
not  damage  the  text).  Assigned  reference  numbers  K98  and  10.2271  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the 
account  of  Richard  Tygens  and  John  Moyne. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M7/10;  1574-5;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  310mm  x 
208mm  (290mm  x  175mm);  unnumbered;  fair  condition.  Assigned  reference  number  2170  by  Wain 
wright.  Contains  the  account  of  Stephen  Shower  and  Peter  Cooper. 


Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M7/10;  1578-9;  English;  paper;  single  sheet;  305mm  x 
204mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition  (except  for  verso,  stains  on  the  right  corners  of  which  make  the 
text  illegible).  Assigned  reference  numbers  K102  and  2275  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of 
William  Hassard  and  Thomas  Daffege. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M8/10;  1614-15;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  325mm  x 
204mm  (325mm  x  196mm);  unnumbered;  good  condition.  Assigned  reference  numbers  K20  and 
2190  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of  Richard  Payne  and  William  Wey. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M8/203;  1620-1;  English;  paper;  2  bifolia  making  a 
booklet  of  4  leaves;  314mm  x  197mm  (303mm  x  162mm);  unnumbered  (ff  [5v]  and  [6]  blank,  f  [6v] 
blank  except  for  the  Bridport  seal  and  the  number  203,  likely  one  in  Wainwright's  K  series  of  reference 
numbers);  fair  condition,  now  held  together  by  paper  clips.  Contains  the  account  of  William  Whettam, 
dated  25  October  1621. 

Other  Accounts 

Bundles  of  miscellaneous  financial  records  are  to  be  found  in  DRO:  DC/BTB:  M13  and 
DC/BTB:  Ml  8.  The  former  contains  ten  bundles  and  a  total  of  fifty-three  documents  from 
the  years  1419  to  1835,  but  only  two  of  these  bundles  have  material  from  before  1642.  Bills, 
receipts,  summary  accounts,  payments  for  the  poor,  and  costs  of  banquets  are  the  kinds  of 
documents  found  in  DC/BTB:  Ml 3.  The  latter  class  (DC/BTB:  Ml 8)  contains  thirty-six 
separate  accounts  from  the  years  1555  to  1757,  along  with  other  kinds  of  financial  records. 

Robin  Hood  Ale  Account 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M18/1 1;  1555;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  304mm  x 
210mm  (270mm  x  160mm);  unnumbered;  fair  condition.  Assigned  reference  numbers  K18  and  2188 
by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account  of  Henry  Wey  and  Stephen  Shower,  collectors. 

Ale  Account  for  Town  Buildings 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M 1 5/ 1 1 ;  1 592-3;  English;  paper;  5  bifolia  sewn  with  black 
thread  to  make  a  booklet  of  10  leaves;  305mm  x  204mm  (text  area  varies);  unnumbered  (ff  [1],  [lv], 
and  [10]  blank);  fair  condition.  Assigned  reference  number  1947  by  Wainwright.  Contains  the  account 
of  Henry  Browne  and  George  Francke,  collectors. 

Town  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  Ml 8/10;  1602-3?;  English;  paper;  2  bifolia  sewn  to  make 
a  booklet  of  4  leaves;  305mm  x  205mm  (text  area  varies);  unnumbered  (ff  [lv]  and  [2v]  blank);  fair 
condition  except  for  the  faded  ink  on  the  upper  half  of  f  [1]  which  makes  some  entries  illegible.  As 
signed  reference  numbers  K105  and  2278  by  Wainwright.  The  accountant  is  not  named. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M18/9;  undated;  English;  paper;  1  half  sheet;  300mm  x 
195mm  (292mm  x  180mm);  fair  condition.  The  accountant  is  not  named.  Besides  the  Bridport  seal 


and  the  document  number  noted  above,  the  verso  has  in  black  ink  the  number  2 IB,  likely  the  number 
in  Thomas  Wainwright's  K  series  of  reference  numbers. 
See  Appendix  1  for  this  undated  document. 

Account  of  Thomas  Merefeild 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  M13;  1625-6;  English;  paper;  1  half  sheet,  formerly  folded 
3  cimes  (twice  horizontally,  once  vertically)  to  make  a  small  square;  270mm  x  146mm  (248mm  x  131mm); 
unnumbered;  fair  condition.  One  of  twenty  items  in  a  bundle  of  documents  from  1567  to  1630. 

The  account  is  unusual  in  that  it  begins,  not  on  Michaelmas,  but  on  18  April  1625  and  includes 
a  note,  dated  19  April  1626  and  signed  by  Merefeild,  that  he  had  received  from  the  town  all 
money  due  to  him.  It  is  not  clear  what  office  Merefeild  held  during  the  period  covered  by  the 
account,  but  the  current  catalogue  of  Bridport  manuscripts  asks  if  he  was  serving  as  a  constable 
of  the  borough  during  the  period  covered  by  the  account. 

Legal  Records 

Bridport's  voluminous  records  for  the  three-weekly  and  leet  courts  include  many  references 
to  citizens  amerced  for  playing  unlawful  games.  The  games  that  are  identified  include  dice, 
bowls,  ball  games,  and  the  like;  those  records  that  refer  to  unspecified  unlawful  games  probably 
refer  to  gambling  or  unlawful  sports.  Miscellaneous  sheets  recording  memoranda  from  or 
presentments  to  the  borough  court  also  survive. 

Court  Leet  Proceedings 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  C87,  item  2;  6  October  1606;  Latin  and  English;  vellum; 
single  membrane;  630mm  x  285mm;  right  half  of  bottom  third  of  document  (220mm  along  right  side 
eating  into  the  document  about  1  50mm)  torn  away;  headings  in  bold  and  note  to  the  text  in  the  left 
margin.  Part  of  a  bundle  of  three  court  leet  records  1606-8. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  C88;  1608-10;  Latin  and  English;  parchment;  29  sheets; 
305mm  x  205mm  (280mm  x  155mm);  modern  pencil  foliation  (followed  here)  as  well  as  an  older 
pencil  pagination  beginning  on  f  Iv  and  numbering  odd  page  numbers  through  13;  bound  in  a  vellum 
sheet,  right  side  of  the  front  cover  damaged,  title  on  the  front:  'Liber  Curiarum  Burga  de  Brideport  I  A 
tribus  septimanis  in  tres  (...)  feste  sancti  I  Michaelis  Archangeli  Anno  Domini  1608:  vsq  ibidem  I  festum 
Anno  1609:  tempore  Ioha(.  )nis  Alforde  et  Georgii  I  ffranke  ad  tune  Ba(...)  Burgi  predict  Morgano  I 
Moo(ne)  exiscerue  communi  Clerici  et  Georgii  Trencharde  !  Militis  (...)  senescalli  eiusdem  Burga';  to 
the  left,  opposite  the  second  line  of  this  title,  is  'Bridport.'  The  records  are  not  all  in  order  however. 
The  earliest  entry  seems  to  be  for  Monday  1  August  1608  and  the  last  for  September  1610. 

Court  Leet  Presentments 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  E2/unnumbered;  c  1641;  English;  paper;  single  sheet; 


205mm  x  160mm.  Although  originally  undated  a  later,  pencilled  '1641'  and  the  names  of  the  presenters 
suggest  the  date  c  1641.  Part  of  a  bundle  of  forty-two  documents  of  presentments  to  court  leet. 

Miller  et  al  v.  Maries  et  al 

Four  documents  comprise  the  composite  manuscript  of  this  case:  the  bill  of  complaint  (mb  4), 
which  includes  a  transcription  of  the  allegedly  libellous  verses,  and  the  answers  of  several  of 
the  defendants:  John  Abbot  (mb  3);  Hugh  Syms,  Anthony  Mathew,  and  William  Marshall 
(mb  2);  and  William  Maries  and  John  Lack  (mb  1).  The  last  of  these,  providing  a  generalized 
denial  of  any  guilt  and  a  call  for  a  dismissal  of  the  charges,  sheds  no  light  on  the  reproduction 
and  distribution  of  the  libels;  as  a  result  it  has  not  been  included  here.  Naming  many  of  Brid- 
port's  leading  citizens,  this  case  reveals  the  divisive  force  of  religious  debates  among  the  town's 
ruling  elite. 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  STAC  8/214/2;  1614-15;  English  and  some  Latin;  parchment;  modern 
pencil  numbering;  4  membranes  sewn  with  thread.  Individual  items  include; 

mb  4:  1  June  1614;  English;  587mm  x  680mm  (524mm  x  617mm);  fair  condition  with  some  tearing; 
endorsed  with  date  and  style  of  cause.  Contains  the  plaintiffs'  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  2:  1 1  July  1614;  English  and  some  Latin;  200mm  x  408mm  (125mm  x  408mm);  fair  condition; 
no  endorsements.  Contains  sworn  answer  of  three  defendants. 

mb  3:  28  November  1615;  English  and  some  Latin;  387mm  x  654mm  (371mm  x  633mm);  fair  con 
dition;  no  endorsements.  Contains  sworn  answer  of  another  defendant. 

Account  of  a  Sabbath  Breaking 

This  document  is  one  of  several  (including  notes  of  examinations,  presentments,  and  fines) 
in  connection  with  the  administration  for  the  poor. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/BTB:  DEI 0/3;  1637;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  319mm  x 
204mm;  unnumbered;  poor  condition  (worm  holes  through  the  top  half  of  the  document  and  dirt 
hamper  legibility).  Assigned  reference  number  809  by  Wainwright. 


Cerne  Abbas,  best  known  today  for  the  giant  carved  into  the  rocky  hill  that  overlooks  the 
village,  was  prosperous  when  the  abbey  of  Cerne  Abbas  dominated  the  village  and  provided 
its  principal  market,  but  it  declined  after  the  Dissolution.1'12  The  earliest  surviving  Cerne  Abbas 
churchwardens'  accounts  are  from  1628;  the  accounting  term  for  the  period  represented  in 
the  Records  ran  from  Easter  to  Easter. 


St  Mary's  Churchwardens  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/CEA:  CW  1/1;  1628-85:  English;  paper;  143  leaves;  305mm  x 
195mm  (text  area  variable);  later  ink  foliation;  some  parts  of  text  with  ruled  margins  and  amounts  of 
payments  or  receipts  in  columns;  bound  in  vellum. 


No  longer  a  separate  parish,  this  community  is  now  part  of  the  parish  of  Spettisbury  cum 
Charlton  Marshall.  The  accounting  term  during  the  period  relevant  for  the  Records  ran  from 
one  Easter  to  the  next. 

St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/CHM:  CW  1/1;  1582-1642,  1651-6;  English;  paper,  v  +  1 15  +  iii; 
305mm  x  205mm;  modern  pencil  foliation;  originally  a  paper  volume  of  accounts,  some  now  in  scraps, 
restored  in  1907. 


John  Stow's  Chronicles  of  England  (AC) 

The  Chronicles  1  of  England,  from  Brute  I  vmo  this  present  yeare  I  of  Christ  1 580  I  Collected  by  lohn 
Stow  I  Citizen  of  London  I  [device]  I  Printed  at  London  by  Ralphe  I  Newberie,  at  the  assignement  I  of 
Henrie  Bynneman.l  Cum  Priuilegio  Regia  Maiestatis.  STC:  23333. 

Autobiography  of  Robert  Ashley 

Robert  Ashley  (1565-1641),  elder  brother  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley  (see  p  62),  studied  first  at 
Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  where  he  performed  as  a  lord  of  misrule  at  Christmas  1587.  He 
went  on  to  study  at  the  Middle  Temple,  where  he  was  called  to  the  bar  c  \  596.  Although  he 
practised  law  and  sat  as  MP  for  Dorchester  in  1597,  he  made  his  mark  through  his  avocation 
as  a  translator  of  works  in  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian. 

London,  British  Library,  Sloane  MS.  2131;  17th  century;  Latin  and  French;  paper;  i  +  24  +  xiii;  305mm  x 
190mm  (295mm  x  150mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  original  pages  repaired  and  mounted  on  guards; 
modern  leather  and  cloth  binding.  Ashley's  autobiography,  dated  c  1622  on  spine,  is  on  ff  16-20;  other 
works  include  an  'apologia'  dedicated  to  Edward  Sackville,  earl  of  Dorset,  by  John  Bastwick  and  a  section 
of  French  poetry. 


For  the  early  seventeenth  century  various  kinds  of  records  for  Dorchester  survive:  corporation 
minute  books  and  other  administrative  documents;  the  Offenders'  Book  (otherwise  known 


as  the  Borough  Court  Book),  a  detailed  register  of  legal  proceedings  of  the  borough  tribunal; 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  court  papers;  private  journals,  such  as  Dennis  Bond's  Chronology  and 
William  Whiteway's  Diary;  and  churchwardens'  accounts  of  Holy  Trinity  as  well  as  records  of 
the  town's  two  other  parishes.  While  these  records  provide  a  sense  of  the  social  life  within 
Dorchester,  the  lack  of  financial  records  like  those  of  Bridporr,  Lyme  Regis,  or  Poole  deprives 
us  of  the  main  source  of  information  about  the  borough's  reception  of  travelling  players  and 
its  investment  in  its  own  theatrical,  musical,  ceremonial,  or  customary  activities.  Many  excerpts 
from  the  records  of  Dorchester  have  been  published  by  C.H.  Mayo  (ed),  The  Municipal 
Records  of  the  Borough  of  Dorchester,  Dorset  (Exeter,  1 908). 

Civic  Records 
Borough  Court  Book 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/DOB:  8/1;  1629-37;  English  and  some  Latin;  paper;  vii  +  361; 
305mm  x  193mm;  modern  pencil  foliation  (blank  folios:  130-30v,  131,  167,  255-5v,  284v,  285, 
296v,  301v,  303,  344,  and  361v);  31  quires,  each  leaf  of  which  has  been  reinforced  with  new  paper  be 
cause  of  worn  and  torn  outside  corners,  top  and  bottom  (a  presentment  has  been  inserted  at  f  269v); 
some  personal  names,  titles,  and  marginalia  written  in  display  script;  bound  into  1  volume  with  modern 
flyleaves,  covered  in  red  and  white  modern  leather  and  bearing  on  the  spine  in  gold:  'Dorchester  Borough 
Court  Book  1629-1637.' 

Borough  Court  Minute  Book 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/DOB:  16/4;  1637-56;  English;  paper;  128  leaves;  303mm  x 
1 94mm;  unnumbered  (last  2  folios  blank);  some  personal  names,  titles,  and  marginalia  written  in  dis 
play  script;  vellum  cover  torn  and  badly  worn. 

Legal  Records 

Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al 

Matthew  Chubbe  was  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  powerful  men  in  Dorchester.  John 
Condytt  was  a  local  tailor,  a  Puritan,  and  a  follower  of  Reverend  John  White,  otherwise  known 
as  the  'Patriarch  of  Dorchester.'  The  conflict  between  Condytt  and  Chubbe,  which  manifested 
itself  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  by  Berkeley's  men  to  Dorchester,  exemplifies  the  antagonistic 
forces  shaping  the  social  history  of  the  borough  in  the  early  seventeenth  century.  While  the 
case  as  a  whole  provides  a  fascinating  glimpse  of  Dorchester  life  at  the  time,  we  have  excerpted 
those  parts  of  the  document  that  deal  with  the  three  allegedly  libellous  verses  in  which  plays 
are  attacked  or  with  the  visit  of  Berkeley's  troupe. 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  STAC  8/94/17;  1608-9;  English  and  some  Latin;  vellum;  22  membranes 
of  various  sizes  stitched  at  the  top  left  corner;  modern  numbering  at  foot  of  membranes;  written  on 


:  side  only,  with  some  administrative  endorsements;  generally  good  condition  except  for  damage 
t  increases  from  mb  17  through  mb  20  (damage  at  folds  or  at  outside  edges  results  in  loss  of  text, 

one  i 


most  but  not  all  recoverable  under  ultra-violet  light).  Relevant  items  include: 

mb  19:  21  April  1608;  English;  620mm  x  784mm;  ink  rubbed  and  in  some  parts  illegible  except  under 
ultra-violet  light;  endorsed  with  date.  Contains  plaintiffs'  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  20:  nd;  English;  300mm  x  220mm;  good  condition;  no  endorsements.  Contains  text  of  a  libellous 
poem  as  exhibit  accompanying  the  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  21:  nd;  English;  428mm  x  233mm;  good  condition;  no  endorsements.  Contains  text  of  a  libellous 
poem  as  exhibit  accompanying  the  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  22:  nd;  English;  320mm  x  222mm;  good  condition;  no  endorsements.  Contains  text  of  a  libellous 
poem  as  exhibit  accompanying  the  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  17:  21  April-7  May  1608  (based  on  dates  of  bill  (mb  19)  and  writ  to  examine  defendants  (mb  11)); 
English;  single  membrane  with  small  attachment  (containing  final  interrogatory);  718mm  x  452mm 
(attachment  at  foot  105mm  x  435mm);  condition  poor  in  parts  with  much  fading  at  edges;  no  endorse 
ment.  Contains  plaintiffs'  interrogatories  for  examination  of  defendants. 

mb  18:  2  June  1608;  English  and  some  Latin;  628mm  x  693mm;  good  condition;  no  endorsements. 
Contains  sworn  answer  of  two  defendants,  Matthew  and  Margaret  Chubbe. 

mbs  14-16:  2  June  1608;  English  and  some  Latin;  3  membranes  (present  order  is  opposite  to  order  of 
writing:  text  begins  at  top  of  mb  16  and  runs  to  mb  14);  660mm  x  283mm,  713mm  x  326mm,  717mm  x 
328mm;  good  condition;  mb  14  endorsed  with  style  of  cause  and  delivery  date,  8  June  1608,  mb  15 
endorsed:  'Conditt  et  al  versus  Chubbe  et  al.  Dedimus  potestatem.'  Contains  examinations  of  the  same 
two  defendants. 

mb  2:  before  13  February  1608/9  (based  on  date  of  writ  (mb  1)  naming  commissioners  to  examine 
witnesses);  English;  642mm  x  362mm;  condition  generally  good  with  some  fading  at  lower  right  edge; 
endorsed:  'Condytc  versus  Chubbe  el  al.  Interrogators  pro  dzfendentibus.'  Contains  interrogatories  for 
examination  of  witnesses  drawn  up  by  the  defendants. 

mbs  7-8:  before  13  February  1608/9  (based  on  date  of  mb  1);  English;  747mm  x  31 1mm,  748mm  x 
314mm;  good  condition;  mb  8  endorsed  with  style  of  cause.  Contains  interrogatories  for  examination 
of  witnesses  drawn  up  by  the  plaintiffs. 

mbs  3-6:  26  April  1 609;  English  and  some  Latin;  640mm  x  368mm,  732mm  x  298mm,  308mm  x 
318mm,  348mm  x  370mm;  good  condition;  mb  6  endorsed  with  delivery  date,  8  May  1609.  Contains 
examinations  of  witnesses  on  behalf  of  both  the  plaintiffs  and  the  defendants. 

mb  9:  29  June  1609;  English  and  some  Latin;  single  membrane;  386mm  x  455mm;  good  condition; 
no  endorsements.  Contains  sworn  answer  of  another  defendant,  Robert  Adyn. 


Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley 

Apart  from  his  practice  at  the  Middle  Temple  and  his  work  for  the  Crown  as  a  king's  Serjeant 
at  law,  Sir  Francis  Ashley  held  several  important  offices  in  Dorset.  He  became  recorder  of 
Dorchester  following  the  resignation  of  Sir  George  Trenchard  in  1610,  sat  in  the  House  of 
Commons  for  the  borough  in  1614,  1621,  and  1625-6,  and  served  as  Dorset  justice  of  the 
peace  from  1614  until  his  death  in  1635.  His  casebook  comes  from  Ashley's  work  in  the  last 
of  these  offices;  it  is  a  fair  copy  of  notes,  some  made  by  Ashley  himself  (see  p  198)  and  others 
made  by  various  clerks,  of  cases  in  which  he  was  involved.  A  calendar  of  the  manuscript  has 
been  edited  byJ.H.  Bettey,  The  Case  Book  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley,  jr,  Recorder  of  Dorchester,  16  14- 
1635,  Dorset  Record  Society,  vol  7  (Dorchester,  1981).  A  member  of  a  prominent  Dorset 
family,  he  was  the  younger  brother  of  Robert  Ashley  (see  p  59)  and  a  cousin  of  Sir  Henry 
Ashley  (see  pp  74). 

London,  British  Library,  Harley  MS.  671 5;  1614-35;  English  and  Latin;  paper;  iii  +  106  +  iii;  297mm  x 
197mm;  modern  foliation  (first  2  leaves  blank);  2  notebooks,  the  first  ending  in  1621,  have  been  bound 
together  in  1  volume,  each  quire  separately  mounted  on  a  strip  of  strong  paper  sewn  in  the  binding; 
modern  cloth  binding  with  leather  spine  and  corners,  stamped  in  gold.  All  entries  except  those  for  the 
last  two  years,  occupying  ff  93v-106,  have  been  crossed  through  with  large  Xs. 

This  book  also  yielded  entries  for  Fordington,  Puddletown,  Stour  Provost,  and  Winterborne  Monkton. 

Miscellaneous  Records 
Prologue  for  a  School  Play 

The  'Prologue  is  one  of  many  items  in  a  miscellany  in  prose  and  verse  collected  by,  and  partly 
written  by,  'Lew.  F. ,'  probably  Leweston  Fitzjames,  a  Dorset  MP.   Apart  from  a  substantial 
collection  of  John  Davison's  works  and  a  playlet  entitled  'Jokey  Jenkins,'  the  volume  includes 
songs,  epigrams,  poems,  legal  notes,  epitaphs,  translations,  prayers,  notes  on  primogeniture, 
and  letters  on  preaching. 

Oxford,  Bodleian  Library,  MS.  Add.  B.  97;  c  1603-10;  English  and  Latin;  paper;  64  leaves;  189mm  x 
141mm;  pencil  foliation;  13  quires  of  4  leaves  each,  except  for  1  with  10  leaves  (fT39-48v);  vellum  cover. 

William  Whiteway's  Diary 

William  Whiteway  (1599-1635)  was  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Dorchester  and  a  strong  Puritan. 
Like  his  father,  William  Whiteway,  Sr  (who  was  mayor  of  Dorchester  in  1631),  he  traded 
principally  with  France,  as  a  result  of  which  connection  he  had  information  about  Europe, 
especially  about  the  persecution  of  Puritans  there,  that  he  recorded  in  his  diary.  He  became 
one  of  the  fifteen  capital  burgesses  of  Dorchester  in  1624,  sat  as  one  of  its  MPS  in  1626,  and 
served  as  bailiff  of  the  town  in  1628  and  1632.  Whiteway's  Diary,  which  covers  the  years  1618 


to  1635  and  occupies  ff  3-1 13v  of  the  manuscript,  records  local,  county,  national,  and  inter 
national  events.  The  last  of  these  were  of  particular  interest  to  the  first  editor  of  the  Whiteway's 
Diary,  W.  Miles  Barnes,  who  published  selections  from  the  manuscript  as  'The  Diary  of 
William  Whiteway,  of  Dorchester,  Co.  Dorset,  from  November,  1618,  to  March,  1634,'  but 
his  principles  of  selection  concealed  Whiteway's  interest  in  drama  with  political  significance." 
As  Thomas  Murphy  argued  in  his  unpublished  edition  of  the  diary  (The  Diary  of  William 
Whiteway  of  Dorchester,  County  Dorset,  From  the  Year  1618  to  the  Year  1635,'  pp  lix-lxii), 
Whiteway  drew  little  of  his  information  from  printed  sources  of  news;  instead,  he  relied  upon 
the  reports  of  family,  friends,  and  business  associates  for  the  entries  in  his  diary.  Although 
most  of  the  diary  appears  to  have  been  written  as  the  events  occurred,  some  parts  were  entered 
or  elaborated  upon  after  the  fact.  An  edition  of  the  entire  diary  has  been  published  by  the 
Dorset  Record  Society,  William  Whiteway  of  Dorchester:  His  Diary  1618  to  1635. 

London,  British  Library,  Egerton  MS.  784;  1618-34;  English;  paper;  ii  +  127  +  ii;  135mm  x  75mm; 
modern  foliation  1-121  (+  5  blank  leaves  of  a  lighter  (modern?)  paper,  1  blank  leaf  between  ff  1 13-14); 
19th-century  leather  binding,  'Whiteway's  Diary.  1618-1634.'  stamped  in  gold  on  the  top  of  the  spine. 

William  Whiteway's  Commonplace  Book 

William  Whiteway's  Commonplace  Book,  compiled  between  1625  and  1635,  includes  in 
addition  to  anecdotes  about  Dorset  life  a  wide  range  of  extracts  from,  for  example,  psalms  and 
passages  from  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  verses  in  French  and  Latin,  Holinshed's  Chronicles 
and  other  historical  works,  and  instructions  on  painting  and  limning,  as  well  as  a  Latin-Polish 
word  list  (ff  71-95).  Within  the  commonplace  book  is  Whiteway's  private  chronology,  span 
ning  the  period  from  1518  to  1635  and  consisting  chiefly  of  brief  notices  of  births,  marriages, 
and  deaths  of  his  family.  In  the  last  year  covered,  Whiteway's  own  death  is  registered  by  his 
brother,  Samuel.  That  this  younger  brother  of  William  came  into  possession  of  the  common 
place  book  may  help  to  explain  how  the  volume  ended  up  in  the  collections  of  Cambridge 
University  Library,  for  Samuel  Whiteway  studied  at  St  Catharine's  Hall,  Cambridge.  In  April 
1631  he  matriculated  as  pensioner  of  the  college  and  he  went  on  to  earn  a  BA  in  1635.''14 

Cambridge,  Cambridge  University  Library,  Dd.l  1.73;  early  17th  century;  English,  Latin,  French,  Greek, 
Polish;  paper;  vii  +  187  +  vii  (flyleaves  modern);  193mm  x  143mm;  modern  pencil  foliation  1-144, 
187-145  (fF  I40-4v  blank,  final  43  leaves  written  upside-down  and  from  back  to  front);  hard  paper 
cover,  leather  spine,  and  gilt  lettering,  binding  badly  damaged  (front  board  detached). 

Chronology  of  Dennis  Bond 

Born  on  30  August  1588  and  baptized  two  days  later  in  the  parish  church  of  Melcombe  Regis, 
Dennis  Bond  was  the  son  of  John  Bond  of  Lutton  and  Margaret  Pitt  of  Weymouth  and  cousin 
of  William  Whiteway.  Dennis  Bond  was  a  woollen  draper  by  trade,  who  served  as  constable 
of  Dorchester  in  1619,  bailiff  in  1630,  and  mayor  in  1635.  He  is  listed  among  the  borough's 


capital  burgesses  in  the  charter  of  1629.  Bond  was  Puritan  in  his  religious  orientation:  he  sup 
ported  John  White's  New  England  project;  he  was  nominated  to  try  the  king  for  high  treason 
in  1648  (although  he  seems  not  to  have  served  in  that  capacity);  and  his  son,  John,  became 
an  influential  Puritan  divine.  Having  sat  for  Dorchester  in  parliament  from  1640-53  and  for 
Weymouth-Melcombe  Regis  in  1654  and  1656,  Dennis  Bond  died  in  1658. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  D/BOC:  Box  22;  1634-46;  English;  paper  and  vellum;  ii  (modern)  + 
ii  (original)  +  44  +  ii  (original)  +  ii  (modern);  40  vellum  leaves,  390mm  x  200mm  (gathered  in  4s,  sewn 
with  6  stitches),  and  4  paper  leaves,  340mm  x  197mm;  pages  ruled  in  4  columns  of  unequal  width; 
foliated  1-5  with  Latin  title  on  f  1  and  table  of  contents  on  f  2  (ff  Iv,  2v,  3-5  blank),  then  paginated 
;-80  beginning  from  f  5v  (pp  [9],  21-5,  27-8,  55,  76,  [82-5]  blank);  good  condition;  vellum  cover 
marked  'Vol.  i'  on  the  spine,  which  is  badly  torn.  Contains,  in  addition  to  a  private  chronology  of 
personal  and  public  events  from  1 100  to  1646,  descriptions  of  property,  pedigrees,  and  a  list  of  Bond's 
books,  dated  1635.  The  start  is  dated  1634  on  the  spine  but  1635  is  on  the  title  page. 


The  larger  centre  of  Dorchester  overshadowed  Fordington,  which  grew  up  next  to  the  walls  of 
what  had  been  Roman  Durnovaria  (Dorchester).  The  fair  at  Fordington  was  on  the  eve,  day, 
and  morrow  of  the  feast  of  St  George  (22-4  April).1'" 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/35.  item  57;  24  September  1635;  English; 
paper;  single  sheet;  205mm  x  166mm;  written  on  recto  only;  good  condition.  Now  one  of  104  items, 
numbered  in  modern  pencil,  kept  in  a  modern  folder. 

Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley 

See  Dorchester  (p  62)  for  BL:  Harley  MS.  6715. 


Churchwardens  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/34,  item  41;  16  July  1634;  English;  paper; 
booklet  made  up  of  2  bifolia;  unnumbered;  300mm  x  198mm;  good  condition.  Now  one  of  ninety- 
seven  items,  numbered  in  modern  pencil,  kept  in  a  modern  folder. 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/10,  item  62;  2  December  1607;  English; 


paper;  single  sheet;  204mm  x  123mm;  condition  generally  good.  One  of  103  loose  sheets  and  bifolia, 
1605-10,  numbered  in  modern  pencil.  A  typescript  list  of  the  parishes  for  which  presentments  are 
found  in  this  bundle  has  been  inserted  at  the  beginning. 


Quarter  Sessions  Orders 

See  Beaminster  (p  52)  for  DRO:  QSM:  1/1. 


In  1943  Cyril  Wanklyn  began  the  task  of  identifying,  sorting,  and  cataloguing  the  thousands 
of  records  of  Lyme  Regis,  a  project  that  led  to  a  series  of  articles  first  published  in  various 
local  magazines  and  later  compiled  as  Lyme  Leaflets  and  published  by  Spottiswoode,  Ballantyne 
&  Co  in  1944.  Wanldyn's  task  was  a  daunting  one  given  the  richness  and  variety  of  Lyme's 
muniments,  including  detailed  legal,  financial,  administrative,  property,  and  parish  documents. 
The  financial  records  of  Lyme  in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  are  especially  rich 
because  not  only  does  a  fair  copy  of  the  town  accounts  survive  but  so  too  do  copies  of  many 
draft  accounts  of  the  mayors.  Unfortunately,  seventeenth-century  records  of  Lyme  reveal  less 
about  the  community,  partly  because  of  big  gaps  in  the  records  of  the  town's  Hustings  Court, 
partly  because  draft  mayors'  accounts  are  not  extant,  and  partly  because  changes  in  accounting 
practices  eliminate  the  detail  necessary  to  identify  performance  activity. 

Civic  Records 
Mayors'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR-.  N23/2;  14th-18th  centuries;  English;  paper;  miscellaneous 
documents  set  into  1  volume  with  1  document  to  each  modern  guardsheet;  modern  pencil  numbering 
of  guardsheets  but  no  system  of  foliation  or  pagination  on  individual  documents;  set  between  boards 
covered  in  black  buckram  with  skiver  (very  thin  leather)  on  the  spine  and  the  corners  of  the  fore-edges, 
and  fastened  with  2  leather  straps  with  buckles  attached  to  the  fore-edges  of  the  covers.  Calendared 
and  fully  transcribed  in  DRO:  DC/LR:  N24/2.  The  documents  include  the  following: 

item  17:  1548-9;  bifolium  (ff  [2-2v]  blank);  311mm  x  206mm;  unnumbered  except  for  '17'  in  pencil 
in  upper  corner  of  f  [1],  but  this  does  not  provide  the  basis  for  a  system  of  foliation;  excellent  condition. 
The  account  of  Mayor  John  Dey. 

item  51:  1583-4;  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves  (ff  [4-4v]  blank),  once  sewn  and  formerly 
folded  in  4;  414mm  x  152mm;  outside  left  edges  ruled  to  set  off  'It'  (Item),  columns  for  figures  on 
the  right  side  of  each  page.  The  account  of  Mayor  Robert  Davey. 

item  58:  1 589-90;  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves,  once  sewn,  now  loose,  the  first  recto  shows 


evidence  of  being  folded  again  in  half  horizontally  (ff  [2v]  and  [4v]  blank);  4 12mm  x  153mm.  The 
account  of  Mayor  John  Davcy. 

item  75:  1601;  bifolium  and  1  half-sheet  folded  to  make  a  booklet;  305mm  x  205mm;  unnumbered; 
last  page  marked  by  fold  lines  and  dirt  on  the  bottom  half  but  otherwise  very  clean.  Contains  the 
account  of  Cobb  warden  John  Roze. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  Gl/2;  1544-73;  English;  paper;  ii  +  31  +  ii;  31  numbered 
guardsheets,  each  bearing  a  separate  booklet  with  a  mayor's  account;  continuous  modern  pagination 
(followed  here)  in  pencil  in  the  bottom  right  corner  of  each  page,  although  some  blank  pages  not 
counted;  modern  blue  leather  binding  with  'Finance.  Vol.  n'  in  gold  on  spine.  Entries  transcribed  in  the 
calendar  (DRO:  DC/LR:  Gl/4a)  are  marked  by  a  blue  pencil  line  in  left  margin.  The  booklets  include 
the  following: 

no  8:  c  1544-5;  3  leaves  made  up  of  1  half-sheet  and  a  sewn  bifolium;  308mm  x  309mm;  modern 
pagination  81—6;  untitled.  Pp  81—2  appear  to  belong  to  a  different  account  than  the  rest:  the  stains  on 
the  paper,  the  lines  from  folding,  and  the  handwriting  differ  from  those  of  pp  83—6,  which  belong  to 
the  account  of  John  Tanner,  internally  dated  1553  and  continued  on  pp  87-92.  The  date  of  c  1544-5 
has  been  assigned  because  the  watermark  on  pp  81-2  resembles  that  in  the  paper  used  by  John  Tudbold, 
whose  account  in  DC/LR:  Gl/2,  f  1  is  dated  36  Henry  vin,  and  because  the  labourers  paid  by  Tudbold 
for  repairing  the  Cobb  house  include  many  of  the  same  workers  also  named  in  this  account. 

no  2:  1547—8;  15  leaves  folded  and  sewn  into  a  quarto-size  booklet  (leaf  following  p  40  has  been  cut 
out;  pp  16,  35ff  blank);  217  mm  x  160mm;  modern  pagination  includes  p  16  but  does  not  count  the 
final  blank  leaves.  Contains  the  account  of  Mayor  Thomas  Ellesdon. 

no  9:  c  1  552-3;  4  leaves  made  up  of  2  half-sheets  (second  half-sheet  has  stub  of  other  half  remaining) 
and  a  bifolium;  313mm  x  210mm;  modern  pagination  87-94  (pp  93-4  blank);  untitled.  Apparently 
a  continuation  of  pp  83-6  judging  by  the  similar  watermark,  stains,  and  traces  of  earlier  folding.  Part 
of  an  account,  mayor  not  named. 

no  10:  1  553;  sewn  bifolium;  310mm  x  210mm;  modern  pagination  95-8.  Contains  Mayor  John 
Morris'  rough  account  for  Michaelmas  quarter. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

no  12:  1553-4;  5  sheets  folded  and  sewn  into  a  booklet  of  10  leaves;  314mm  x  109mm;  modern  pagina 
tion  107-26  (pp  108-10  blank);  pp  107-12  stained  but  not  enough  to  make  the  text  illegible.  Account 
of  Mayor  John  Morris,  divided  into  the  quarters  Michaelmas,  Christmas,  Our  Lady,  and  Midsummer; 
Michaelmas  section  (pp  111-13)   is  a  fair  copy  of  account  in  no  10. 
Midsummer  section  used  in  Appendix  3. 

no  17:  1559;  bifolium;  31 1mm  x  108mm;  modern  pagination  151-4;  tattered  along  the  bottom,  one 
blot  of  ink  hampers  legibility  on  p  151;  p  154  bears  only  a  title  for  the  entire  booklet  of  which  this  is  a 


part,  a  title  in  a  different  hand  and  different  ink.  The  third-quarter  account  of  Richard  Hunt  (mayor 
1558-9),  beginning  'at  howrlady  daye  In  Icnte.' 

no  19:  1560;  4  half-sheets  folded  vertically  and  sewn  to  make  a  booklet  of  8  leaves;  392mm  x  107mm; 
modern  pagination  163-78  (pp  164  and  171-8  blank);  stained  throughout  by  water  across  the  top 
and  about  three-fifths  of  the  way  down  the  left  side  of  each  recto,  but  legibility  excellent.  The  third- 
quarter  account  of  John  Holcombe  (mayor  1559-60). 

no  23:  1560;  2  bifoliasewn  to  make  a  booldet  of  4  leaves;  295mm  x  101mm;  modern  pagination  211-18 
(pp  214-18  blank);  text  from  p  212  shows  through  on  p  21 1  making  the  reading  difficult.  The  first- 
quarter  account  of  Richard  Buckford  (mayor  1560-1). 

no  15:  1567-8;  bifolium  formerly  sewn  and  folded  again  in  half  vertically  so  that  the  text  covers  only 
half  the  page;  308mm  x  214  mm;  modern  pagination  139-42  (p  142  blank  but  for  'lohn  Hassard 
Mayor  1567'  in  pencil  at  the  top).  Accounts  cover  the  first  two  quarters  of  John  Hassard's  mayoralty 


no  28:  1568;  half-sheet  folded  to  make  a  bifolium;  316mm  x  105mm;  modern  pagination  262b-d; 
clean  but  for  show-through  on  pp  262b  and  262d;  title  on  p  262b:  'lohn  hasard«  last  quarter booke  in 
his  mayrallty  1568.'  Hassard's  fourth-quarter  account  (mayor  1567-8). 

no  24:  1569-70;  5  sheets  folded  and  sewn  to  make  a  booklet  of  10  leaves;  215mm  x  100-1 07mm; 
modern  pagination  219—38  (pp  231—7  blank);  almost  the  entire  booklet  is  stained  but  only  the  stain 
in  the  top  left  corners  of  rectos  makes  reading  difficult;  tightly  bound,  causing  the  loss  of  some  figures. 
The  account  of  Mayor  John  Garland  for  the  four  quarters. 

no  31:  1573;  half-sheet  folded  in  half  vertically  to  define  the  writing  area;  31  5mm  x  205mm;  modern 
pagination  271—2;  text  on  right  vertical  half  of  p  271  and  on  the  left  side  of  p  272;  no  visible  sewing 
marks.  Mayor  Hassard's  fourth-quarter  account  for  1572-3. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  Gl/1;  1549-1665;  English;  paper  (watermark:  crowned  pot); 
ii  +  197  +  ii;  300mm  x  195mm  (written  area  variable);  original  foliation  in  ink  in  upper  right  corner 
of  each  leaf  to  f  78,  modern  pagination  in  pencil  in  lower  right  corner  throughout  (pp  2,  8—14,  67, 
69,  83,  153,  370-83,  385-7,  and  392  blank);  opening  The  accompte'  and  totals  in  the  early  accounts 
larger  and  lightly  decorated;  f  26  and  the  leaf  preceding  f  46  cut  out  without  any  loss  of  accounts; 
modern,  blue  leather  binding  with  'Finance.  Vol.  i'  in  gold  on  spine.  Preceded  and  followed  by  several 
miscellaneous  documents;  lacks  accounts  for  1  572,  1  576,  1636/7-43/4.  Includes  accounts  for  Mayors 
John  Perot  (1555-6),  John  Holcombe  (1559-60),  Roger  Garland  (1561-2),  Robert  Davey  (1562-3), 
and  John  Bellamy  (1591-2);  as  well  as  those  for  Mayors  William  Kirridge  (1621-2),  William  Davey 
(1623-4),  John  Hassard,  Jr  (1624-5),  and  Richard  Roze  (1633-4). 
Sixteenth-century  accounts  used  in  Appendix  3. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  G2/1;  1550-65;  English;  paper;  40  leaves  sewn  into  1  quire 
(ff  [lv],  [2v],  [4v],  [lOv-1  Iv],  [18v],  [19],  [21v],  [25],  [33v],  and  [35]  blank),  with  a  half-page  summar 
izing  rents  for  1558/9  pinned  to  f  [9];  312mm  x  4 10mm  (written  area  variable;  f  [10]  different  in  paper 


and  size  (288mm  x  202mm));  unnumbered;  unbound,  first  page  bears  the  title:  'Anno  regnt regis  Ectwardi 
vj[  quarto.'  Almost  all  the  material  reappears  in  DRO:  DC/LR:  Gl/1. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  N23/3,  item  2;  1568-9;  English;  paper;  403mm  x  140mm 
(booklet  1)  and  410mm  x  153mm  (booklet  2);  unnumbered;  2  booklets  stitched  together:  the  first 
booklet,  bearing  the  title,  is  made  of  2  bifolia  tied  by  3  vellum  stitches  or  ties,  once  folded  again  in  half 
horizontally  (4  notes  about  payments  stitched  to  the  top  left  corner  of  f  [lv];  a  similar  note  attached  to 
f  [3];  ff  [3v]  and  [4-4v]  are  blank);  the  second  booklet  is  made  up  of  2  bifolia  bound  by  vellum  ties  at 
the  top  and  bottom  (f  [4v]  blank).  Contains  the  account  of  Mayor  Robert  Davey;  now  bound  as  no  2 
in   Fugitive  Pieces  in,'  a  collection  of  miscellaneous  documents  bound  up  on  numbered  guard  sheets. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  G2/2;  1573-1685;  English;  paper;  incomplete  collection 
of  mayors'  quarter  books,  each  booklet  mounted  on  a  separate,  unnumbered  guardsheet;  a  system  of 
numeration  (followed  here)  appears  on  tabs  bearing  red  numbers  which  correspond  to  the  pagination 
of  the  calendar  and  transcription  of  the  documents  made  by  the  Public  Record  Office  (DRO:  DC/LR: 
G2/3g),  some  pages  have  more  than  one  tab  and  number;  modern  blue  leather  binding.  The  year  of 
the  account  appears  in  pencil  in  the  upper  right  corner  of  each  folio  and  the  accounts  are  arranged  in 
chronological  order.  Individual  booklets  include: 

1 573:  single  sheet  folded  to  define  3  writing  areas;  3 1  Omm  x  3 1 2mm;  numbered  5-7  in  red  ink  on 
tabs  glued  to  the  pages.  The  first-quarter  account  of  Richard  Baret  (mayor  1  573-4). 

1 573-4:  bifolium  (marks  where  it  was  sewn  remain);  310mm  x  212mm;  numbered  8-12  in  red  ink 
on  white  tabs  glued  to  the  pages.  The  remainder  of  Baret's  account  for  his  mayoralty. 

1  577—8:  3  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  6  leaves,  formerly  folded  again  twice  horizontally;  4 1 8mm  x 
150mm;  modern  numbering  on  tabs  13-17  omits  blank  pages.  The  account  of  Mayor  John  Jourdain. 

1  584-5:  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves,  once  sewn;  306-309mm  x  206mm;  modern  number 
ing  on  tabs  22-30  (several  numbers  on  tabs  appear  on  individual  pages).  Mayor  Jourdain's  account. 

1  586-7:  half-sheet  folded  to  make  bifolium,  traces  of  sewing  remain;  41  5mm  x  1  52mm;  modern 
numbering  on  tabs  31-5.  The  account  of  Mayor  Walter  Harvey. 

1  587-8:  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves  (outer  bifolium  now  decayed  to  2  loose  sheets,  sewing 
marks  remain);  408mm  x  1  52mm;  modern  numbering  on  tabs  36—44  (the  entire  fourth  leaf  is  blank, 
as  are  the  versos  of  the  first  and  third  leaves);  the  top  half  is  stained  by  water  but  quite  legible.  Mayor 
not  named  but  probably  the  account  of  John  Jones. 

1588-9:  2  half-sheets  folded  to  make  a  booklet  of  4  leaves,  once  sewn;  305mm  x  104mm;  modern 
numbering  on  tabs  45-51  (the  verso  of  the  first  leaf  is  blank;  the  verso  of  the  fourth  has  only  '1589' 
and  some  calculations).  The  account  of  Mayor  John  Hassard. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 



1592-3:  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves,  once  sewn,  formerly  also  folded  in  half  horizontally; 
402mm  x  145mm;  modern  numbering  on  tabs  53-60;  clean  and  legible  but  for  the  show-through  on 
the  last  3  leaves;  top  of  the  booklet  now  folded  down  to  fit  the  portfolio,  the  inside  edges  of  leaves  in 
this  top  part  separated  and  frayed  at  the  cost  of  some  of  the  figures.  The  account  of  Mayor  John  Hayes. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

1593-4:  2  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  4  leaves,  once  sewn,  formerly  folded  again  in  half  vertically; 
305mm  x  208mm;  modern  numbering  on  tabs  61-6.  Mayor  Harvey's  account. 

1594-5:  3  half-sheets  folded  to  make  a  booklet  of  6  leaves;  305mm  x  103mm;  modern  numbering  on 
tabs  70-7.  The  second  of  two  booklets  comprising  John  Hassard's  account;  the  first  payment  is  dated 
12  May  (the  last  in  the  first  booklet  is  dated  14  April). 

1595-6:  7  bifolia  making  a  booklet  of  14  leaves  (the  first  half  of  the  fifth  bifolium  has  been  cut  or  torn 
out,  some  figuring  remains  on  the  stub  which  is  296mm  x  28mm),  once  sewn  and  also  folded  again  in 
half  vertically;  308mm  x  210mm  (but  the  bifolia  making  up  the  fifth  and  tenth  leaves  and  the  sixth  and 
ninth  leaves  are  of  different  sizes  and  kinds  of  paper  from  the  rest);  modern  numbering  on  tabs  78-98; 
repairs  to  the  bottom  of  the  first  leaf  do  not  affect  the  text.  The  account  of  Mayor  William  Ellesdon. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

Cobb  Records 

The  Cobb,  a  breakwater  of  heavy  timber  and  stone,  extended  out  into  the  sea  to  create  the 
harbour  of  Lyme  Regis.  The  Cobb  wardens  collected  fees  from  ships  that  tied  up  at  the  Cobb,  un 
loaded  cargo,  and  had  it  transported  to  the  town.  Because  the  Cobb  did  not  adjoin  the  shore 
the  Cobb  wardens  could  control  imports  tightly  for  goods  would  be  transferred  by  smaller  vessels 
from  the  Cobb  to  the  shore  only  after  the  appropriate  dues  had  been  paid. 

Cobb  Wardens'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  G7/3;  c  1  552-3;  English;  paper;  4  bifolia  making  a  booklet 
of  8  leaves  (ff[4-4v]  blank);  314mm  x  215mm;  unnumbered;  the  last  page  is  dirtiest,  showing  evidence 
of  once  being  folded  again  in  half  vertically  and  bearing  the  name,  slightly  smudged,  'Ion  batryn.'  F  [3v] 
of  the  booklet  bears  a  total  of  the  receipts  of  the  Cobb  for  both  this  account  and  that  of  Richard  Leonard. 
Bound  as  ff  [72-9]  of  a  collection  of  miscellaneous  accounts  of  the  receivers  of  the  Cobb  (1546-64 
but  not  in  chronological  order).  Contains  the  account  of  John  Batryn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  N23/1,  item  63;  English;  paper;  12  June  1601;  1  half-sheet; 
303mm  x  201mm;  show-through  hampers  legibility  somewhat.  Now  bound  as  no  63  among  a  collec 
tion  of  miscellaneous  documents  1496-1696;  each  document  is  assigned  to  a  numbered  modern 
guardsheet  so  that  these  numbers  are,  in  effect,  article  numbers  (individual  articles  not  systematically 
foliated  or  paginated).  Transcribed  by  Cyril  Wanklyn  in  DC/LR-.  N24/1 .  Contains  an  account  of  Cobb 
warden  John  Roze. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 


Grant  of  Cobb  Kitchen  to  Borough  Corporation 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/LR:  N23/4,  item  3;  12  October  1579;  English;  parchment; 
single  membrane;  404mm  x  175mm;  witnesses'  names  on  the  dorse,  fragment  of  a  seal  attached.  Now 
bound  up  as  no  3  in  'Fugitive  Pieces  iv,'  a  miscellany  of  documents,  1288-1859,  in  which  each  docu 
ment  is  attached  to  a  numbered  modern  guardsheet. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

Legal  Records 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/9;  1606-8;  Latin  and  English;  loose  documents 
in  a  blue  folder  tied  with  cotton,  including  the  following: 

item  59:  1 1  September  1606;  English;  paper;  bifolium;  305mm  x  48mm;  unnumbered;  fair  condition: 
torn  along  the  gutter,  water-stained  across  the  top,  top  right  corner  torn  away. 
Used  in  Appendix  3. 

item  24:  20  April  1607;  English;  paper;  single  sheet;  300mm  x  196mm;  fair  condition:  badly  stained 
by  water  at  the  top,  hole  bottom  centre. 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/1 1,  item  24;  1609;  English;  paper;  bifolium; 
204mm  x  303mm;  condition  generally  good.  One  of  thirty-nine  loose  sheets  and  bifolia,  numbered  in 
modern  pencil.  A  typescript  list  of  the  parishes  for  which  presentments  are  found  in  this  bundle  has 
been  inserted  at  the  beginning. 

Trowbndge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/35,  item  73;  22  September  1635;  English; 
paper;  stitched  booklet  of  3  bifolia;  unnumbered;  298mm  x  195mm;  good  condition.  Now  one  of  104 
items,  numbered  in  pencil,  kept  in  a  modern  folder. 

Bill  of  Complaint  in  Salter  v.  Cowper  et  al 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  STAC  8/258/15;  17  November  1608;  English;  parchment;  single  membrane; 
710mm  x  385mm  (667mm  x  335mm);  stained,  faded,  and  wrinkled  along  the  right  edge  so  that  legi 
bility  is  hampered;  inscribed  on  the  dorse:  'lovis  decimo  septimo  Novembris  Anno  Sexto  lacobi  Regis. 
Edward  lones.' 

Cordon  et  al  v.  Auncell  et  al 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  STAC  8/153/29;  1622;  English  and  some  Latin;  vellum;  3  membranes 
stitched  together  at  the  top  left  corner;  modern  numbering  on  left  side.  Relevant  items  include: 


mb  3:  before  29  November  1622  (based  on  dates  of  sworn  answers);  English;  535mm  x  420mm 
(505mm  x  395mm);  generally  good  condition  but  stained  in  the  bottom  right  corner  and  torn  down 
into  the  text  in  the  top  right,  wrinkled  so  as  to  hamper  legibility  in  the  top  right  corner;  endorsed: 
'Gordo(-)  wrsuO  AunceK...  >  Mich,  vicesimo  \arobi 'Regis.'  Contains  the  plaintiffs'  bill  of  complaint. 

mb  1:  29  November  1622;  English;  544mm  x  210mm  (490mm  x  190mm);  generally  good  condition; 
no  endorsements.  Contains  sworn  answer  of  one  defendant,  Christopher  Auncell. 


Notes  from  St  Mary's  Churchwardens'  Accounts  (AC) 

The  compilers  of  this  manuscript  (and  the  scripts  are  apparently  seventeenth  century)  seem  to 
have  had  antiquarian  interests.  Folios  [24v]  and  [25]  are  notes  which  the  scribe  says  are  based 
on  presentments  from  the  manor  of  Yondover  from  34  Henry  vi  to  2  Charles  I;  f  [10]  is  a 
chronology  of  events,  1618-40;  other  sections  are  more  miscellaneous. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  D/KAT:  7623;  1455-1640;  Latin  and  English;  paper;  24  leaves; 
303mm  x  190mm  (text  area  variable);  unnumbered;  paper  booklet. 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/1 1,  item  31;  1609;  English;  paper;  single 
sheet;  200mm  x  304mm;  condition  generally  good.  One  of  thirty-nine  loose  sheets  and  bifolia,  num 
bered  in  modern  pencil.  A  typescript  list  of  the  parishes  for  which  presentments  are  found  in  this 
bundle  has  been  inserted  at  the  beginning. 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/12,  item  20;  1609;  English;  paper;  single 
sheet;  198mm  x  304mm;  condition  generally  good.  One  of  thirty-nine  loose  sheets  and  bifolia,  num 
bered  in  modern  pencil.  A  typescript  list  of  the  parishes  for  which  presentments  are  found  in  this 
bundle  has  been  inserted  at  the  beginning. 

Bill  of  Complaint  in  Abington  v.  Beaton  et  al 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  STAC  8/42/14;  1618-19;  English  and  some  Latin;  parchment;  9  membranes 
stitched  together  at  the  top  left  corner;  modern  numbering;  folio  numbers  stamped  in  the  top  right 
corner,  written  in  pencil  in  the  bottom  left;  good  condition.  Includes: 

mb  9:  19  February  1617/18;  English;  688mm  x  559mm.  Exhibits  several  styles  of  handwriting,  probably 
by  two  different  clerks. 



Most  of  the  Poole  documents  containing  REED  material  are  financial  records,  although  the 
privately-produced  catalogue  of  Poole  records  kept  both  in  the  Poole  Town  Clerk's  Office 
and  in  the  Dorset  County  Library  lists  many  other  kinds  of  records.  For  the  catalogue  see 
Borough  and  County  of  the  Town  of  Poole,  Calendar  of  Local  Archives,  vol  1  (compiled  by 
H.P.  Smith  and  Bernard  C.  Short,  1958).  Poole's  records  have  recently  been  moved  to  the 
Dorset  Record  Office  in  Dorchester  from  the  Poole  Borough  Archives  and  the  reference 
numbers  given  below,  which  reflect  the  classifications  used  in  the  Calendar,  are  likely  to 
change  after  the  collection  has  been  fully  catalogued. 

Poole's  year  began  in  January  in  the  early  sixteenth  century;  the  Great  Charter  of  1 568  stated 
that  mayoral  elections  were  to  be  held  on  the  Friday  next  before  the  feast  of  St  Matthew  the 
Apostle  (21  September)  and  the  accounting  year  after  1568  ran  from  September  or  October 
to  the  same  date  in  the  following  year.  Accounts  kept  by  both  mayors  and  bailiffs  (who  expected 
to  become  mayors)  may  refer  to  any  sort  of  town  expenditure.  The  purview  of  the  mayors 
and  bailiffs  was  large.  As  the  sixteenth-century  ruling  group  grew  narrower,  it  also  acquired 
more  exclusive  powers  in  town  affairs.  Choosing  churchwardens  and  auditing  church  accounts 
from  early  in  the  century,  the  town  government  acquired  admiralty  jurisdiction  and  independ 
ence  from  manorial  authority.  Thus  great  authority  was  wielded  by  the  small  group  of  families 
who  filled  the  co-optive  group  of  burgesses  and  aldermen  making  up  the  town  council  and  from 
whom  were  drawn  the  mayors  and  bailiffs.  The  records  reflect  many  sixteenth-  and  seventeenth- 
century  quarrels  between  Poole  burgesses;  in  particular,  controversy  between  members  of  the 
ruling  group  may  have  influenced  the  disallowing  of  expenditures  made  by  mayors  or  bailiffs 
that  is  sometimes  our  only  evidence  of  the  town's  support  of  performance  activity. 

The  first  series  of  Poole  manuscripts  to  be  catalogued  carry  designations  such  as  P23  or  P191. 
In  the  past  fifteen  years  the  borough  has  restored  a  number  of  damaged  manuscripts;  these 
constitute  the  PA  series. 

Civic  Accounts 
Town  Accounts 

The  first  part  of  P26(4),  intended  as  a  'greate  boke'  for  the  town,  collects  material  from  pre 
liminary  accounts  by  subject,  beginning  in  1 568;  some  entries  made  in  the  1  570s  excerpt 
earlier  records.  The  accounts  often  contain  cross-referenced  double-entries.  The  first  twenty- 
four  leaves  constitute  an  incomplete  alphabetical  index  to  the  accounts. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P23U);  1490-1553;  English;  paper;  95  leaves;  203mm  x 
I44mm  (I90mm  x  140mm);  modern  ink  pagination;  good  condition;  contemporary  vellum  binding 
reinforced  with  2  pieces  of  dark  leather  piercing  the  spine. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P26(4);  1554-78;  English;  paper;  xxiv  +  134; 


300mm  x  205mm  (opening  index  leaves  85mm  wide  with  10mm  tabs);  contemporary  ink  numbering 
by  'openings,'  that  is,  facing  pages  assigned  the  same  number  (here  designated  as  'left'  and  'right'); 
headings,  particularly  in  the  elaborate  first  part  of  the  volume,  are  often  in  bold;  good  condition;  con 
temporary  vellum  binding  with  'B  1554'  on  the  cover. 

Mayors'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P5K6);  1551-2;  English;  paper;  8  leaves;  215mm  x 
155mm  (190mm  x  135mm);  modern  incomplete  ink  pagination;  sewn  paper  booklet.  There  are  some 
notes  in  later  hand,  including  marginal  summaries  of  payments. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office.  DC/PL:  CLA  PA10;  1  552-3;  English;  paper;  18  leaves;  31  5mm  x 
220mm  (270mm  x  120mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet,  top  badly  damaged  and  whole 
skilfully  repaired  on  all  sides. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  Pi 03(60);  1  569-70;  English;  paper;  7  leaves;  220mm  x 
158mm;  unnumbered;  sewn  paper  booklet,  stained  and  with  frayed  edges. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P106(63);  1577-8;  English;  paper;  8  leaves;  420mm  x 
155mm;  unnumbered;  paper  booklet,  some  holes  and  frayed  edges. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  Pi  19(76);  1590-2;  English;  paper;  4  leaves;  203mm  x 
145mm  (185mm  x  90mm);  unnumbered;  paper  booklet,  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P19KA32);  1601-2;  English;  6  leaves;  200mm  x  153mm 
(185mm  x  105mm);  contemporary  foliation  with  facing  pages  assigned  the  same  number;  paper  book 
let,  good  condition. 

Bailiffs'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P46(l);  1524-5;  English;  paper;  8  leaves;  280mm  x 
204mm  (220mm  x  155mm);  unnumbered;  paper  booklet,  edges  frayed. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P49(4);  1546-8;  English;  paper;  8  leaves;  220mm  x 
160mm  (180mm  x  130mm);  unnumbered;  sewn  paper  booklet,  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  PA20(ii);  1562-3;  English;  paper;  6  leaves;  208mm  x 
155mm;  modern  pencil  foliation  7-12  in  the  bottom  centre  of  each  leaf  (followed  here),  incomplete 
original  ink  pagination  1-8,  starting  at  f  7v  and  continuing  to  f  1 1;  badly  torn  along  left  edge  with  tear 
extending  70mm  into  the  page  just  below  the  centre,  repaired  by  mounting  on  modern  paper.  Formerly 
bound  in  a  Latin  vellum  book,  now  an  unstitched  paper  booklet,  part  of  a  group  of  loose  papers  and 
unstitched  booklets  foliated  1-21  by  conservators  and  stored  in  a  modern  blue  manila  folder. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  PA12;  1570-1;  English;  paper;  18  leaves;  300mm  x 


205mm;  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet,  top  half  badly  damaged,  whole  mended  on  all  sides; 
headings  in  bold.  On  the  front  cover  are  a  number  of  statements  identifying  the  mayor  and  bailiff  to  whose 
year  the  account  belongs  and  indicating  the  booklet  was  used  as  evidence  in  an  eighteenth-century  lawsuit. 

Auditors'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  PA15;  1579-87;  English;  paper;  27  leaves  (ff  1-25 
form  a  stitched  booklet  in  chronological  sequence;  ff  26-7  comprise  an  original  bifolium  account  for 
1584-5  now  out  of  sequence);  210mm  x  150mm;  modern  pencil  foliation  throughout  (followed  here) 
with  contemporary  ink  pagination  beginning  on  f  Iv;  recently  repaired  and  placed  in  modern  blue 
manila  repair  cover;  original  paper  cover  bears  title:  'No.  26  1584  I  5  I  6  I  7.' 

Miscellaneous  Records 
Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Ashley 

Sir  Henry  Ashley  of  Wimborne  St  Giles  (1 519  —  88)  was  one  of  three  deputy  lieutenants  of 
Dorset  responsible  from  the  early  1580s  for  organizing  the  defences  of  Dorset  against  the 
expected  Spanish  attack.  In  1 584  he  was  one  of  five  captains  who  were  to  train  men  from  the 
county;  when  he  and  the  other  deputy  lieutenants  divided  the  supervision  of  Dorset's  supply 
of  powder  and  match  in  1 586,  Poole  lay  in  his  district.  In  July  1 588,  when  the  Armada  came, 
Ashley's  son,  Henry  (later  Sir  Henry  Ashley),  served  as  a  vice  admiral  of  eight  ships,  carrying 
men  mostly  pressed  at  Poole.  Robert  and  Sir  Francis  Ashley  (see  pp  59  and  62  above)  were 
the  first  Sir  Henry  Ashley's  nephews;  they  were  also  the  younger  brothers  of  the  Sir  Anthony 
Ashley  who  inherited  Wimborne  St  Giles  when  the  younger  Sir  Henry  Ashley  died  leaving 
only  daughters.1'* 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/PL:  CLA  P124(81);  21  May  1587;  English;  bifolium;  unnumbered; 
290mm  x  198mm  (240mm  x  147mm);  some  small  holes  result  in  brief  gaps  in  the  text;  addressed  on 
f  [2v]:  'To  my  friende  the  MayoO  of  the  towne  of  Poole  yeue  theis'  and  endorsed:  'xxxvni  Henry  Ashley 
to  the  Mayor  adviseinge  of  2  Commissioners  being  appointed  to  inspect  the  Caste  Fortifications  &c  on 
the  Sea  Coast  2  May  1587.' 


Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley 

See  Dorchester  (p  62)  for  BL:  Harley  MS.  6715. 


The  rich  collection  of  Shaftesbury  records  deposited  in  the  Dorset  Record  Office  was  arranged 
by  Charles  Herbert  Mayo,  who  listed  the  documents  in  his  catalogue,  The  Municipal  Records 


of  the  Borough  of  Shaftesbury.  The  collection  includes  documents  granting  or  confirming 
borough  privileges;  court  rolls  from  Shaftesbury  Abbey;  100  charters  of  feoffment  and  other 
similar  instruments;  nearly  fifty  rolls,  books,  and  bundles  of  accounts  and  records  of  payments; 
162  documents  relating  to  sixteenth-  and  seventeenth-century  lawsuits;  and  a  dozen  miscel 
laneous  documents. 

Bishop  Simon  of  Ghent's  Register 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire. and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D 1/2/1;  1297-1315;  Latin;  parchment;  i  +  410  +  i; 
270mm  x  175mm;  original  foliation  in  2  series  superseded  by  modern  foliation  1-174,  175A,  175B 
(insert),  176-339,  340A,  340B,  341-9,  350A,  350B,  351-88,  389A,  389B,  390-409;  modern  binding 
(original  limp  parchment  covers  preserved  as  flyleaves  and  foliated  as  1  and  409). 

Depositions  in  Gower  v.  Hascoll 

Together  with  DC/SYB:  ElOO-1  and  E103-4,  these  are  surviving  documents  from  a  lawsuit 
against  Mayor  Hascoll  for  contempt,  a  suit  dismissed  February  1625/6. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/SYB:  E102;  1626;  English;  paper;  106  sheets;  400mm  x  310mm; 
ink  numbering;  written  on  one  side  only;  sheets  sewn  together  at  the  top  and  the  whole  rolled  and  tied. 

Borough  financial  Papers 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/SYB:  Cl  1,  item  17;  1629;  English;  paper;  single  sheet;  175mm  x 
200mm  (156mm  x  185mm).  Originally  one  of  a  number  of  small  slips  of  paper  of  varying  sizes  tied 
in  a  roll  with  a  leather  thong.  This  item  is  now  in  a  folder  containing  twenty  miscellaneous  financial 

Antiquarian  Records 

We  have  not  succeeded  in  tracing  the  original  documents  relating  to  Gillingham  Manor  which 
contained  references  to  Shaftesbury's  annual  procession  (Gillingham  Manor  had  jurisdiction 
over  the  village  of  Motcombe;  see  p  248).  By  6  April  1661,  Gillingham  had  been  conveyed  to 
Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  secretary  of  state  to  Charles  i  and  Charles  n,  and  a  member  of  the 
Nicholas  family  of  Winterbourne  Earls,  Wiltshire;  a  copied  reference  to  Shaftesbury's  custom 
survives  in  the  Nicholas  MSS.  The  antiquarian  John  Hutchins  (1698-1773),  who  copied 
other  references  from  sources  still  extant  in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  the  son  of  a  curate  of 
Bradford  Peverell  who  would  later  serve  as  rector  of  All  Saints',  Dorchester.  Educated  at  Balliol 
and  with  a  Cambridge  MA,  Hutchins  was  ordained  in  the  early  1720s  and  served  as  curate 
and  usher  to  the  vicar  of  Milton  Abbas,  rector  of  Swyre  (after  1729),  rector  of  Melcombe 
Horsey  (after  1733),  and  rector  of  Holy  Trinity,  Wareham  (1734-73).    He  compiled  the 
history  of  Dorset  between  1736  and  1773;  with  the  aid  of  generous  subscriptions  he  included 
material  from  major  libraries  and  from  records  in  the  Tower  of  London  as  well  as  local  records. 



Gillingham  Manorial  Court  Orders  (AC) 

Manchester,  University  of  Manchester,  John  Rylands  Library,  Nicholas  MS  69;  1574-1637;  English; 
paper;  12  leaves;  modern  pencil  foliation;  320mm  x  210mm  (290mm  x  155mm);  paper  booklet;  title 
on  the  cover:  The  Orders  of  the  Courte  of  the  Manner  of  Gillingham  with  the  Boundarye  of  the  said 
Manner  Sent  upp  by  Mr  Breenker  f  to  yor  . . . '  with  his  \etteres  in  January  1 638.'  The  orders  are  appar 
ently  all  excerpts  from  court  books  of  the  manor. 

Gillingham  Manor  Court  Roll  (A) 

John  Hutchins,  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  of  Dorset,  3rd  ed,  corrected,  augmented,  and 
improved  by  William  Shipp  and  James  Whitworth  Hodson,  vol  3  (Westminster,  1868). 
This  work  also  furnished  an  entry  for  Appendix  2. 


The  pre-Reformation  parish  church  in  Sherborne  was  All  Hallows'.  After  the  Dissolution  the 
parish  took  over  the  former  monastic  church,  St  Mary's,  and  All  Hallows'  was  demolished. 
The  churchwardens'  accounts  for  the  rwo  thus  represent  a  single  series  and  are  so  treated  by 
the  Dorset  Record  Office. 

There  are  surviving  churchwardens'  accounts  for  All  Hallows'  or  for  St  Mary's  for  112  years 
between  the  early  sixteenth  century  and  1642.  The  accounting  year  varies.  The  early  undated 
accounts  (CW  1/1-1/3)  do  not  indicate  when  the  accounts  were  made,  but  they  probably 
date  from  about  1505-1 1  (see  p  356,  endnote  to  DRO:  PE/SH:  CW  1/1  f  [1]).  CW  1/5-1/11 
(scattered  accounts  berween  1513-14  and  1525  —  6)  were  usually  rendered  at  Christmas,  and 
CW  1/4,  dated  5  Henry  viu,  was  probably  also  a  Christmas  account.  Accounts  for  the  rest  of 
the  sixteenth  century  (CW  1/12-1/72)  were  usually  rendered  in  January  or  February,  although 
on  two  occasions  the  accounting  year  ran  to  March  ( 1 554-5  and  1  585  —  6).  After  1602-3 
the  accounting  year  ended  in  late  March,  April,  May,  or  early  June.  All  Hallows'  records  were 
kept  by  a  single  warden  who  ordinarily  had  served  as  'king'  of  the  church  ale  two  or  three 
years  before.  After  1542—3  there  were  usually  two  wardens;  the  man  who  ran  the  parish  ale 
or  served  as  collector  for  the  parish  became  junior  warden  the  next  year  and  senior  warden  in 
the  year  following. 

The  pre-Reformation  accounts  of  All  Hallows'  are  printed  with  some  omissions  by  Fowler 
in  SDNQ,  vols  23  —  4.  The  accounts  for  the  four  years  after  1 537-8  are  missing.  Fowler  discusses 
and  prints  the  post-Reformation  accounts  of  St  Mary  the  Virgin,  Sherborne,  in  SDNQ,  vols 
24-6.  The  last  account  printed  was  rendered  on  29  January  1558/9. 

All  Hallows'  Churchwardens'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/1;  undated,  probably  c  1505-8;  English;  paper;  sheet 
folded  to  form  bifolium  (formerly  part  of  booklet);  290mm  x  180mm;  unnumbered;  now  repaired. 


Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/2;  undated,  probably  c  1508-10;  English;  parchment; 
2  bifolia  sewn  as  a  4-folio  booklet;  285mm  x  190mm;  unnumbered;  now  repaired. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/3;  1510-11;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes, 
sewn  at  top;  385mm  x  295mm;  unnumbered;   mb  [2]  torn  in  2  places. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/4,  1512-13;  English;  paper;  4  sheets,  sewn  ai  bottom; 
315mm  x  225mm  (largest)  and  250mm  x  220mm  (smallest);  unnumbered;  top  edges  frayed. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/5;  1513-14;  Latin;  parchment;  single  membrane  with 
tiny  paper  list  of  expenses  attached  at  the  bottom;  720mm  x  300mm;  top  torn;  heading  decorated. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/6;  1  514-1 5;  Latin;  paper;  single  sheet;  750mm  x 
300mm;  badly  torn  at  top  and  bottom. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/7;  1515-16;  Latin  with  English  inventory  on  dorse; 
paper;  single  sheet;  720mm  x  305mm. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/8;  1517-18;  Latin  with  English  inventory;  parchment; 
single  membrane;  720mm  x  300mm;  corn  at  the  top;  decorated  heading. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/9;  1523-4;  English  with  Latin  headings;  parchment; 
single  membrane;  510mm  x  320mm. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/10;  1524-5;  English  with  Latin  headings;  parchment; 
single  membrane;  550mm  x  380mm;  top  half  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/1  1;  1525-6;  English  with  Latin  headings;  paper; 
single  sheet;  450mm  x  340mm;  ragged  top  edge. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/12;  1526/7-27/8;  English  with  Latin  headings;  paper; 
single  sheet;  570mm  x  380mm;  badly  frayed  and  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/13;  1527/8-28/9;  English  with  Latin  headings; 
parchment;  single  membrane;  560mm  x  420mm;  stained  on  the  left  side. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/14;  1530-1;  English;  parchment;  single  membrane; 
570mm  x  5 10mm;  decayed,  particularly  at  the  top,  first  heading  partially  destroyed. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/15;  1534-6;  English;  paper;  16  leaves;  217mm  x 
160mm  (200mm  x  140mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet  bound  in  a  vellum  leaf  with  writ 
ing  on  the  inside  back  cover  (here  designated  f  [17]). 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/16;  1536-7;  English;  paper;  6  leaves;  205mm  x 
150mm  (185mm  x  130mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet,  good  condition. 


Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/17;  1537-8;  English  with  Latin  headings;  parchment; 
single  membrane;  555mm  x  355mm;  heading  decorated. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/18;  1538-9;  English;  paper;  10  leaves;  215mm  x 
160mm  (200mm  x  135mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  paper  booklet,  good  condition. 

St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/19;  1542-3;  English;  paper;  4  leaves;  465mm  x 
205mm  (380mm  x  170mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  headings  in  bold;  generally  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/20;  1543-4;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  530mm  x  330mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  top  badly  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/21;  1544-5;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  555mm  x  370mm;  unnumbered;  top  of  the  first  membrane  badly  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/22;  1  546-7;  English;  parchment;  6  membranes  sewn 
serially;  380mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  top  of  first  membrane  stained  and  frayed. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/23;  1547-8;  English;  parchment;  6  membranes 
sewn  serially;  380mm  x  305mm;  unnumbered;  headings  centred  and  in  bold;  top  of  first  membrane 
torn  and  displaying  the  remains  of  an  old  inexpert  repair. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/24;  1548-9;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  370mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  headings  centred  and  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/25;  1549-50;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes 
sewn  serially;  385mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  headings  centred  and  in  bold;  top  of  first  membrane 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/26;  1550-1;  English;  paper;  7  sheets  sewn  serially; 
380mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  top  of  first  sheet  fragmented  and  repaired. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/28;  1552-3;  English;  paper;  4  sheets  sewn  serially; 
350mm  x  270mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/30;  1554-5;  English;  paper;  4  sheets  sewn  serially; 
385mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  top  sheet  frayed  at  the  edges  with  an  old  repair  at  the  top  of  the  sheet. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/31;  1555-6;  English;  paper;  3  sheets  sewn  serially; 
395mm  x  330mm;  unnumbered;  top  of  first  sheet  damaged;  headings  and  some  initial  words  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/32;  1556-7;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 


serially;  370mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  top  of  first  membrane  damaged,  making  heading  illegible, 
some  words,  including  'hem,'  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/33;  1557-8;  English;  parchment;  4  membranes 
sewn  serially;  595mm  x  375mm  (largest)  and  185mm  x  385mm  (smallest);  unnumbered;  top  of  first 
membrane  cut  to  form  binding  for  roll  and  somewhat  damaged. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/34;  1558-9;  English;  paper;  3  sheets  sewn  serially; 
360mm  x  300mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition;  'lu-m'  consistently  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/35;  1  561-2;  English;  paper;  3  sheets  sewn  serially; 
385mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  first  sheet  very  tattered  at  the  top;  'Item  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/36;  1565-6;  English;  paper;  5  sheets  sewn  serially; 
380mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  top  of  first  sheet  ripped  and  an  old  repair  has  proved  inadequate; 
many  words  in  bold.  The  heading  is  missing  but  churchwardens'  names  indicate  this  is  the  account  for 
1565-6  made  early  in  1  566. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/37;  1566-7;  English;  paper;  3  sheets;  400mm  x 
270mm;  modern  pencil  foliation;  right  edges  tattered  and  crumpled;  paper  booklet  bound  in  vellum, 
title  on  the  cover:  'The  booke  off  lohn  Elyot  Accounte  Churche  Warden  of  Sherborne  1  566.  Et  anno 
i  Regine  Elizabeth  Nono.' 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/38;  1567-8;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  unnumbered;  700mm  x  210mm  (largest)  and  240mm  x  205mm  (smallest);  headings  in  bold; 
good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/39;  1568-9;  English;  vellum;  4  membranes  sewn 
serially;  340mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  headings  and  some  initial  words  in  bold;  second  membrane 
badly  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/40;  1569-70;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes 
sewn  serially;  unnumbered;  630mm  x  300mm;  headings  and  some  initial  words  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/41;  1570-1;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes  sewn 
serially;  685mm  x  300mm;  unnumbered;  decorated  heading  on  first  membrane  and  other  headings 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/42;  1571-2;  English;  parchment;  4  membranes  sewn 
serially;  560mm  x  310mm;  unnumbered;  decorated  heading  at  top  of  first  membrane  and  other  head 
ings  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/43;  1572-3;  English;  parchment;  6  membranes  sewn 
serially;  510mm  x  300mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold. 


Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/44;  1573-4;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  600mm  x  270mm;  unnumbered;  decorated  heading  at  top  of  first  membrane,  first  2  marginal 
headings  decorated  and  other  headings  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/45;  1574-5;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  600mm  x  210mm;  unnumbered;  decorated  heading  at  the  top  of  the  first  membrane  and  other 
headings  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/46;  1575-6;  English;  parchment;  4  membranes  sewn 
serially;  640mm  x  195mm;  unnumbered;  first  heading  decorated  and  other  headings  in  bold;  top  of 
first  membrane  slightly  torn. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/47;  1576-7;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes  sewn 
serially;  525mm  x  250mm;  unnumbered;  headings,  some  initial  words,  and  money  amounts  in  bold; 
good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/49;  1577-8;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes  sewn 
serially;  610mm  x  193mm;  unnumbered;  headings,  some  initial  words,  and  some  money  amounts  in 
bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/60;  1588-9;  English;  parchment;  4  membranes  sewn 
serially;  890mm  x  243mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/61;  1589-90;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes 
sewn  serially;  795mm  x  197mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/62;  1590-1;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes  sewn 
serially;  775mm  x  210mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/69;  1597-8;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  770mm  x  190mm  (largest)  and  290mm  x  193mm  (smallest);  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/70;  1598-9;  English;  parchment;  2  membranes  sewn 
serially;  775mm  x  245mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/71;  1599-1600;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes 
sewn  serially;  815mm  x  265mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/72;  1600-1;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  740mm  x  228mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/73;  1601-2;  English;  parchment;  5  membranes  sewn 
serially;  730mm  x  238mm  (largest)  and  150mm  x  240mm  (smallest);  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold; 
good  condition. 




Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/SH:  CW  1/74;  1602-3;  English;  parchment;  3  membranes  sewn 
serially;  740mm  x  230mm;  unnumbered;  headings  in  bold;  good  condition. 

Depositions  for  the  Defendant  in  Scarlett  v.  Stacker 

Francis  Scarlett,  vicar  of  Sherborne,  brought  suit  in  1603  against  John  Stocker,  the  purchaser  of 
Sir  Ralph  Horsey's  remaining  term  'in  the  parsonage  of  Sherborne'  and  thus  also  impropnator 
of  the  Sherborne  prebend.  This  manuscript  is  one  of  those  surviving  from  that  lawsuit.  Depos 
itions  were  taken  by  two  commissions  in  Dorset;  three  witnesses  who  appeared  before  the 
commission  which  took  evidence  in  the  Hilary  term,  1603-4,  spoke  briefly  of  incidents 
related  to  preparations  for  a  performance  of  the  Sherborne  Corpus  Christi  play,  probably  in 

Kew,  Public  Record  Office,  E134/1  James  i/  Hil  3;  1603/4;  English;  parchment;  7  membranes  sewn 
serially;  4200mm  x  300mm;  modern  pencil  numbering;  good  condition. 

Somerset  Quarter  Sessions  Roll 

An  entry  from  this  roll  (previously  printed  in  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath, 
pp  145-6),  refers  to  a  bullbaiter  bringing  his  animals  to  Sherborne  and  Sturminster  Newton 
in  Dorset. 

Taunton,  Somerset  Record  Office,  Q/SR  37,  pt  2;  1607-8;  English  and  some  Latin;  paper;  94  leaves; 
315mm  x  200mm;  modern  foliation;  individual  booklets  and  other  documents  repaired  and  bound 
together  as  one  of  a  series  of  volumes  following  a  1905  order  of  the  county  council,  all  having  identical 
caramel-coloured  covers  tied  with  laces.  The  excerpted  presentment  originally  formed  part  of  Q/SR  2 
and  was  transferred  to  this  volume  at  some  time  after  the  original  items  were  numbered;  it  is  now 
numbered  101  A. 

Examination  of  Anne  Barter 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/WM:  CP2/8,  item  90;  23  February  1635/6;  Latin  and  English; 
paper;  single  sheet;  325mm  x  202mm.  Filed  in  a  bundle  of  depositions  taken  before  the  peculiar  court  of 
Wimborne  Minster  in  cases  of  fornication. 


Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley 

See  Dorchester  (p  62)  for  BL;  Harley  MS.  6715. 



Sturminster  Newton  was  eight  miles  from  Shaftesbury,  ten  miles  from  Blandford  Forum,  and 
twelve  from  Sherborne;  probably  because  of  this  relative  isolation,  the  village  developed  as  a 
small  market  centre  with  thirteenth-century  fairs  at  both  Sturminster  and  Newton.197 

Somerset  Quarter  Sessions  Roll 

See  Sherborne  (p  81)  for  SRO:  Q/SR  37,  pt  2. 


Henry  Burton's  A  Divine  Tragedie 

Henry  Burton's  Divine  Tragedie  is  a  Sabbatarian  work  written  to  protest  against  Charles  I's 
reissuing  of  The  kings  majesties  declaration  . . .  concerning  lawful  sports  in  1633.  Limiting  him 
self  to  cases  that  occurred  within  two  years  of  the  reissuing  of  this  declaration,  Burton  cites 
dozens  of  examples  of  people  who  perverted  the  sabbath  and  were  punished  therefore. 

A  DIVINE  TRAGEDIE  I  LATELY  ACTED,  I  OR.  I  A  Collection  of  sundrie  memorable  ex-  I  amples 
of  Gods  judgements  upon  Sabbath-breakers,  I  and  other  like  Libertines,  in  their  unlawful!  Sports,  hap- 1 
ning  within  the  Realme  of  England,  in  the  compasse  one-  I  ly  of  few  yeers  last  past,  since  the  Book  was 
published,  worthy  I  to  be  known  and  considered  of  all  men,  especially  such,  I  who  are  guilty  of  the  sin 
or  Arch-  I  patrons  thereof.  I  By  that  worthy  Divine  Mr.  Henry  Burton.  I  [woodcut  of  author  entitled: 
A-tatis  suit  63}  I   Printed  in  the  yeer  1641.  Wing:  B6161  (also  Thomason  Tract  E176.1). 


In  the  Weymouth  Museum  is  a  large  metal  chest  containing  the  Sherren  Manuscripts,  a  col 
lection  purchased  at  auction  in  the  late  nineteenth  century,  catalogued  by  the  Dorset  historian 
H.J.  Moule  in  1883,  and  kept  for  some  time  in  the  town  vault.  The  documents  in  the  collection 
are  kept  in  manila  file  folders,  most  often  singly,  but  sometimes  two  or  three  to  a  folder.  Cur 
rent  Weymouth  Museum  plans  to  recatalogue  the  manuscripts  collection  may  result  in  new  shelf 
marks  for  the  Weymouth  manuscripts.  Most  of  the  REED  material  is  in  the  mayors'  accounts. 
The  mayor's  accounting  year  ran  from  Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas.  The  accounts  were  some 
times  audited  immediately,  sometimes  only  after  a  two  or  three-year  delay.  The  auditors  often 
disallowed  some  expenses  although  they  did  not  always  give  their  grounds  for  doing  so. 

Civic  Accounts 

Mayors'  Accounts 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  177;  1590-6;  English;  paper;  4-leaf  booklet;  310mm  x 

Q -3 


200mm;  ink  pagination  beginning  on  the  verso  of  the  first  leaf;  slightly  stained  in  centre.  Contains  the 
account  of  Mayor  John  Bond  for  1590-1,  with  comments  from  auditors  in  1596. 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  184;  1596-1600;  English;  paper;  4- leaf  booklet;  308mm  x 
205mm  (295mm  x  175mm);  unnumbered;  good  condition.  Contains  mayor's  account  for  1596-] 
and  auditors'  remarks  dated  23  September  1  602;  some  entries  were  crossed  out  by  the  auditors  and 
their  comments  are  in  the  left  margin. 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  185;  1597-1602;  English;  paper;  2-leaf  booklet;  305mm  x 
201mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition;  among  various  notations  on  the  cover  is  the  inscription:  'lohn 
Moket  his  Acompt  In  .  1 597  .  &  1 598  /  &  pjarjte  of  1 599.'  Includes  some  marginal  notations  made 
by  the  auditors  of  1 60 1 . 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  186;  1  599-1600;  English;  paper;  4-leaf  booklet;  318mm  x 
218mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition.  Includes  auditors'  comments  from  1601  and  1605. 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  190;  1603-4;  English;  paper;  2-leaf  booklet;  310mm  x 
203mm;  unnumbered;  good  condition.  Includes  auditors'  comments  from  1606. 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  191;  1605-6;  English;  paper;  2-leaf  booklet;  304mm  x 
196mm;  unnumbered;  first  leaf  torn.  Includes  undated  auditors'  comments. 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  206;  1615-16;  English;  paper;  4-leaf  booklet,  sewn; 
31 1mm  x  199mm  (290mm  x  175mm);  unnumbered;  good  condition.  Includes  auditors'  comments 
and  records  of  repayments  from  1617. 

Borough  Financial  Records 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  243.1;  1640-1;  English;  paper;  single  sheet;  355mm  x 
159mm  (345mm  x  130mm);  good  condition;  endorsed  with  remarks  by  the  mayor  about  payment  of 
the  bill  to  'goodman  minor,'  headed;  'A  Noote  for  the  Towne.' 

Borough  Court  Records 
Borough  Court  Minutes 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  Sherren  MS  204;  1612-17;  paper;  English  and  Latin;  46  leaves;  310mm  x 
205mm  (300mm  x  190mm);  modern  pencil  foliation;  good  condition;  sewn  booklet  with  a  glued 
brown  paper  cover. 

Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book 

Weymouth,  Weymouth  Museum,  MB.O-B;  1616-83;  English  and  Latin;  paper;  xxix  +  410  +  iv; 
435mm  x  295mm  (420mm  x  275mm);  partly  contemporary,  partly  modern  ink  pagination  co  p  378, 


pencil  pagination  to  p  636,  and  a  separate  pencil  foliation  of  miscellaneous  leaves  bound  at  the  end  of 
the  volume;  ruled  for  consistent  indentation;  generally  good  condition  with  some  frayed  and  repaired 
leaves;  19th-century  green  leather  binding  with  scalloped  metal  corners,  a  shield-shaped  escutcheon  on 
the  front  cover  with  the  legend:  The  Records  of  the  Charters  and  Matters  of  Justice  for  the  Town  of 
Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis,'  a  circular  escutcheon  on  the  back  cover  engraved  '1646,'  and  a  large, 
black  letter  'B'  on  the  spine. 


St  Cuthburga's  Churchwardens'  Accounts 

Wimborne  Minster's  surviving  churchwardens'  accounts  date  from  the  early  fifteenth  century, 
as  do  references  to  the  parish  ale.  Many  accounts  for  the  1550s  and  early  1560s  are  missing; 
those  that  survive  were  rendered  on  14  December  and,  despite  an  agreement  (p  160)  to  render 
accounts  on  the  feast  of  St  Luke  the  Evangelist  (18  October),  the  accounts  resume  with  end 
ing  dates  in  December  in  the  1560s.  The  accounting  year  ran  from  December  to  December 
until  1605;  a  blank  page  in  CW  1/42  is  followed  by  an  account  running  from  December 
1605  until  22  April  1607  and  the  accounting  year  ended  in  April  or  May  from  1607  to  1635. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/WM:  CW  1/40;  1475-1581;  Latin  and  English;  paper;  iv  +  249  +  iv; 
425mm  x  295mm;  modern  ink  pagination;  headings  of  individual  accounts  often  in  bold  and  some 
times  decorated;  leaves  repaired;  modern  tooled  leather  binding  with  gold  decoration  on  the  covers  and 
the  ridged  spine. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/WM:  CW  1/41;  1581-1636;  English;  paper;  ii  +  267  +  v; 
435mm  x  290mm;  modern  pagination;  generally  good  condition  with  some  pages  repaired;  headings 
in  bold  with  elaborately  decorated  initials;  cardboard  binding  with  a  leather  spine. 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

The  consistory  court  of  the  peculiar  and  exempt  jurisdiction  of  Wimborne  Minster  met 
under  the  presidency  of  an  official  appointed  by  the  twelve  governors  of  the  parish  and  dealt 
with  a  great  variety  of  legal  and  ecclesiastical  business.1''"  Most  REED  material  occurs  in  the 
preliminary  itemization  of 'presentments'  of  miscellaneous  offenders  by  the  churchwardens 
and  sidesmen,  apparently  written  down  hastily  by  someone  present  in  court  and  often  signed 
by  either  or  both  churchwardens  and  sidesmen.  Later,  usually  less  detailed  material  concerning 
some  of  the  incidents  presented  to  the  court  by  the  parish  officials  appears  in  the  Act  Book  of 
the  peculiar  court  (PE/WM:  CP1/1). 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/WM:  CP2/10;  1589-1714;  English;  paper;  a  bundle  of  docu 
ments  of  varying  sizes,  142  of  them  before  1642,  wrapped  between  sheets  of  cardboard.  Although  some 
documents  are  folded  leaves  or  several  leaves,  most  are  single;  the  documents  are  calendared  in  PE/WM: 
CP3,  where  the  dating  is  not  always  accurate. The  present  volume  includes  transcriptions  from  the  fol 
lowing  documents: 



item  8:  1591-2;  single  sheet;  200mm  x  155mm. 

item  16:  12  June  1595;  single  sheet;  300mm  x  195mm. 

item  51:  23  September  1601;  single  sheet;  301mm  x  198mm. 

item  55:  1602;  single  sheet;  303mm  x  203mm. 

item  74:  28  April  1606;  single  sheet;  198mm  x  148mm. 

item  75:  26  February  1606/7;  single  sheet;  300mm  x  196mm. 

item  82:  1607-8;  single  sheet;  300mm  x  198mm. 

item  92:  1609-10;  single  sheet;  305mm  x  198mm. 

item  94:  1609-10;  single  sheet;  306mm  x  95mm. 

item  95:  1610-1 1;  single  sheet;  155mm  x  150mm. 

item  99:  1610-1 1;  single  sheet;  305mm  x  205mm;  edges  torn  and  some  of  the  ink  has  run. 

item  100:  1610-1 1;  single  sheet;  165mm  x  190mm. 

item  93:  1611-12;  bifolium;  278mm  x  202mm. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  PE/WM:  CP2/12,  item  60;  1620;  English;  paper;  single  sheet; 
150mm  x  195mm;  torn  and  stained  on  the  left  side.  Now  part  of  a  bundle  of  seventy-one  paper  docu 
ments,  1619-40,  sewn  together  with  a  cord,  varying  considerably  in  size;  the  documents  at  the  back 
of  the  bundle  are  in  poor  condition. 


Winterborne  Kingston  was  served  by  a  chapel  of  ease  belonging  to  the  larger  market  centre  of 
Bere  Regis,  two  miles  to  the  southwest. IOT 

Churchwardens  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

Trowbridge,  Wiltshire  and  Swindon  Record  Office,  D5/28/28,  item  92;  3  July  1628;  English;  paper; 
bifolium;  unnumbered;  305mm  x  195mm;  written  on  f  [1]  only;  slight  tear  at  fold.  Now  one  of  ninety- 
eight  items,  numbered  in  modern  pencil,  kept  in  a  modern  folder. 



Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley 

See  Dorchester  (p  62)  for  BL:  Harley  MS.  671  5. 



Giles  Strangivays  Account  Book 

Giles  Strangways  (1615-75)  was  a  member  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  families  of  the  Dorset 
gentry.   He  served  as  MP  for  Melcombe  Regis  in  1640  and  for  Bridport  in  1641,  a  position 
from  which  he  was  disabled  in  1645  because  of  his  fierce  loyalty  to  the  royalist  cause.  Like  his 
father,  Sir  John,  Giles  Srrangways,  colonel  of  the  horse  in  the  army  of  King  Charles  i,  suffered 
arrest,  imprisonment  in  the  Tower,  and  severe  fines  for  his  loyalty  to  the  monarch.  His  per 
sonal  account  books  indicate  that,  although  the  dominant  concerns  of  this  country  gentleman 
were  hawks,  hounds,  horses,  and  haberdashery,  he  also  built  up  a  library  to  which  he  added 
approximately  100  books  and  pamphlets  between  1638  and  1640. 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  D/FSI:  Box  220;  English;  paper;  iv  +  82;  265mm  x  180mm;  foliated, 
original  folio  numbers  to  f  73  in  top  left  corners,  ff  [74]  and  [75]  lack  folio  numbers  (ff  5v-l  1,  12v, 
76-82  blank);  the  second  flyleaf  torn  in  half  vertically;  pages  ruled  for  columns  of  figures  along  each 
right  side;  vellum  binding,  title  on  the  cover:  'My  Booke  of  Accounts  for  1638:  1639  1640  1641.' 

Editorial  Procedures 

Principles  of  Selection 

The  records  of  Dorset,  like  other  collections  in  the  REED  series,  gather  together  contemporary 
evidence  of  public  performance  before  1642.  Neither  'public'  nor  'performance'  is  interpreted 
narrowly.  The  public  might  be  a  crowd  such  as  that  which  assembled  on  specially  built  stand 
ings  for  the  Sherborne  Corpus  Christi  plays  or,  no  less  significant  for  our  purposes,  a  small 
group  like  that  entertained  by  a  fiddler  in  the  Dorchester  jail.  Although  most  entries  refer  to 
performances  that  occurred,  both  records  of  players  who  were  paid  not  to  play  or  who  were 
arrested  for  performing  and  records  of  antagonism  to  local  customs  shed  light  on  the  activities 
of  entertainers  and  on  the  social  scene  in  which  they  plied  their  trade,  and  they  are  included 
for  that  reason.  The  range  of  kinds  of  performance  is  also  broad,  including  not  only  plays, 
puppet  shows,  pageants,  music,  singing,  dancing,  juggling,  fooling,  singular  exhibitions  such 
as  that  of 'the  portraiture  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem'  (see  p  207)  and  undefined  Teates  of  actiuity' 
(see  p  223),  but  also  the  observance  of  folk  customs  and  civic  ceremonies  with  maypoles,  sum 
mer  poles,  a  jack-a-lent,  a  boy  bishop's  gear,  bullbaiting,  racing,  a  Robin  Hood,  or  a  local  'king.' 

The  category  of  civic  ceremonies  also  includes  civic  ales,  processions,  and  local  rituals  if,  on 
at  least  one  occasion,  they  included  mimetic  or  musical  elements;  in  such  cases  all  references, 
even  those  that  do  not  make  explicit  the  role-playing  or  music,  have  been  transcribed.  Historians 
have  made  the  Cobb  ale  of  Lyme  Regis  central  to  the  cultural  life  of  the  town  but  none  of  the 
records  of  that  civic  ale  establishes  that  performances  by  dancers,  musicians,  amateur  actors,  or 
professionaJ  ones  contributed  to  the  festivities.  Given  the  special  status  of  the  Cobb  aJe,  records 
of  it  have  been  included  as  Appendix  3. 

In  accordance  with  REED'S  normal  principles  of  selection,  we  have  excluded  performative 
aspects  of  liturgies  (repairs  to  musical  instruments  for  use  in  church  and  provisions  or  stipends 
for  singing  boys  or  men  there)  and  ritualistic  practices  of  boroughs:  musters,  feasts,  perambul 
ations  of  civic  boundaries,  and  bell-ringing.  Since  the  Sherborne  Corpus  Christi  play  of  the 
1540s  seems  a  direct  replacement  of  the  pre-Reformation  All  Hallows'  Corpus  Christi  proces 
sion,  and  it  is  possible  that  features  of  the  procession  anticipated  the  more  elaborate  play  in 
St  Mary's,  Sherborne,  we  have,  however,  printed  the  references  to  the  Sherborne  All  Hallows' 
Corpus  Christi  procession,  last  recorded  in  1  538-9.  The  pre-Reformation  Sherborne  parish 
sometimes  also  paid  for  tents  on  Corpus  Christi,  probably  for  use  in  non-liturgical  celebration, 


additional  evidence  that  Sherborne's  earlier  practice  may  have  prefigured  customs  surround 
ing  the  parish-sponsored  drama  of  the  1  540s. 

The  materials  produced  by  civil  and  ecclesiastical  courts  complicate  the  meaning  of 'play' 
and  'players'  by  using  these  words  to  refer  respectively  to  illicit  games  and  those  engaged  in 
them.  The  documents  sometimes  make  explicit  what  such  players  were  playing:  handball, 
tennis,  bowls,  kayles,  fives,  cards,  and,  most  often,  dice.  Unlike  performances  involving  animals 
(such  as  the  Blandford  Forum  horse  race),  such  games  of  athletic  skill  and  such  games  of 
chance  have  not  been  included. 

Normally  only  the  item  relevant  to  performance  or  performers  has  been  transcribed.  For  the 
Dorset  records  this  is  the  norm  because  financial  records  have  proven  to  be  the  richest  source 
of  relevant  information  and  the  accountants  rarely  made  explicit  connections  among  the  items 
in  their  lists  of  debits  and  credits.  Although,  for  example,  one  mayor  of  Lyme  Regis  registered 
the  expenditure  for  reglazing  windows  immediately  after  the  reward  given  to  a  troupe  of 
travelling  players,  we  cannot  conclude  simply  on  the  basis  of  the  juxtaposition  of  items  in  an 
account  that  the  performers  or  the  audience  broke  the  windows.  Similarly,  private  diaries, 
official  memoranda,  and  casebooks  present  material  in  discrete  bits,  which  we  have  transcribed 
as  such.  For  other  legal  documents  we  have  transcribed  the  reference(s)  to  performers  or  per 
formance  in  the  context  of  the  case.  Faced  with  lengthy  Star  Chamber  cases,  for  instance,  we 
have  transcribed  in  extenso  all  passages  referring  to  plays,  players,  singers,  and  allegedly  libellous 
songs.  Beyond  that  we  have  included  the  bill  of  complaint,  the  defendant's  answer,  exhibits, 
and  excerpts  from  interrogatories  and  examinations  corresponding  thereto  so  as  to  put  the 
performance  in  historical  context. 

The  character  of  any  REED  volume  is  determined  in  part  by  the  survival  of  certain  kinds  of 
records  and  the  loss  of  other  ones.  Unlike  Somerset,  Dorset  lacks  extensive  quarter  sessions 
records  to  establish  the  activity  of  certain  kinds  of  performers  and  their  circuits  within  the 
county.  The  records  of  ecclesiastical  visitations  are  limited  to  the  peculiar  jurisdictions  of  Wim- 
borne  Minster  and  that  of  the  dean  of  Salisbury.  For  some  boroughs  for  which  one  would 
hope  to  have  early  records  -  most  notably  Wareham,  a  thriving  town  in  the  early  modern 
period  -  none  is  extant.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  two  classes  of  records  have  not  been 
searched  exhaustively:  records  of  the  court  of  Star  Chamber  and  seventeenth-century  diocesan 
records.  Of  the  former,  what  appears  in  this  volume  is  the  result  of  a  carefully  delimited  explora 
tion  of  the  records  of  the  court  for  their  potential  relevance  to  the  interests  of  REED.  Only  the 
most  accessible  cases  (those  of  the  reign  of  King  James  i),  and  of  those  only  the  ones  judged 
likeliest  to  include  relevant  material  (cases  of  defamation,  riot,  unlawful  assembly,  and  offences 
against  religion),  were  read.  Of  the  latter,  the  ecclesiastical  court  records,  churchwardens'  pre 
sentments  were  searched  entirely  but  act  books,  deposition  books,  and  citations  were  only 
sampled  because  preliminary  work  on  them  turned  up  no  relevant  material  beyond  that  known 
from  the  presentments.  Otherwise  we  have  tried  to  live  up  to  the  REED  ideal  to  search  exhaust 
ively  all  the  manuscripts  and  printed  sources  of  information  about  Dorset  before  1642.  While, 
like  others  doing  this  kind  of  work,  we  look  forward  to  the  discovery  of  new  materials,  we  hope, 
having  done  this  work,  that  we  have  not  missed  too  many. 



Documents  arc  dated  as  precisely  as  possible,  preferably  on  the  basis  of  evidence  in  the  docu 
ments  themselves.  Dates  deduced  from  information  external  to  a  particular  document  are 
discussed  in  the  endnotes  and  undated  records  are  collected  in  Appendix  1  and  cross-referenced 
by  endnotes  and  the  index.  When  the  date  is  given  by  regnal  year  or  by  reference  to  the  term 
of  a  civic  official,  it  has  been  translated  in  the  heading  into  a  calendar  date.  However,  one 
aspect  of  the  early  modern  calendar  -  the  beginning  of  a  new  year  on  Lady  Day  (25  March)  - 
is  acknowledged,  indirectly  at  least:  a  'split'  year  date,  1 588/9  for  example,  is  used  for  an  event 
that  occurred  between  1  January  to  24  March  of  a  year.  Most  financial  records  cover  an  account 
ing  year  that  went  from  Michaelmas  in  one  year  to  Michaelmas  in  the  next. 

Entries  taken  from  such  accounts  are  identified  in  the  heading  by  a  double-year,  such  as 
1558-9.  Subheadings  supply  the  limits  of  an  accounting  year  which  does  not  extend  from 
Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas.  Occasionally  documents  include  even  more  precise  information 
about  the  date  of  an  entry;  when  this  occurs  that  date  has  been  transcribed  as  part  of  the 
Records  text.  Often,  however,  that  more  precise  information  specifies  when  a  payment  was 
made  rather  than  when  a  performance  took  place.  We  have  followed  a  similar  procedure  in 
dealing  with  court  records,  which  are  put  under  the  date  of  the  session.  Subheadings  to  these 
records  supply  dates  of  hearings  and  the  Records  themselves  include  specific  information  about 
the  date  of  performance  if  that  information  appears  in  the  document.  See  'The  Documents' 
(pp  48-86)  for  more  specific  descriptions  of  the  character  of  the  records,  the  accounting  year 
of  particular  boroughs,  and  gaps  in  the  extant  materials. 

Although  the  terminus  ad  quem  of  REED  volumes  is  1642,  a  few  later  documents  which 
are  especially  illuminating  in  their  additional  detail  and/or  establish  the  survival  of  a  form  of 
entertainment  have  been  included  in  Appendix  2. 

Edited  Text 

The  layout  of  the  edited  text  approximates  as  far  as  practicable  the  format  of  the  original 
documents.  The  paragraphing  of  the  manuscripts  has  been  retained  but  the  lineation  has  not 
been  kept  in  prose  passages.  Left  marginalia  appear  as  such.  Right  marginalia,  identified  by 
the  symbol  ®,  have  been  moved  to  the  left  margin.  Interlineations  above  the  line  are  set  off 
with  upper  half  brackets  (r   l),  and  the  caret  that  normally  signals  such  additions  is  retained 
in  the  printed  text.  Square  brackets  ([  ])  enclose  cancelled  matter.  Diamond  brackets  «  ))  mark 
places  where  a  manuscript  is  damaged.  Where  the  damage  makes  the  text  altogether  illegible, 
dots  are  used  to  suggest  the  extent  of  the  textual  loss;  a  single  dot  within  the  diamond  brackets 
indicates  the  likely  loss  of  one  letter;  two  dots,  two  letters;  three  dots,  three  or  more  letters. 
With  one  exception  all  forms  of  scribal  errors  appear  in  the  text,  with  proposed  corrections  in 
footnotes.  The  exception  is  the  use  of  too  few  or  too  many  minims  in  a  word;  in  these  cases 
the  printed  text  has  been  corrected  and  the  scribal  error  noted.  A  change  in  the  hand  within 
a  manuscript  has  been  indicated  by  two  raised  circles  (°  °).  Where  a  scribe  has  left  space  for 


words  to  be  added  later  this  is  indicated  by  (blank).  When  the  work  of  more  than  two  scribes 
is  evident  in  a  manuscript,  a  note  discusses  the  character  and  extent  of  their  shares.  Manuscript 
braces,  line  fillers,  and  otiose  flourishes  have  as  a  rule  not  been  reproduced;  however,  manuscript 
braces  are  preserved  where  it  seems  advisable  for  sense  both  in  accounts  and  in  other  sorts  of 
texts.  When  a  brace  was  used  to  mark  a  list  of  receipts  or  expenditures  for  which  a  sum  total  is 
given,  the  sum  total  appears  flush  right  following  the  last  item  in  the  list.  Except  in  abbrevi 
ations  for  numerals,  superior  letters  have  been  silently  lowered. 

The  printed  text  of  the  long  Star  Chamber  case  (see  pp  173-98)  follows  these  guidelines 
concerning  format  for  the  individual  membranes  relevant  to  the  case.  However,  the  order  in 
which  the  membranes  have  been  sewn  together  is  not  reproduced.  Instead,  the  material  is  set 
forth  in  accordance  with  the  sequence  of  steps  by  which  the  court  conducted  its  business:  the 
charge  brought  by  the  plaintiff,  the  defendant's  answer,  the  interrogatories,  the  several  answers 
to  the  interrogatories.  The  decision  of  the  court  in  this  case,  were  it  available,  would  complete 
the  business.  The  headings  and  the  endnotes  indicate  the  original  arrangement  of  the  docu 

In  transcribing  the  documents,  the  original  spelling,  capitalization,  word  division,  and 
punctuation  have  been  retained.  In  transcribing  original  manuscript  sources,  capital  T  and  T 
are  not  distinguished;  only  T  is  used,  as  'ff  is  for  'F.'  A  thorn  has  been  set  as  such  in  docu 
ments  in  which  the  scribe  distinguishes  between  it  and  'y';  otherwise  this  alternative  spelling 
of 'th'  appears  as  'y.'  Sometimes  it  is  not  clear  whether  an  initial  letter  was  intended  to  be 
upper-case  or  lower-case;  when  such  ambiguity  exists,  the  letter  has  been  rendered  as  lower 
case.  In  instances  of  ambiguous  word  division,  we  have  followed  the  precedents  within  the 
document.  In  documents  that  are  inconsistent  in  their  usage,  words  that  are  not  clearly  con 
joined  or  divided  are  transcribed  as  two  words.  Manuscript  virgules  have  been  printed  as  / 
and  //.  The  abbreviations  'Xpi'  and  'xpi'  have  been  expanded  as  'Chrwri'  or  'chrwn.' 

Normally  scribal  abbreviations  have  been  expanded  and  set  in  italics,  which  are  used  for  this 
purpose  only.  Hence,  the  transcriptions  do  not  reproduce  the  use  of  italics  in  manuscripts 
written  in  secretary  hand  or  those  used  for  proper  nouns  or  key  words  in  early  printed  sources. 
A  few  types  of  abbreviations  -  those  for  measures  and  sums  of  money  (such  as  'li.,'  '!.,'  'd.,' 
'ob.,'  and  'di.')  and  those  still  current  (such  as  'Mr,'  Viz.,'  '&c.')  -  have  not  been  expanded. 
Likewise,  in  the  case  of  words  which  have  been  abbreviated  in  ways  that  leave  the  number  or  the 
case  of  the  word  ambiguous,  the  abbreviation  has  not  been  expanded;  instead,  it  is  indicated 
by  an  apostrophe. 

A  note  on  the  Dorchester  Borough  Court  Book  (DRO:  DC/DOB:  8/1)  is  in  order  because  of 
the  difficulty  in  transcribing  the  court  hand.  Words  are  often  abbreviated  but  not  systematically 
so  that  it  is  often  impossible  to  decipher  a  word  letter  by  letter.  To  set  forth  a  readable  text  we 
have  decided  not  to  set  every  illegible  letter  in  diamond  brackets  but  to  transcribe  the  documents 
as  if  every  letter  were  visible  and  discrete.  Footnotes  or  diamond  brackets  mark  substantive 


1  For  the  relationship  of  Dorset  to  medieval  road  systems  see  the  maps  in  Brian  Paul 
Hindle,  'Roads  and  Tracks,'  The  English  Medieval  Landscape,  Leonard  Cantor  (ed) 
(London  and  Philadelphia,  1982),  193-217,  and  in  John  Ogilby,  Britannia,  Volume 
the  First:  or,  An  Illustration  of  the  Kingdom  of  England  and  Dominion  of  Wales:  By  a 
Geographical  and  Historical  Description  of  the  Principal  Roads  Thereof  (London,  1675). 
For  details  of  the  physical  description  of  Dorset  see  Taylor,  Dorset,  particularly  pp  21—4. 
Any  description  of  Dorset  must  rely  on  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  and  on  numer 
ous  articles  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Dorset  Natural  History  and  Antiquarian  Field  Club 
(PDNHAFC;  continued  as  the  Proceedings  of  the  Dorset  Natural  History  and  Archaeological 
Society  (PDNHAS)).  Underdown,  Revel,  is  particularly  helpful  in  relating  the  county's 
physical  characteristics  to  patterns  of  agriculture  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries.  See  aJso  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2. 

2  Barbara  Kerr,  Bound  to  the  Soil:  A  Social  History  of  Dorset,  1750-1918  (London,  1 968) ,  8  -9. 

3  Michael  Williams,  'Marshland  and  Waste,'  The  English  Medieval  Landscape,  Leonard 
Cantor  (ed),  p  93;  Bettey,  Dorset,  pp  39,  41-3;  Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  84-101. 

4  Hindle,  'Roads  and  Tracks,'  pp  200-1;  Bettey,  Dorset,  pp  33-8;  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  29-30, 

5  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  pp  5,  29;  David  M.  Smith,  Guide  to  Bishops'  Registers  of  England 
and  Wales  (London,  1981),  40,  188.  For  an  introduction  to  the  history  of  the  larger 
religious  houses  see  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  pp  47-90  and  107-13.  There  are  lengthier 
histories  of  such  houses  as  Milton  Abbas  and  the  college  of  secular  canons  at  Wimborne 
Minster;  see  Clegg,  History  of  Dorchester;  J.P  Traskey,  Milton  Abbey:  A  Dorset  Monastery 
in  the  Middle  Ages  (Tisbury,  1978);  and  Patricia  H.  Coulstock,  The  Collegiate  Church 
of  Wimborne  Minster  (Woodbridge,  1 993). 

6  Bettey  avoids  the  always  vexing  question  of  when  a  town  did  or  did  not  have  borough 
status.  See  Dorset,  p  63  and  Wessex,  pp  23,  49.  Borough  status  and  other  technical 
questions  are  dealt  with  in  Penn,  Historic  Towns. 

Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  110-18;  Bettey,  Wessex,  pill;  Leonard  Cantor,  'Introduction:  The 
English  Medieval  Landscape,'  The  English  Medieval  Landscape,  Leonard  Cantor  (ed) 

8  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  pp  3-4. 

9  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  pp  6-7. 


1 0  On  local  gentry  see  J.P.  Ferris,  The  Gentry  of  Dorset  on  the  Eve  of  the  Civil  War,' 
Genealogists' Magazine  \  5  (1965),  104-16,  particularly  p  4;  cited  in  Underdown,  Revel, 
p  122;  Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  135^0;  for  examples  of  immigration  to  a  Dorset  town  in  the 
late  sixteenth  century  see  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  pp  41-4.  For  Dorset's  lack  of 
provincialism  see  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  pp  168-75. 

1 1  J.H.  Bettey,  'The  Marketing  of  Agricultural  Produce  in  Dorset  during  the  Seventeenth 
Century,'  PDNHAS  99  (1977),  1;  J.H.  Bettey,  'Markets  and  Fairs  in  Seventeenth  Century 
Dorset,'  SDNQ  30  (1974-9),  203-4;  for  the  importance  of  the  fair  at  Woodbury  Hill 
see  also  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  148-9. 

12  Bettey,  Dorset,  pp  45-52;  Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  126-35;  Joan  Thirsk,  The  Rural  Economy 
of  England  (London,  1984),  206;  Underdown,  ReveL,  pp  107—12.  There  were  some 
deserted  villages:  see  J.H.  Bettey,  'Economic  Pressures  and  Village  Desertions  in  South 
Dorset,'  MWQ33  (1991-5),  3-6. 

13  B.E.  Supple,  Commercial  Crisis  and  Change  in  England,  1600-1642:  A  Study  in  the 
Instability  of  a  Mercantile  Economy  (Cambridge,  1964),  5;  Joan  Thirsk,  Economic  Policy 
and  Projects:  The  Development  of  a  Consumer  Society  in  Early  Modern  England  (Oxford, 
1978),  28,  74;  J.H.  Bettey,  'Cloth  Production  in  Dorset  1570-1670,'  SDM?31  (1980-5), 
209-1 1;  J.H.  Bettey,  The  Dorset  Wool  and  Cloth  Industry,'  SDWQ  29  (1968-73), 
240-2;  Bettey,  Dorset,  pp  74-5;  Thirsk,  Rural  Economy,  p  210;  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  137-8 
and  146;  Gillian  T.  Cell,  English  Enterprise  in  Newfoundland  1577-1660  (Toronto, 
1969),  136-44. 

14  For  a  general  overview  of  Dorset's  maritime  history  see  M.  Oppenheim,  'Maritime 
History'  in  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  pp  175-228;  for  Dorset  pirates  see  C.  L'Estrange  Ewen, 
The  Pirates  of  Purbeck,'  PDNHAS!  (1949),  88-109,  and  Lloyd,  Dorset  Elizabethans, 
chapter  1;  for  more  sophisticated  accounts  of  Dorset's  participation  in  maritime  enter 
prise  and  privateering  see  Kenneth  R.  Andrews,  Elizabethan  Privateering:  English  Privat 
eering  during  the  Spanish  War  1585-1603  (Cambridge,  1964),  252-4,  269-70,  and 
Trade  Plunder  and  Settlement:  Maritime  Enterprise  and  the  Genesis  of  the  British  Empire, 
1480-1630  (Cambridge,  1984),  21,  251. 

15  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  104-7;  Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  121-2;  Bettey,  Dorset,  pp  98-102. 

16  Julian  Cornwall,  Revolt  of  the  Peasantry  1549  (London,  1977),  99-103,  115,  121,  178. 

17  Lloyd  (Dorset  Elizabethans,  chapter  2)  discusses  the  careers  of  many  Dorset  Catholics, 
particularly  the  Arundells  of  Chideock  and  of  Wardour  Castle;  Underdown,  ReveL,  p  89; 
VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  pp  23-37;  J.H.  Bettey  points  out  that  several  Dorset  parishes  re 
ported  unfavourably  on  the  Puritan  sentiments  of  parish  clergy.  See  Bettey,  'Dorset 
Churchwardens'  Presentments:  Early  17th  Century,'  S£wq29  (1968-73),  263-5  and 
'Varieties  of  Men.' 

18  Underdown,  ReveL,  p  8.  Underdown's  analysis  draws  on  national  as  well  as  west  country 
evidence  and  much  of  his  discussion  necessarily  lies  outside  the  concerns  of  this  volume. 
His  analysis  of  cultural  conflicts,  however,  relies  partly  on  interpretations  of  records 
(from  Wiltshire  and  Somerset  as  well  as  Dorset)  like  those  transcribed  in  this  volume. 

19  Underdown,  Revel,  p  48. 


20  Underdown,  Revel,  p  72. 

21  Underdown,  /fri>f£  pp  103-4. 

22  Hutton,  Rise  and  Fall  pp  161-4. 

23  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath,  vol  2,  pp  614-1 5  n  4. 

24  Hutton,  Rise  and  Fall,  p  163.  See  Martin  Ingram,  Church  Courts,  Sex  and  Marriage  in 
England  (Cambridge,  1987),  cited  by  Hutton,  Rise  and  Fall,  p  162. 

25  Underdown,  /?<W  pp  91-2. 

26  Underdown,  Revel,  p  92,  map  iv. 

27  Hutton,  Rise  and  Fall,  pp  163,  198.  Hutton  vividly  depicts  the  presence  or  relative  ab 
sence  of  national  patterns  for  the  rise  and  decline  of  customs  related  to  the  ritual  year 
from  the  fifteenth  through  the  seventeenth  century.  For  the  rise  of  church  ales,  hocktide 
celebrations,  Robin  Hood  plays,  and  morris  dancing  in  the  fifteenth  century,  for  example, 
see  pp  59-  67;  in  a  tightly  reasoned  argument,  pp  121-52,  Hutton  concludes  that  for  an 
Elizabethan  decline  in  festivities,  of 'paramount  importance'  was  evangelical  Protestantism, 
not  royal  or  ecclesiastical  policy.  Hutton's  model  is,  it  must  be  stressed,  a  national  one,  in 
contrast  to  Underdown's  west  country  model.  Hutton's  suggestion  that  late  Elizabethan 
quarrels  about  revels  may  depend  predominantly  on  local  developments  is  consistent 
with  the  Dorset  evidence.  But  Dorset  performance  records  are  too  thin  or  too  ambiguous 
in  the  early  Stuart  period  to  allow  us  direct  comment  on  Hutton's  conclusions. 

28  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  p  105. 

29  William  Smith,  The  Particular  Description  of  England.  1588.  With  Views  of  Some  of  the 
Chief  Towns  and  Armorial  Bearings  of  Nobles  and  Bishops,  Henry  B.  Wheatley  and  Edmund 
W.  Ashbee  (eds)  (London,  1879),  69. 

30  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  pp  216-18;  Cox,  Book  of  Blandford  Forum,  p  19. 

31  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  1 39;  Cox,  Book  of  Blandford  Forum,  p  21 . 

32  Weinstock,  'Blandford,'  pp  1 18-22;  Cox,  Book  of  Blandford Forum,  p  39;  Hutchins, 
History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  pp  242-3. 

33  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  Bl  Iv;  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic 
Halls,'  pp  38,  42;  William  Camden,  Britain,  or  a  Chorographicall  Description  of  the 
Most  Flourishing  Kingdomes,  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  and  the  Hands  Adioyning, 
out  of  the  Depth  ofAntiquitie,  trans  by  Philemon  Holland  and  ed  by  William  Camden 
(London,  1610;  sre  4509),  215. 

34  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  21  5;  Weinstock,  'Blandford,'  pp  121-2. 

35  Janice  Pahl,  'The  Rope  and  Net  Industry  of  Bridport:  Some  Aspects  of  Its  History  and 
Geography,'  PDNHAS?,!  (1961  for  I960),  143-54,  especially  pp  144-6;  Basil  Short  and 
John  Sales,  The  Book  of  Bridport  (Buckingham,  1980),  74;  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  140. 

36  G.W.  Hannah,  The  Evolution  of  Bridport  Harbour,'  PDNHAS  108  (1987  for  1986),  27-31 . 

37  Pahl,  'Rope  and  Net,'  p  1 44. 

38  Hycke  Scorner,  cited  in  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  347.  See  also  Ian  Lancashire  (ed),  Two  Tudor 
Interludes:  Youth  and  Hick  Scorner  (Manchester,  1980),  178,  1.243. 

39  Pahl, 'Rope  and  Net,' p  146. 

40  BodL  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  44v. 


41  Quoted  in  Short,  A  Respectable  Society,  p  1;  in  1610,  Camden,  after  praising  Bridport's 
hemp  and  rope  making  skill,  stated  'Neither  is  this  place  able  to  maintaine  the  name 
of  an  haven,  albeit  in  the  mouth  of  the  river  being  on  both  sides  enclosed  within  little 
hilles,  nature  seemes  as  it  were  of  purpose  to  have  begun  an  haven,  and  requireth  in 
some  sort  art  and  mans  helpe  to  accomplish  the  same'  (Britain,  p  210). 

42  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic  Halls,'  pp  38,  44-5. 

43  Underdown,  Revel,  pp  54,  166. 

44  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  24;  Bettey,  Dorset,  p  38. 

45  J.S.  Roskell,  The  House  of  Commons  1386-1421,  The  History  of  Parliament,  vol  1 
(Stroud,  1992),  369;  Smith,  Particular  Description,  p  69;  Ogilby,  Britannia,  plate  60; 
VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  139. 

46  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  61. 

47  Taylor,  Dorset,  p  199. 

48  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  339. 

49  Camden,  Britain,  p  212. 

50  Our  account  of  late  sixteenth-  and  seventeenth-century  Dorchester  relies  heavily  on 
Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven.  Underdown's  brief  survey  of  Dorchester's  sixteenth- 
century  economy  and  Dorchester's  response  to  the  problems  of  poverty  is  on  pp  10-12. 

51  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  p  69. 

52  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  pp  8-10  and  22-4;  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  pp  62-3. 

53  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  chapters  2—5. 

54  'A  Catalogue  of  ye  Bookes  in  ye  Library  of  Dorchester  w/th  ye  Giuers,  taken  in  ye  yeare, 
1631'  (DRO:  DC/DOB:  28/1). 

55  Ann  Natalie  Hansen,  The  Dorchester  Group:  Puritanism  and  Revolution  (Columbus,  Ohio, 
1987),  15-34. 

56  Cecil  N.  Cullingford,  A  History  of  Dorset  (London,  1980),  61;  Underdown,  Revel,  p  128; 
for  Dorchester's  reaction  to  national  policies  in  general  and  as  they  specifically  affected 
the  town,  see  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  chapter  6. 

57  Bodl.:  MS  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  43v.  For  the  history  of  Lyme  Regis  see  Fowles,  Short  History 
ofLyme  Regis,  and  Wanklyn,  Lyme  Regis:  A  Retrospect.  A  great  deal  of  the  information 
in  Roberts,  Social  History,  derives  from  Lyme  Regis  records. 

58  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  p  1 1. 

59  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  72. 

60  Quoted  in  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  1 13;  See  also  Hannah,  'Evolution  of  Bridport  Harbour,' 
p  28;  Thomas  Cox,  'Dorsetshire,'  from  Magna  Britannia  et  Hibernia,  vol  1  (London, 
1720-31),  548-604. 

61  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  1 19-20. 

62  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  43v. 

63  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  73. 

64  Andrews,  Elizabethan  Privateering,  pp  32-3  and  p  33,  Table  2,  n  2;  Lloyd,  Dorset  Eliza 
bethans,  pp  57—9. 

65  Stephens,  'Trade  Fortunes,'  pp  71-3. 


66  Fowles,  Short  History  ofLyme  Regis,  p  1  5- 

67  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  2 1 1 . 

68  The  visitor  was  probably  named  Hammond.  See  'A  Relation  of  a  Short  Survey  of  the 
Western  Counties:  Made  by  a  Lieutenant  of  the  Military  Company  in  Norwich  in 
1635,'  L.G.  Wickham  Legg  (ed),  Camden  Miscellany  16,  Camden  Society,  3rd  series, 
vol  52  (1936),  iii,  73,  quoted  in  Stephens,  Trade  Fortunes,'  p  71. 

69  Stephens,  Trade  Fortunes,'  p  73;  Fowles  says  Lyme's  economic  fortunes  were  at  their 
height  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  (Short  History  ofLyme  Regis,  pp  15-19). 

70  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic  Halls,'  pp  38,  42. 

71  DRO:  DC/LR:  Dl/1  (Order  Book)  p  29. 

72  DRO:  DC/LR:  Bl/8  (Court  Book  1613-17)  pp  51-4. 

73  Roberts,  Social  History,  pp  240  and  343-4;  Fowles,  Short  History  ofLyme  Regis,  pp  19-20; 
Bettey,  Dorset,  p  102,  and  'Varieties  of  Men,'  p  847. 

74  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  52v. 

75  Bettey,  Dorset,  p  67. 

76  Cullingford,  Poole,  pp  35-6.  For  Poole's  history  see  also  Smith,  History  of  Poole;  Syden- 
ham,  History  of  the  Town  and  County  of  Poole;  Bernard  C.  Shorr,  Poole:  The  Romance  of 
hi  Early  History,  2nd  ed   (Poole,  1945).  According  to  the  DNB  Longespee  has  often  been 
called  the  earl  of  Salisbury  although  he  never  actually  held  the  title. 

77  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  139;  Cullingford,  Poole,  pp  46-7;  W.R.  Childs,  'Channel  Island 
Shipping  as  Recorded  in  the  English  Customs  Accounts,  1300-1 500,'  A  People  of  the 
Sea:  The  Maritime  History  of  the  Channel  Islands,  A.G.  Jamieson  (ed)  (London  and  New 
York,  1986),  44-58.   Childs  points  out  that  Channel  Islands  trade  represented  17  to 
34  per  cent  of  late  fifteenth-century  Poole's  shipping,  carrying  34  to  63  per  cent  of 
Poole's  imports  and  over  40  per  cent  of  the  town's  cloth  exports,  1465-8  (p  47).  See 
also  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  20. 

78  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  fT53v,  52v.  The  early  sixteenth-century  town  records  suggest 
an  active  and  growing  municipality;  Leland's  informants  may  have  been  very  old. 

79  Smith,  History  of  Poole,  vol  2,  p  94. 

80  Smith,  History  of  Poole,  vol  2,  pp  87-92. 

81  Tittler,  'Vitality,'  p  95. 

82  Tittler,  'Vitality,'  pp  96-107.  Southampton  had  granted  trading  concessions  to  the 
Channel  Islands  in  1515  and  Island  trade  was  to  shift  from  Poole  to  Southampton 
during  the  course  of  the  sixteenth  century;  J.C.  Appleby,  'Neutrality,  Trade  and  Privat 
eering,  1500-1689,'  A  People  of  the  Sea,  pp  59-105,  particularly  pp  79-84. 

83  Tittler,'  Vitality,'  p  107.  Some  of  the  town's  financial  chaos  can  be  seen  in  the  attempt 
by  Mayor  John  Hancoke  to  clean  up  town  records  and  town  finance  recorded  in  Han- 
cokes  difficult  script  in  DRO:  DC/PL:  CLA  P26;  there  are  many  instances  in  late  Eliza 
bethan  records  of  auditors  disallowing  expenses  incurred  by  earlier  town  officials. 

84  DRO:  DC/PL:  CLA  P25  f  28;  Cell,  English  Enterprise  in  Newfoundland,  p  102. 

85  Stephens,  Trade  Fortunes,' p  71. 

86  T.S.  Willan,  The  English  Coasting  Trade:  1600-1750  (Manchester,  1938),  1 55-6. 


87  Supple,  Commercial  Crisis  and  Change,  pp  55—7. 

88  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  p  85. 

89  Hancock's  autobiography,  quoted  by  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  53; 
Underdown,  Revel,  p  147. 

90  Histories  of  Shaftesbury  include  Laura  Sydenham,  Shaftesbury  and  Its  Abbey;  John  Rutter, 
An  Historical  and  Descriptive  Account  of  the  Town  of  Shaftesbury  (np,  1827);  Bowles, 
Shaftesbury  Corporation;  and  Mayo,  Municipal  Records  of  the  Borough  of  Shaftesbury. 

91  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  23-5;  Bettey,  Dorset,  p  38. 

92  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  88. 

93  Bettey,  'Marketing,'  p  2;  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  3,  pp  7-8;  Mayo,  Muni 
cipal  Records  of  the  Borough  of  Shaftesbury,  pp  57-8. 

94  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  147;  see  Bettey's  fuller  description  of  Shaftesbury 's  market  in  'Markets 
and  Fairs  in  Seventeenth  Century  Dorset,'  SD/VQ  30  (1974-9),  203  —  6. 

95  Underdown,  Revel,  p  37,  cites  J.H.  Bettey,  'Agriculture  and  Rural  Society  in  Dorset, 
1570-1670,'  PhD  thesis  (University  of  Bristol,  1977),  348-50;  for  Shaftesbury's  inns 
and  alehouses  see  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  147.  See  also  Bettey,  'Markets  and  Fairs,'  p  206. 

96  F.  J.  Pope,  'Puritans  at  Shaftesbury  in  the  Early  Stuart  Period,'  SDNQ  13  (1912-13), 
160-2;  Underdown,  Revel,  pp  89,  196. 

97  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic  Halls,'  p  38. 

98  For  a  detailed  history  of  Sherborne,  including  detailed  summaries  of  many  Sherborne 
sources  see  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne. 

99  Gerard,  Survey  of  Dorsetshire,  p  122. 

100  Fowler  (Mediaeval Sherborne,  pp  164-7)  argues  from  documentary  evidence  that  All 
Hallows'  dates  from  about  1300;  it  is  assigned  to  about  1400  by  Newman  and  Pevsner 
in  Dorset,  p  370. 

101  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  p  88. 

102  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  67;  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  264  —  6.  Fowler  mistakenly 
gives  the  date  of  the  abbey  fire  as  1437  but  see  P.N.  Dawe,  'Sherborne  Almshouse 
Building  Accounts,  1440-1444,'  SDNQ  29  (1968-73),  74-8;  Richard  Rochell,  the 
accountant  who  managed  the  building  of  the  almshouse  and  served  as  its  first  master, 
had  also  served  as  All  Hallows'  churchwarden  (Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  p  235). 

103  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  231-58;  the  subservience  of  Sherborne  to  its  ecclesi 
astical  lords  in  comparison  to  the  relative  autonomy  of  other  Dorset  towns  is  stressed 
by  Madeleine  C.  Fripp  and  Phyllis  Wragge  in  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2,  p  245. 

104  Fowler  (ed),  'Post-Reformation  Churchwardens'  Accounts,'  SDNQ24,  pp  285-8. 

105  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  319-21. 

1 06  J.J.  Scarisbrick,  The  Reformation  and  the  English  People  (Oxford,  1 984),  1 03-4. 

107  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  321-5. 

108  Bettey,  Dorset,  p  101;  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  p  229. 

109  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  342-7;  for  the  early  history  of  the  school  see  Nicholas 
Orme,  Education  in  the  West  of  England:  1066-1548  (Exeter,  1976),  15,  103-4;  some 
indication  of  the  links  between  pre-Reformation  parish  and  school  may  be  seen  in  the 


fact  that  Pancras  Grout  seems  to  have  served  as  both  schoolmaster  and  parish  organist 
in  the  1520s,  according  to  N.  Orme,  Two  Tudor  Schoolmaster-Musicians,'  SDNQ  31 
(1980-5),  19-26. 

110  Fowler,  Mediaeval  She rborne,  p  404.  The  fair  of  St  Thomas  Becket  was  probably  held  on 
7  July,  Sherborne's  most  profitable  fair  was  held  at  Michaelmas;  see  Fowler,  Mediaeval 
Sherborne,  pp  403-5-   In  the  absence  of  the  rights  which  would  have  belonged  to  an 
incorporated  town,  the  roles  taken  by  officials  of  Sherborne's  institutions  -  the  parish, 
the  school,  and  the  almshouses  -  are  sometimes  confusing.  Thus,  records  for  the  street 
ale  which  succeeded  the  churchwardens'  collection,  itself  the  successor  to  the  earlier 
church  ale,  were  still  held  in  Sherborne  Grammar  School  in  the  1980s,  although  other 
records  relating  to  the  street  ale  are  in  parish  vestry  accounts.   See  DRO:  S.235:  Bl/24; 
S.235:  C51/1;  S.235:  C5/2/1-,  and  S.235:  C5/2/7-9  (formerly  SSL:  MS  A26a;   MS  SI; 
MS  S3;  and  MSS  SlO-12),  and  vestry  account  DRO:  PE/SH:  VE1. 

1 1 1  Fowler,  Mediaeval  Sherborne,  pp  286-93;  building  accounts  for  the  church  house  and 
later  records  of  repairs  to  the  building,  nearly  continuous  records  of  rents  paid  the 
parish  for  the  shops  on  the  ground  floor  of  the  building,  and  inventories  of  the  contents 
of  the  upper  room  used  as  a  parish  hall  are  preserved  in  the  numerous  sixteenth-century 
Sherborne  churchwardens'  accounts. 

112  Lloyd,  Dorset  Elizabethans,  pp  233-92. 

1 13  Weinstock,  'Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis  in  Tudor  and  Early  Stuart  Times,'  More 
Dorset  Studies,  pp  1-46,  particularly  pp  4-5;  Taylor,  Dorset,  pp  190,  192;  VCH:  Dorset, 
vol  2,  pp  139,  242;  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  449. 

114  Weinstock,  'Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis';  R.R.  Sellman  summarizes  the  history  of 
the  dispute  in  an  essay  incorporated  within  Weinstock's  essay,  pp  5-17.  For  seventeenth- 
century  Weymouth  government  see  Maureen  Weinstock,  'The  Government  of  Wey 
mouth  and  Melcombe  Regis  during  the  Reign  of  Charles  i,'  Studies  in  Dorset  History, 
pp  1 1-25.  The  salutary  effects  of  the  bridge  may  be  seen  in  the  changes  Camden  made 
to  his  brief  references  to  Weymouth  in  Britannia:  in  the  1586  Latin  edition  he  merely 
noted  that  the  two  towns  had  been  joined  by  act  of  parliament  but  in  the  1610  trans 
lation  he  said  they  had  been  'conjoined  of  late  by  a  bridge,  and  growen  very  much 
greater  and  goodlier  in  buildings  by  sea-aduentures  than  heeretofore'  (p  21 1). 

1 1 5  Cell,  English  Enterprise  in  Newfoundland,  pp  139,  1 4 1 ,  and  1 44;  Andrews,  Elizabethan 
Privateering,  pp  32-3,  241,  252-4,  and  269-70;  Stephens,  Trade  Fortunes,'  p  71; 
Weinstock,  'Weymouth  Trade  in  the  Early  Seventeenth  Century,'  Studies  in  Dorset 
History,  pp  26-51;  for  the  expansion  of  settlement  in  Melcombe  Regis  see  the  excellent 
maps  in  Weinstock,  'Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis.' 

1 16  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  pp  1 14  and  1 18;  WM:  MB.O-B  pp  107,  331,  for  example;  Bettey, 
Dorset,  p  102. 

117  James,  Wimborne  Minster.  Other  histories  include  Clegg,  History  ofWimborne  Minster; 
Mayo,  History  ofWimborne  Minster;  for  a  recent  history  of  the  medieval  church  see 
Patricia  H.  Coulstock,  The  Collegiate  Church  of  Wimborne  Minster  (Woodbridge,  1993). 

118  Garry  Hogg,  History,  People  and  Places  in  Dorset  (Bourne  End,  1 976),  88. 


119  James,  Wimborne  Minster,  p  19. 

120  For  aspects  of  the  history  of  the  royal  peculiar,  particularly  in  the  sixteenth  century,  see 
A.W.  Stote-Blandy,  'The  Royal  Peculiar  Court  ofWimborne  Minster,'  PDNHAS 64  (1943 
for  1942),  43-57;  J.M.J.  Fletcher,  'A  Century  of  Dorset  Documents,'  PDNHAS  47  (1926), 
25-50;  Kaye  Le  Fleming,  'Notes  on  the  Royal  Peculiar  ofWimborne  Minster,'  PDNHAS 
62  (1941  for  1940),  50-3.  The  jurisdictional  confusion  in  the  parish  is  exemplified  in 
the  systems  described  by  C.C.  Taylor  in  'Wimborne  Minster,'  PDNHAS  89  (1968  for 
1967),  168-70. 

121  James,  Wimborne  Minster,  pp  24,  27. 

122  Clegg,  History  ofWimborne  Minster,  pp  184-5,  citing  Henry  vn's  patent;  James  says 
St  Cuthburga's  fair  was  on  3  September  but  the  saint's  feast  day  was  31  August  (Wimborne 
Minster,  p  32). 

123  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  54v. 

124  For  the  history  of  the  grammar  school  see  Orme,  Education  in  the  West  of  England, 
pp  184  —  6;  Clegg,  History  of  Wimborne  Minster,  pp  75-7;  James,  Wimborne  Minster, 
pp  38-40. 

125  Coulstock,  Collegiate  Church,  p  191. 

126  Clegg,  History  ofWimborne  Minster,  pp  135—7;  James,  Wimborne  Minster,  pp  44—52. 

127  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  45. 

128  Eedle,  History  of  Beaminster,  pp  35-6;  Bettey,  'Marketing,'  p  1;  Bettey,  Wessex,  pp  137,  140. 

129  Bodl.:  MS.  Top.  gen.  e.  10  f  45v. 

130  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  15. 

131  Lloyd,  Dorset  Elizabethans,  p  87. 

132  Newman  and  Pevsner,  Dorset,  pp  90-1;  Bettey,  'Markets  and  Fairs,'  pp  203-6;  Pitfield, 
Book  ofBere  Regis  and  'The  Churchwardens'  Accounts';  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquit 
ies,  vol  1,  p  158. 

133  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  469. 

134  Newman  and  Pevsner,  Dorset,  p  167. 

1 35  See  RW.  Hasler,  The  House  of  Commons  1558-1603,  vol  2  (London,  1981),  276  for  Hat- 
ton's  date  of  appointment;  see  also  Lloyd,  Dorset  Elizabethans,  p  30;  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  184. 

136  John  C.  Coldewey,  'Plays  and  "Play"  in  Early  English  Drama,'  Research  Opportunities 
in  Renaissance  Drama  28(1985),  181-8. 

1 37  Bettey  (ed),  Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley,  p  3 1 . 

138  Hutton,  Rise  and  Fall,  pp  190-1,  discusses  both  the  support  in  the  1620s  for  the  'yearly 
cycle  of  religious  ceremonial  and  ritualized  social  entertainments'  and  the  conflict  be 
tween  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  arising  from  the  effort  initiated  in  1632  to  ban 
church  ales  in  Somerset  and  Dorset. 

139  BL:  Egerton  MS.  784  f  96;  for  a  published  edition  of  this  manuscript  see  Whiteway, 
William  Whiteway  of  Dorchester:  His  Diary. 

140  See  Appendix  2,  pp  293-6. 

141  Roberts,  Social  History,  pp  343-4;  WankJyn,  Lyme  Regis:  A  Retrospect,  pp  8-9;  Fowles, 
Short  History  of  Lyme  Regis,  pp  1 9-20. 



142  DRO:  PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  39  single  sheet.  In  1599-1600  two  Wimborne  parish 
ioners  brought  the  great  cake  into  the  church  during  a  baptism.  On  a  similar  occasion 
in  1600-1  one  Robert  Allen  caused  'many  cakes'  to  be  brought  into  the  church  (DRO: 
PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  28  single  sheet).  See  Fletcher,  'Church  Cakes.' 

143  The  'playing'  that  occurred  as  part  of  the  Shaftesbury  custom  may  have  been  a  kind  of 
dramatic  activity;  if  it  were,  then  the  green  can  be  added  to  the  Sherborne  churchyard 
as  outdoor  playing  places  used  in  Dorset.  However,  the  'playing'  may  have  involved 
displays  of  athletic  skills  rather  than  the  production  of  a  play. 

144  See  DRO:  S.235:  C5/2/7  (the  account  of  Robert  Asheborne)  for  the  account  of  1 592, 
S.235:  C5/2/8  (the  account  of  Steven  Exoll)  for  1593,  and  S.235:  C5/2/9  (the  account 
of  John  Lambarte)  for  1 594.  The  ale  probably  raised  a  comparable  sum  in  1 588,  when 
Edward  Knoyle  had  receipts  of  £39  19s  lOd  for  the  ale,  fairs,  and  markets  combined 

(MS  S3). 

145  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B6v;  other  ale  entries  appear  on 
ffB2-7,  BlOv-llv,  B13-14. 

146  Underdown,  ReveL,  p  45- 

147  William  Whiteway's  diary,  BL:  Egerton  MS.  784  f  45v,  notes  the  king's  order  that  the 
conclusion  of  the  French  match  be  celebrated  with  bonfires,  discharging  of  ordnance, 
and  bell-ringing.   For  payments  for  ringing  the  bells  to  mark  the  other  special  occasions, 
see  the  Holy  Trinity  Churchwardens'  Accounts,  Dorchester  (DRO:  MS  PE/DO(HT) 
CW  1  ff  45v,  48,  53a,  66v).   Payments  for  ringing  on  Guy  Fawkes  Day  also  appear  in 
the  Churchwardens'  Accounts  on  ff  33  (1625),  39  (1627),  42  (1628),  45v  (1630),  48 
(1631),  50  (1632),  52  (1633),  53a  (1634),  54v  (1635),  57  (1636),  59  (1637),  61  (1638), 
and  63  (1639);  those  for  ringing  in  celebration  of  the  proclamation,  coronation,  or 
accession  of  King  Charles  i  appear  on  ff  31  (1624),  34  (1625),  50  (1632),  52  (1633), 
53a  (1634),  and  66v  (1640).  David  Underdown  and  David  Cressy  suggest  that  bell- 
ringing  in  Dorchester  had  political  significance  in  that  many  of  the  events  that  were 
celebrated  in  this  way  were  seen  either  as  successes  for  Protestantism  in  England  or  in 
Europe  or  as  Protestant  holy  days;  see,  respectively,  Fire  from  Heaven,  pp  171,  194,  and 
Bonfires  and  Bells,  pp  61,  138. 

148  Presumably  the  representatives  of  Poole  attended  with  some  ceremony  on  this  occasion 
because  the  borough  bore  part  of  the  responsibility  for  the  maintenance  of  Brownsea 
Castle,  which  required  repairs,  munitions,  and  guards. 

149  Weymouth  made  six  payments  for  drum  repair,  1 596-1600  (WM:  Sherren  MS  184  f  [2v]; 
Sherren  MS  185  ff  [lv]  and  [2v];  and  Sherren  MS  186  f  [2v]);  Poole  collected  from  a 
citizen  'for  spoylinge  of  the  drvm'  in  1584-5  (see  p  244). 

150  DRO:  PE/WM:  CW  1/41  pp  35  and  43;  for  the  Wimborne  Minster  players  at  court  in 
1494  see  BL:  Additional  MS.  7099  f  13,  and  W.R.  Streitberger,  Court  Revels,  1485-1559 
(Toronto,  1991),  27,  240,  428;  PRO:  ElOl/414/6  f  41. 

151  DRO:  DC/PL:  CLA  PA  10ffl3v  and  I4v. 

152  Cressy,  Bonfires  and  Bells,  p  72. 

153  Dennis  Bond  notes  in  his  Chronology  (DRO:  D/BOC:  Box  22  f  44)  that  he  authorized 

100  DORSET 

the  firing  of  ordnance.  The  churchwardens  of  Holy  Trinity  paid  for  the  ringing;  see 
DRO:  PE/DO(HT)/CW1  f  29. 

154  One  of  Dorchester's  registers  includes  in  1624-5  'George  Burford  barber  surgeon  borne 
in  Towne  and  serving  Mr.  lohn  Burford  vj  yeares  in  Town  in  musick  and  v  yeares  in 
London  w/'th  a  barber  surieon  is  generally  admitted  to  the  trade  of  barber  surieon'  (DRO: 
DC/DOB:  13/1  f  [18v]),  but  it  seems  likely  that  music  is  here  an  error  for  physic. 

155  DRO:  PE/WM:  CP2/8,  item  32  f  1,  reporting  a  conversation  dated  about  the  end  of 
September  1590. 

156  For  provincial  evidence  of  a  similar  family  of  players,  see  John  C.  Coldewey,  'Some 
Nottinghamshire  Waits:  Their  History  and  Habits,'  REED  Newsletter! .\  (1982), 

157  The  Devon  records  include  a  reward  from  Plymouth  to  Mr  Rogers'  bearward  1569-70 
and  one  from  Exeter  in  1582-3  to  Sir  Richard  Rogers'  man  for  baiting  a  bull.  In  the 
second  of  these  entries,  the  phrase  following  the  patron's  name,  the  phrase  'men  beinge 
players,'  has  been  cancelled  by  the  scribe.  See  John  M.  Wasson  (ed),  Devon,  REED 
(Toronto,  1986),  159,  239.  Bath  posted  a  payment  to  'S/r  Richarde  Rogers  players'  in 
the  accounts  of  1 577-8;  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath,  vol  1, 

158  Hays, '"Lot's  Wife",' p  115 

1 59  We  are  indebted  here  to  Peter  H.  Greenfield,  'Tewkesbury's  Parish  Plays  and  the  Southern 
Dramatic  Tradition,'  a  paper  presented  at  the  Twenty-Second  International  Congress 
on  Medieval  Studies,  Western  Michigan  University,  Kalamazoo,  May  1987. 

160  An  argument  to  this  effect  is  developed  by  Hays,  'Dorset  Church  Houses,'  pp  17-18. 

161  David  Harris  Sacks,  The  Widening  Gate:  Bristol  and  the  Atlantic  Economy,  1450-1700, 
The  New  Historicism:  Studies  in  Cultural  Poetics  15  (Berkeley  and  Los  Angeles,  1991), 
chapters  4  and  5. 

162  For  an  extended  discussion  of  the  sixteenth-century  Sherborne  play,  see  Hays,  '"Lot's 
Wife", 'pp  99-1 25. 

163  Ian  Lancashire,  'History  of  a  Transition:  Review  Article,'  in  Medieval  and  Renaissance 
Drama  in  England:  An  Annual  Gathering  of  Research,  Criticism,  and  Reviews  3  (1986), 

164  Newman  and  Pevsner,  Dorset,  pp  84-6,  89-91,  102-3,  and  259;  Derek  Beamish,  John 
Hillier,  and  H.F.V.  Johnstone,  Mansions  and  Merchants  of  Poole  and  Dorset,  Poole 
Historical  Trust,  vol  1  (Poole,  1976),  161. 

165  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1 ,  p  21 5,  and  vol  3,  p  228. 

166  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic  Halls,'  pp  37-45. 

167  Apart  from  many  lavish  gifts  to  players  by  each  of  these  towns,  there  are  more  explicit 
traces  of  their  purposes.  In  1512-13,  for  example,  the  mayor  and  his  brethren  in  Poole 
agreed  to  procedures  for  determining  town  rewards  to  the  king's  'mywstrelh/f  or  ffott 
me».'  In  1590  —  1  the  mayor  paid  the  queen's  players,  who  played  with  the  children  of 
the  chapel,  enough  to  bring  the  1  Is  gathered  up  to  the  respectable  sum  of  20s.  In  Wey- 
mouth,  on  the  other  hand,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  factional  dispute  over  whether 


or  not  the  town  should  sponsor  frivolity;  payments  to  players  are  sometimes  disallowed 
by  later  town  administrations;  see  p  277  and  the  endnote  thereto. 

1 68  Much  of  the  information  regarding  the  Sherborne  and  Wimborne  Minster  church  houses 
appeared  first  in  Hays,  'Dorset  Church  Houses.'  For  references  to  rents  and  repair  of 
the  early  Tudor  church  house  and  the  dinner  vessels  of  the  house  see  DRO:  PE/SH:  CW 
l/3mb  [2]  andCW  l/4mb  [3].  Many  of  the  earliest  building  accounts  of  the  1534-5 
church  house  are  in  DRO:  PE/SH:  CW  1/15  ff  9-l6v.  The  parish  collected  21s  4d  in 
rent  for  shops,  church  house  cellar,  and  kitchen  in  1570-1  and  25s  4d  in  the  1590s, 
according  to  DRO:  PE/SH:  CW  1/41  mbs  [\}-(2]  and  CW  1/65  mb  [2].  C.  Edward 
McGee  explored  and  described  the  upper-storey  room  of  the  former  church  house  in 
1986;  his  description,  repeated  here,  was  first  printed  in  Hays,  'Dorset  Church  Houses,' 
p  14.  The  room  is  now  divided  to  accommodate  the  separate  shops  of  the  ground-floor 
tenants  and  a  modern  low  ceiling  in  the  upper  storey  creates  a  third-storey  attic.  Accord 
ing  to  Fowler  (Mediaeval  Sherborne,  p  293),  the  conversion  of  the  building  dates  to 
about  1700.  For  a  photograph  of  the  exterior  of  the  Sherborne  church  house  see  Scott 
McMillin  and  Sally-Beth  MacLean,  The  Queen's  Men  and  their  Plays  (Cambridge,  1 998), 

169  For  a  slightly  more  detailed  description  of  the  Sherborne  church  house  inventory  see 
Hays,  'Dorset  Church  Houses,'  pp  14-15  and  notes  12-14. 

170  The  rentals  are  recorded  in  the  Elizabethan  churchwardens'  accounts.  For  the  weddings 
and  Ralegh's  entertainment  see  DRO:  PE/SH:  CW  1/46  mb  [2],  CW  1/52  mb  [1],  CW 
1/67  mb  [2],  and  CW  1/75  mb  [1]. 

171  See  DRO:  PE/WM:  GN8/1/3  single  sheet. 

172  Almost  all  information  about  the  Wimborne  church  house  is  in  DRO:  PE/WM:  CW  1/41 
and  CW  1/42.   Repairs  to  the  building  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Wimborne  school 
governor's  accounts. 

173  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities^  vol  3,  p  228. 

174  As  is  explained  in  the  description  of  Blandford's  documents  and  in  the  notes  to  Bland- 
ford  records,  the  major  manuscript  reflecting  the  town's  finances  includes  a  1658  copy 
of  many  earlier  records,  some  of  them  duplicating  entries.  Thus  the  records  for  1  594—5 
include  copies  of  three  separate  accounts:  a  list  of  rents  received  by  one  of  the  stewards, 
specifying  that  three  named  companies  paid  2s  6d;  a  list  of  moneys  laid  out  by  the 
same  steward  (that  is,  paid  by  him  to  the  town);  and  a  stewards'  account.  Each  of  these 
refers  to  payments  from  players  totalling  7s  6d.  If  we  assume  that  the  standard  fee  for 
players  hiring  the  hall  was  2s  6d  in  1594-5  and  that  the  three  accounts  do  not  overlap, 
we  would  conclude  that  players  hired  the  Blandford  guildhall  on  nine  separate  occasions 
that  year;  we  can  be  sure  they  did  so  three  times.  Assuming  a  1590s  fee  of  2s  6d  gives 
us  three  players'  visits  in  1594-5,  three  in  1595-6,  and  eight  in  1598-9,  in  addition 
to  the  visit  of  1587-8. 

175  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B14;  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquit 
ies,  vol  1,  pp  215-16. 

176  Tittler,  'Building  of  Civic  Halls,'  p  42. 

102  DORSET 

1 7'      The  identification  of  this  woman  is  based  on  the  records  of  her  performance  in  Norwich 
in  July  of  1633;  see  David  Galloway  (ed),  Norwich  1540-1642,  REED  (Toronto,  1984),  211. 

1 78  Mary  A.  Blackstone,  'Patrons  and  Elizabethan  Dramatic  Companies,'  Elizabethan  Theatre 
10(1988),  118. 

179  Unfortunately  no  Dorset  civic  ordinances  prescribing  the  conditions  of  performance 
survive  as  they  do  for  Gloucester;  see  Peter  H.  Greenfield,  'Professional  Players  at 
Gloucester:  Conditions  of  Provincial  Performing,'  Elizabethan  Theatre  10  (1988),  77-80. 

180  See  Hays,  'Dorset  Church  Houses,'  pp  16-18  and  notes  31-7. 

181  Weinstock,  'Blandford  in  Elizabethan  and  Stuart  Times,'  pp  118-19. 

1 82  For  Poole  see  p  243;  for  Barnstaple  and  Plymouth,  Wasson  (ed),  Devon,  pp  44  and  241; 
for  Gloucester,  Greenfield  and  Douglas  (eds),  Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire, 
p  301;  for  Bristol,  Pilkinton  (ed),  Bristol,  p  79;  and  for  Beverley,  Beverley  Guild  Hall: 
Governors'  Minute  Book  3  f  36.  We  are  grateful  to  Diana  Wyatt,  editor  of  the  Beverley 
collection  in  the  REED  series,  for  information  about  the  original  records  of  that  borough. 

183  For  Bath,  see  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath,  vol  1,  p  12;  for 
Lyme  Regis,  p  214;  for  Gloucester,  Greenfield  and  Douglas  (eds),  Cumberland/Westmor- 
land/Gloucestershire,  p  305. 

184  For  Canterbury,  see  Canterbury  Cathedral  Archives  (CCA):  CA/FA  17  f  70v;  for  Faver- 
sham,  Centre  for  Kentish  Studies,  Maidstone  (CKSM):  FA/FAc  1/2  mb  13;  for  Lydd, 
Lydd  Town  Archives:  Ly/FAc3  p  183;  for  Rye,  East  Sussex  Record  Office  (ESRO):  Rye 
60/8  (Chamberlains'  Accounts)  f  164;  for  Poole,  p  243;  for  Dartmouth,  Wasson  (ed), 
Devon,  p  67.  None  of  the  Kent  records  assigns  performances  by  Leicester's  men  to  the 
spring  or  early  summer;  however,  they  likely  played  there  at  that  time,  given  the  evidence 
of  the  troupe's  westward  movement  from  Poole  to  Dartmouth  and  given  the  hasty 
retreat  that  would  have  been  necessary  to  return  from  Devon  for  a  series  of  performances 
in  Kent  prior  to  Michaelmas,  the  end  of  the  accounting  year  for  Canterbury,  Faversham, 
Lydd,  and  Rye.  For  references  to  travelling  players  in  Kent  and  Sussex  we  are  indebted 
to  James  Gibson,  editor  of  the  Kent:  Diocese  of  Canterbury  collection  and  to  Cameron 
Louis,  editor  of  the  Sussex  collection,  both  in  the  REED  series.  We  are  grateful  for  their 
permission  to  use  the  materials  they  have  deposited  at  the  REED  office  and  to  cite  the 
sources  of  information  about  players  in  Kent  and  Sussex  as  they  have  established  them. 

185  For  Dartmouth,  see  Wasson  (ed),  Devon,  p  68;  for  Winchester,  Murray,  English  Dramatic 
Companies,  vol  2,  p  406;  for  Dover,  CKSM:  Dover  Chamberlains'  Accounts  1581-1603, 
f  402;  for  Plymouth,  Wasson  (ed),  Devon,  p  257;  for  Sherborne,  p  272;  for  Reading, 
BRO:  R/FCa  2/81  f  4;  for  Faversham,  CKSM:  FA/Fac  28  mb  3;  and  for  Lydd,  Lydd  Town 
Archives:  Ly/FAc  7  p  217.  We  are  grateful  to  Alexandra  F.  Johnston,  editor  of  die  Berk 
shire  collection  in  the  REED  series,  for  permission  to  use  her  work  on  the  Berkshire 
records  both  to  track  the  routes  of  travelling  players  and  to  identify  the  original  manu 
script  sources  of  the  documents. 

186  For  Bristol,  see  Pilkinton  (ed),  Bristol,  pp  75  (for  1567)  and  76  (for  1569);  for  Plymouth, 
Wasson  (ed),  Devon,  p  238;  for  Lyme  Regis,  p  213;  for  Winchester,  Murray,  English 
Dramatic  Companies,  vol  2,  p  404;  for  Dover,  CKSM:  Dover  Chamberlains'  Accounts 


1558-81,  f305;  for  Canterbury,  CCA:  CA/FA  17  f  27v;  for  Folkestone,  J.O.  Halliwell- 
Phillipps,  Literary  Scrapbook  Fol.  W.b.  174,  p  10;  for  Fordwich,  CCA:  Fordwich,  Bundle 
8,  no.  37  (Chamberlains'  Accounts)  f  2v;  for  Ipswich,  E.K.  Chambers  (ed),  'Players  at 
Ipswich,'  Collections,  vol  2,  part  3,  Malone  Society  (Oxford,  1931),  266;  for  Nottingham, 
Nottingham  Chamberlains'  Accounts,  Nottinghamshire  Record  Office:  CA  161 1  f  3v; 
for  Gloucester,  Greenfield  and  Douglas  (eds),  Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire, 
p  301;  and  for  Bath,  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath,  vol  1,  p  10. 
We  are  grateful  to  John  Coldewey,  editor  of  the  Nottinghamshire  collection  in  the  REED 
series,  for  permission  to  cite  his  research  findings  for  Nottingham. 

187  Button,  Rise  and  Fall,  p  163,  notes  the  widespread  anxiety  about  disorder  and  the  ease 
with  which  other  concerns,  such  as  those  about  traditional  forms  of  civic  celebration, 
attached  themselves  to  that  anxiety. 

188  For  die  disputes  between  Chubbe  and  Condytt,  see  PRO:  STAC  8/94/17  and  STAC  8/1 04/ 
10.  Excerpts  from  the  former  are  printed  among  the  records  of  Dorchester  1608.  The 
latter  case  alludes  to  the  former  one,  as  John  Condytt  accuses  Matthew  Chubbe  of  prosec 
uting  him  in  order  to  get  even  with  Condytt  and  his  wife  for  their  earlier  libel  suit. 

189  DRo:DC/LR:Dl/l  (The  Old  Book  of  Orders  1 594-1671)  p  63. 

190  DRO:  DC/LR:  Dl/1  (The  Old  Book  of  Orders  1 594-1671)  p  42. 

191  Galloway  (ed),  Norwich,  p  219. 

192  For  Cerne  Abbas  after  the  Dissolution  see  Penn,  Historic  Towns,  p  30;  VCH:  Dorset,  vol  2, 
pp  54-5;  Bettey,  'Dissolution  and  After,'  pp  43-53;  G.D.  Squibb,  'Cerne  Abbas  in 
1617,'  SDNQ28  (1961-7),  4-5;  Bettey,  Dorset,  128;  Bettey,  Wessex,  p  133;  Gibbons, 
Cerne  Abbas:  Notes  and  Speculations. 

193  See  C.  Edward  McGee,  'Stuart  Kings  and  Cambridge  University  Drama:  Two  Stories  by 
William  Whiteway,'  Notes  and  Queries  233  (1988),  494-6  and  '"Strangest  consequence",' 
pp  31 1-44. 

194  See  Murphy,  'Diary,'  Appendix  2,  and  pp  xxv,  xxx,  xliii,  and  xlv. 

195  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  791. 

196  Lloyd,  Dorset  Elizabethans,  chapter  4;  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  3,  pp  594-5. 

197  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  4,  p  336. 

198  See  A.W.  Stote-Blandy,  'The  Royal  Peculiar  Court  of  Wimborne  Minster,'  PDNHAS  64 
(1943),  43-57. 

199  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  146. 

Select  Bibliography 

The  Select  Bibliography  includes  books  and  articles  that  contain  transcriptions  of  primary 
documents  relevant  to  this  collection  as  well  as  reference  works  that  are  essential  for  a  study  of 
the  county.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  list  all  works  in  the  Introduction  and  Endnotes. 

Adams,  Victor  J.  'When  "The  Players"  Came  to  Blandford,'  The  Dorset  Year  Book  (1975-6), 
'When  the  Players  Came  to  Bridport,'  The  Dorset  Year  Book  (1977),  61-6. 

-  'When  the  Players  Came  to  Poole,'  The  Dorset  Year  Book  (1978),  129-35. 

Barnes,  Miles  W  'The  Diary  of  William  Whiteway,  of  Dorchester,  Co.  Dorset,  from  November, 

1618,  to  March,  1634,'  PDNHAS  13  (1892),  57-81. 
Bates,  E.H.  (ed).  Quarter  Sessions  Records  for  the  County  of  Somerset.  Vol  1,  James  I,  1607—1625. 

Somerset  Record  Society,  vol  23  (1907). 
Bettey,  J.H.  Dorset  (Newton  Abbot,  Devon,  1974). 

-  'Puppet-Players  at  Beaminster  in  1630,'  SDNQ  30  (1974-9),  19-21. 

'Varieties  of  Men:  Contrasts  among  the  Dorset  Clergy  during  the  Seventeenth  Century,' 
SDNQ  32  (1986-9),  846-50. 

-  Wessexfrom  AD  WOO  (London,  1986). 

-  (ed).  The  Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley,  jr,  Recorder  of  Dorchester,  1 61 4-35.  Dorset  Record 
Society,  vol  7  (Dorchester,  1981). 

[Bowles,  Charles].  Shaftesbury  Corporation  and  Charities.  Copy  in  Dorset  County  Library 
attributed  to  Charles  Bowles  of  Shaftesbury  (Shaftesbury,  1831-2). 

Bruce,  John  (ed).  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic  Series,  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  i.  1628- 
1629  (London,  1859). 

Clegg,  A.  Lindsay.  A  History  of  Dorchester,  Dorset  (London,  1972). 

-  A  History  of  Wimborne  Minster  and  District  (Bournemouth,  I960). 

Clinton-Baddeley,  V.C.  'Elizabethan  Players  in  Sherborne,'  Theatre  Notebook -1  (1952-3),  83. 
Cockburn,  J.S.  (ed).  Western  Circuit  Assize  Orders,  1629-1648:  A  Calendar.  Camden  Society, 

4th  ser,  17  (London,  1976). 

Cox,  Benjamin  G.  The  Book  of  Blandford  Forum  (Buckingham,  1983). 
Cressy,  David.  Bonfires  and  Bells:  National  Memory  and  the  Protestant  Calendar  in  Elizabethan 

and  Stuart  England  (London,  1989). 


Cullingford,  Cecil  N.  A  History  of  Poole  and  Neighbourhood  (C\\\c\\<xw,  1988). 

Douch,  Robert.  A  Handbook  of  Local  History:  Dorset  (Bristol,  1962). 

Eedle,  Marie  de  G.  A  History  ofBeaminster(C\\tcr\esKr,  1984). 

Ferris,  J.P  'The  Gentry  of  Dorset  on  the  Eve  of  the  Civil  War,'  The  Genealogists' Magazine  \  5.3 

(1965),  104-16. 

Fletcher,  J.M.J.  'Church  Cakes,'  SDNQ  18  (1934),  134. 
Fowler,  Joseph.  Mediaeval  Sherborne  (Dorchester,  1951). 

-  (ed).  'Post-Reformation  Churchwardens'  Accounts  of  S.  Mary's,  Sherborne,'  SDNQ.24 
(1943-6),  285-8,  300-4;  25  (1947-50),  7-11,  23-30,  55-9,  64-8,  83-7,  105-9,  122-6, 
169-74,  187-9,  206-10,  226-9,  257-62,  268-9,  287-93;  26  (1951-4),  6-10,  21-3, 24, 
28-9,  49-54. 

-  (ed).  'Sherborne  All  Hallows  Church  Wardens'  Accounts,'  SDNQ!}  (1939^42),  179-80, 
189-94,  209-12,  229-35,  249-52,  269-72,  289-92,  311-14,  331-4;  24  (1943-6),  6-8, 
25-8, 40-3,  66-8,  80-5,  101-6,  121-5,  140-4,  161-6. 

Fowles,  John.  A  Short  History  ofLyme  Regis  (Stanbridge,  Wimborne,  Boston  and  Toronto,  1982). 

George,  David.  'Anti-Catholic  Plays,  Puppet  Shows,  and  Horse-Racing  in  Reformation  Lanca 
shire,'  HEED  Newsletter  19.1  (1994),  15-22. 

Gerard,  Thomas.  Coker's  Survey  of  Dorsetshire  (written  by  Thomas  Gerard  in  the  1620s  and 
first  published  under  the  name  of  John  Coker  in  1732).  2nd  ed  (Sherborne,  1980). 

Gibbons,  A.O.  Cerne  Abbas:  Notes  and  Speculations  on  a  Dorset  Village  (Dorchester,  [1962]). 

Gourlay,  A.B.  A  History  of  Sherborne  School  (Sherborne,  1971). 

Hays,  Rosalind  Conklin.  'Dorset  Church  Houses  and  the  Drama,'  Research  Opportunities  in 
Renaissance  Drama  3 1  (1992),  13-23. 

'"Lot's  Wife"  or  "The  Burning  of  Sodom":  The  Tudor  Corpus  Christi  Play  at  Sherborne, 
Dorset,'  Research  Opportunities  in  Renaissance  Drama  33  (1994),  99—125. 

Hutchins,  John.  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  of  Dorset.  3rd  ed.  W.  Shipp  and 
J.W.  Hodson  (eds)  (1861-74;  rpt  East  Ardsley,  Wakefield,  1973). 

Hutton,  Ronald.  The  Rise  and  Fall  of  Merry  England:  The  Ritual  Year  1400-1700  (Oxford,  1994). 

James,  Jude.  Wimborne  Minster:  The  History  of  a  Country  Town  (Wimborne,  Dorset,  1982). 

Lancashire,  Ian.  Dramatic  Texts  and  Records  of  Britain:  A  Chronological  Topography  to  1558. 
Studies  in  Early  English  Drama  1  (Toronto,  1984). 

Le  Fleming,  Kaye.  'Wimborne  Minster  Archives,'  roNHAs66  (1945  for  1944),  46-64. 

Lloyd,  Rachel.  Dorset  Elizabethans  At  Home  and  Abroad  (London,  1967). 

March,  Henry  Colley.  The  Giant  and  the  Maypole  of  Cerne  (Dorchester,  1902). 

Mayo,  Charles  Herbert.  Bibliotheca  Dorsetiensis:  being  a  carefully  compiled  account  of  Printed  Books 
and  Pamphlets  relating  to  the  History  and  Topography  of  the  County  of  Dorset  (London,  1 885). 

-  A  History  of  Wimborne  Minster:  The  Collegiate  Church  of  Saint  Cuthberga  and  King's  Free 
Chapel  at  Wimborne  (London,  1860). 

-  The  Municipal  Records  of  the  Borough  of  Shaftesbury:  A  Contribution  to  Shastonian  History 
(Sherborne,  1889). 

The  Shaftesbury  Bezant,'  SDNQ  3  (1892-3),  297-8. 

-  (ed).  The  Municipal  Records  of  the  Borough  of  Dorchester.  Dorset  (Exeter,  1908). 

106  DORSET 

McGee,  C.  Edward.  'Music  for  Marriage:  The  Education  of  Susanna  Edwards,'  The  Early 
Drama,  Art,  and  Music  Re  view  1 3  (1990),  7-12. 

-  'A  Performance  at  a  Dorset  Inn,'  REED  Newsletter  20. 2  (1995),  13-15. 

'"strangest  consequence  from  remotest  cause":  The  Second  Performance  of  The  Triumph  of 

Peace,'  Medieval  and  Renaissance  Drama  in  England  5  (1991),  309—42. 

'Stuart  Kings  and  Cambridge  University  Drama:  Two  Stories  by  William  Whiteway,'  Notes 

and  Queries  233,  no  4  (December  1988),  494-6. 
Mills,  A.D.  (ed).  'A  Corpus  Christi  Play  and  Other  Dramatic  Activities  in  Sixteenth-century 

Sherborne,  Dorset,'  Collections').  Malone  Society  (Oxford,  1977),  1-15. 
Moule,  H.J.  'Notes  on  a  Minute  Book  Belonging  to  the  Corporation  of  Dorchester,' 

FDNHAfc  10  (1889),  71-80. 
Murphy,  Thomas  D.  (ed).  'The  Diary  of  William  Whiteway  of  Dorchester,  County  Dorset, 

From  the  Year  1618  to  the  Year  1635.'  PhD  thesis  (Yale  University,  1939). 
Murray,  John  Tucker.  English  Dramatic  Companies  1558-1642.  2  vols  (1910;  reissued  New  York, 


Nelson,  Alan  H.  (ed).  Cambridge.  2  vols.  REED  (Toronto,  1989). 
Newman,  John,  and  Nikolaus  Pevsner.  The  Buildings  of  England:  Dorset  (1972;  rpt  London, 


Pafford,  J.H.P.  'Blandford  Forum:  Early  Records  of  the  Drama,'  5D/vq30  (1974-9),  283-7. 
Parker,  Kenneth  L.  The  English  Sabbath:  A  Study  of  Doctrine  and  Discipline  from  the  Reformation 

to  the  Civil  War  (Cambridge,  1988). 

Penn,  K.J.  Historic  Towns  in  Dorset.  Dorset  Natural  History  and  Archaeological  Society  Mono 
graph  Series  1  (Dorchester,  1980). 
Pitfield,  P.P.  The  Book  ofBere  Regis  (Sherborne,  1978). 

'The  Churchwardens'  Accounts  1607-1740,'  Bere  Regis  Parish  Magazine  (July  1961- 

November  1966). 

Popham,  David.  The  Book  ofWtmborne  (Buckingham,  1983). 
Roberts,  George.  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Borough  ofLyme  Regis  and  Charmouth 

(London,  1834). 

The  Social  History  of  the  People  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England  in  Past  Centuries  (London, 


Rose-Troup,  Frances.  John  White:  The  Patriarch  of  Dorchester  (New  York,  1930). 
Short,  Basil.  A  Respectable  Society:  Bridport  1593-1835  (Bradford-on-Avon,  1976). 
Smith,  Harry  Percy.  'A  First  Glossary  of  Tudor  Words  and  Phrases  Abstracted  from  the  Poole 

Corporation  Records,'  PDNHAS63  (1942  for  1941),  41-69. 

-  The  History  of  the  Borough  and  County  of  the  Town  ofPoolt.  2  vols  (Poole,  1947-51). 
Speed,  Peter.  Dorset:  A  County  History  (Newbury,  1994). 

Stephens,  W.B.  'The  Trade  Fortunes  of  Poole,  Weymouth  and  Lyme  Regis,  1600—1640,' 

Stokes,  James  with  Robert  Alexander  (eds).  Somerset  Including  Bath.  2  vols.  REED  (Toronto, 

Sydenham,  John.  The  History  of  the  Town  and  County  of  Poole  (Poole  and  London,  1839). 


Sydenham,  Laura.  Shafief bury  and  Its  Abbey  (Lingfield,  Surrey,  1959). 

Taylor,  Christopher.  The  Making  of  the  English  Landscape:  Dorset  (London,  1 970). 

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of  Historical  Research  58  (1985),  37-45- 

The  Vitality  of  an  Elizabethan  Port:  The  Economy  of  Poole,  c.  1 550-1600,'  Southern 

History  7  (1989),  95-118. 

Trotman,  E.E.  The  Church  Ale  and  the  Robin  Hood  Legend,'  SDNQ28  (1961-7),  37-8. 
Udal,  John  Symonds.  Dorsetshire  Folk-Lore  (Hertford,  1922). 
Underdown,  David.  Fire  from  Heaven:  The  Life  of  an  English  Town  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

(London,  1992). 

-  Revel,  Riot  and  Rebellion:  Popular  Politics  and  Culture  in  England  1603-1660  (Oxford,  1985). 
The  Victoria  History  of  the  Counties  of  England.  A  History  of  the  County  of  Dorset.  Vol  2. 

William  Page  (ed).  (London,  1908). 

Wainwright,  Thomas.  The  Bridport  Records  and  Ancient  Manuscripts  ([Bridport,  1899]). 
Wanklyn,  Cyril.  Lyme  Leaflets  (Colchester,  London,  and  Eton,  1944). 

-  Lyme  Regis:  A  Retrospect  (London,  1927). 

Weinstock,  M.B.  'Blandford  in  Elizabethan  and  Stuart  Times,'  SDJVQ30  (1974-9),  1 18-22. 

-  More  Dorset  Studies  (Dorchester,  [  1 960] ) . 

-  Studies  in  Dorset  History  (Dorchester,  1 953). 

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(Dorchester,  1964). 

Whiteway,  William.  William  Whiteway  of  Dorchester:  His  Diary  1618  to  1635.  Dorset  Record 

Society,  vol  12  (London,  1992). 
Wildman,  W.B.  A  Short  History  ofSherborne.  2nd  ed  (Sherborne,  1902). 


Dorset  with  Dorchester  inset  from  John  Speed,  7*«rr,  «  . 

Th.s  item  is  reproduced  by  permission  of  The  Huntington  Library,  San  Marino, 

"  '        • 

Dorset  coast  showing  Lyme  Regis  and  the  Cobb,  from  BL:  Cotton  Augustus  I  i  31-3 
by  permission  of  the  British  Library 


Dorset  coast  showing  Weymouth  and  Melcombe-Regis,  from  BL:  Cotton  Augustus  I.i.31-3, 
by  permission  of  the  British  Library 

Dorset  with  principal  Renaissance  routes 



Abuses  in 


Bishop  John  Thornborough's  Visitation  Articles     STC.    10143 

pp    10-11  (Articles  concerning  the  laity) 

10.  Item,  Whether  the  Ministers  and  Church-wardens,  have  suffered  any 
Lords  of  mis-rule,  or  Suwmer-Lords,  or  Ladies,  or  any  disguised  persons, 
with  may-games  morishdances,  or  the  like,  to  come  vnreverently  into  the 
church,  or  church-yard,  &  there  to  dance,  or  play  any  vnseemely  parts,  with 
scofes,  iestes,  wawton  gestures  or  ribauld  talke,  especially  in  the  time  of 
common  prayer?  And  what  they  be  that  cowmit  such  disorder,  I  or  keepe 
thew  cowpany,  or  maintaine  them?  And  whether  there  be  any  which  fight, 
braule,  or  chide  in  church,  or  church-yard,  or  any  which  strive  for  seates  or 
pews,  &  what  be  their  names. 



Bishop  Robert  Skinner's  Visitation  Articles     STC:    10145 

sig  Bl 

Prophmingof      62  Item,  whether  is  your  Church  or  Chappell  prophaned  by  any  Playes, 
Feasts,  Banquets,  Church-Ales,  drinkings,  which  are  forbidden  in  the  88. 


Bishop  Robert  Skinner's  Visitation  Articles     STC:   10145.3 

sig  B 1  v  (Articles  concerning  the  church) 

Prophmingof      62.  Item,  whether  is  your  Church  or  Chappell  prophaned  by  any  Plaies, 




Feasts,  Banquets,  Church-Ales,  drinkings,  which  are  forbidden  in  the  88. 



Bishop  John  Jewel's  Visitation  Injunctions     STC:    10326.5 

sigs  Biiij— Biiij  verso 


24.  Item,  to  present  likewise,  whether  there  haue  I  bene  any  Lordes  of  misrule, 
or  disguised  persons  in  Christmas,  or  dauncers,  minstrels,  or  May  gamers,  at 
any  other  time,  that  haue  vnreuerently  come  into  your  Church,  and  there 
played  vnseemely  parts,  with  scoffes,  iestes,  and  ribauldrie  talke,  or  daunsing, 
and  namely  in  time  of  Common  prayer,  and  what  their  names  be,  and  the       15 
names  also  of  such  others  as  came  with  them  to  maintaine  such  disorder. 


Bishop  Henry  Cotton's  Visitation  Articles     STC:    10327.5  20 

sigs  A6v— Bl  (Articles  concerning  the  clergy) 

\  \.  Whether  your  Preachers  or  Ministers  be  peace  makers,  and  exhort  their 
Parishioners  to  obedience  towardes  their  prince  and  all  that  bee  in  authority 
to  the  Ecclesiastical!  gouernment  now  established,  and  to  mutuall  loue  among  25 
themselues:  whether  they  be  diligent  in  visiting  the  sicke,  in  comforting 
them,  and  in  exhorting  them  in  their  last  wils  to  relieue  the  poore,  whether 
they  be  suspected  to  be  fauourers  of  the  Romish  or  forrain  power,  maintainers 
of  sectaries,  corrupt  in  Religion,  incontinent  persons  themselues,  reported 
or  suspected  to  keepe  any  suspected  man  or  woman  in  their  houses  or  els         30 
where,  giuen  to  riote,  idlenesse,  drunkennesse,  haunters  of  tauerns,  alehouses, 
or  suspected  places,  giuen  to  any  notorious  crymes,  light  ordered  behauiour, 
or  swearers,  fighters,  quarrellers,  gamesters,  carders,  common  table  players, 
dycers,  dauncers,  hawkers,  hunters,  stage  players,  vsing  any  lay- 1  call  craft 
disordered  in  apparrell,  eyther  in  colours,  guardes,  light  fashion,  great  ruffes,  35 
or  any  other  waies  giuing  any  iust  occasion  of  offence,  whereby  their 
Ministerie  should  be  slaundered  or  contemned. 

sig   Blv  (Articles  concerning  the  laity)  40 

2.  Whether  the  people  of  your  parish,  especially  householders,  doe  faithfully 


endeuour  themselues  to  resort  with  their  children  &  seruants  to  their  parish 
church  or  chappell  on  the  Sundayes  and  holydaies  to  morning  &  euening 
prayer,  &  then  and  there  abide  orderly  and  soberly  during  the  time  of 
common  prayers,  sermons,  homilies  and  other  seruice  of  God,  there  to  be 
vsed,  giuing  themselues  to  the  hearing  thereof  reuerently  and  deuoutly,  who      5 
they  be  that  negligentlie  absent  themselues,  or  come  very  late  vnto  the  church, 
or  that  walke,  talke  slumber,  or  otherwise  vnreuerentlie  behaue  themselues 
in  the  Church,  who  doe  vse  any  gaming  or  pastime  abroade,  or  in  any  house, 
who  doe  sit  in  the  streetes,  churchyeard,  or  in  any  tauern,  Inne  or  Alehouse, 
vpon  the  Sundayes,  or  other  holydayes,  in  the  time  of  common  prayer,          10 
sermon,  reading  of  homilies,  eyther  before  or  after  noone,  you  shall  deliuer 
the  names  aswell  of  such  persons  that  so  offend,  as  of  the  persons  in  whose 
house  the  offence  is  committed. 

sig  B2  n 

5.  Whether  there  be  any  that  keepe  any  shop,  or  any  part  of  their  shop  open 
vpon  the  Sabboth  daies,  or  vpon  any  holydayes:  or  doe  vse  any  worke  or 
labour  on  those  dayes,  whether  in  anie  fayres  or  common  markets  falling 
vpon  the  Sundayes,  there  bee  any  shewing  of  any  wares  before  morning  20 

prayer  be  done,  and  whether  any  markets  or  selling  of  wares  be  vsed  in  the 
churchyeards,  whether  any  Lords  of  misrule,  Sommer  Lords  or  Ladyes,  or 
any  disguised  persons  or  Maygames,  or  any  Morris  dancers  are  suffered  in 
your  parish,  and  being  so  suffered  do  come  vnreuerentlie  into  your  church 
or  churchyeard,  or  there  to  dance  or  play  at  any  time:  whether  there  be  any     25 
that  fight  or  braul  within  your  church  or  churchyeard,  or  any  that  for  pues 
or  seates  doe  striue  or  contend,  especially  in  the  time  of  common  prayer  or 



Bishop  Henry  Cotton's  Visitation  Articles     STC:    1 0328 

f  [4v] 

57  Item,  whether  you  or  your  predecessors  Church-wardens  there,  haue     35 
suffered  any  plaies,  Feasts,  Banquets,  Church-ales,  Drinking,  Temporall 
Courts  or  Leets,  luries,  Musters,  or  any  other  prophane  vsages  to  bee  kept  in 
your  Church,  Chapell,  or  Church-yard,  or  bels  to  bee  rung  superstitiously 
vpon  hohdaies  or  eeues  abrogated  by  the  booke  of  Common  Prayer,  or  at 
any  other  time,  without  good  cause  to  be  allowed  by  your  Minister  and  your     4o 

116  DIOCESE  OF  SALISBURY  1616-19 


Bishop  Robert  Abbot's  Visitation  Articles     src:   10329 

f  [7]  (Articles  concerning  parishioners,  etc) 

17  Whether  haue  you  or  your  Predecessors,  Church-wardens  suffered  any 
playes,  feasts,  banquets,  church-ales,  drinkings  or  any  other  prophane  vsages, 
to  be  kept  in  your  church,  chappels,  or  churchyard,  or  bels  to  be  rung 
superstitiouslie  vpon  holidaies  or  Hues  abrogated  by  the  booke  of  common- 
prayer,  contrary  to  the  88.  cannon? 



Bishop  Martin  Fotherby's  Visitation  Articles     STC:    10329.3 

sig   B3  (Articles  concerning  parishioners) 


17.  Whether  haue  you  or  your  Predecessors,  Church-wardens  suffered  any 
playes,  feasts,  banquets,  church-ales,  drinkings  or  any  other  profane  vsages, 
to  be  kept  in  your  church,  chappels,  or  churchyard,  or  bels  to  be  rung 
superstitiouslie  vpon  holidaies  or  Eues  abrogated  by  the  booke  of  common 
prayer,  contrary  to  the  88.  canon?  20 

County  of  Dorset 

The  abuse  of 
the  Saboth  day 

The  Sabboth 
day  turned  into 
a  Reuelyng  day. 


William  Kethe's  A  Sermon  made  at  Stanford  Forum     src.   14943 

sigs   Biiij-Biiij  verso 

The  Lord  God  hath  cowmaunded,  and  so  do  the  lawes  of  this  Realme          5 
that  the  Sabboch  day  should  be  kept  holy,  that  the  people,  should  cease  from 
labour,  to  the  end  they  should  heare  ye  word  of  God,  and  geue  them  selues 
to  godly  exercises,  but  custome  and  sufferaunce  hath  brought  it  to  passe  that 
the  multitude  do  most  I  shamefully  prophane  the  Sabboth  day,  &  haue  altered 
the  very  name  therof,  so  as  where  god  calleth  it  his  holy  sabaoth,  the  multitude    10 
call  it  there  reuelying  day,  whiche  day  is  spent  in  bulbeatings,  bearebeatings, 
bowlings,  dicyng,  cardyng,  daunsynges,  drunkennes,  and  whoredome. 

sigs  Ciij— Ciiij 

There  was  within  my  remembraunce  a  Minister  of  this  shyre,  who 
vnderstandyng  what  great  disorders  there  were  commowly  at  these  Church 
Ales  vpon  ye  Saboth  day,  required  his  flock  committed  to  his  charge  (as  hee 
was  preachyng  vnto  them)  both  in  Gods  name,  ye  Queenes  Maiesties  name, 
and  the  Lord  Lieutenauntes  name  of  the  countrey,  that  they  should  not 
assemble  the  people  together,  to  offende  God  by  theyr  vngodly  behauiours, 
but  rather  geue  them  selues  vppon  the  Sabboth  day  to  serue  God,  accordyng 
to  their  duties.  The  people  could  in  no  wise  a  I  way  with  this  exhortation,  but 
certaine  of  them,  went  to  the  lustices  to  desire  licence  for  the  commyng 
together  of  the  people.  Sondry  of  the  lustices  both  godly  and  wisely  denyed 
them.  At  lewght  one  Justice  they  founde  who  for  good  considerations  (as  he 
thought)  gaue  them  a  licence  for  certaine  dayes  1  may  not  say  to  commit 
disorders,  for  we  may  well  thinke  no  lustice  would  be  so  vndiscret,  but  they 
abused  hys  authoritie.  The  Minister  seying  ye  great  disorders  in  hys  Parish, 
the  next  Sabboth  day  after  they  had  obtained  licence,  wrote  to  the  lustice  of 



118  COUNTY  OF  DORSET  1571-Lace  16th  century 

ye  same,  and  wrote  nothyng  but  that  he  will  yet  stand  to.  The  lustice  called 
those  that  had  abused  hys  authoritie  and  reproued  them,  but  now  ye  shall 
see  the  multitude.  I 

There  were  (by  the  Justices  report)  36.  whiche  offred  vp  vnto  hym  theyr 
names  (which  was  as  much  as  to  saye,  as  that  they  would  haue  periured  them     5 
selues,  if  the  lustice  would  haue  put  them  to  their  othes)  to  testifie  agaynst 
the  Minister,  that  where  he  complayned  of  disorder,  they  to  ye  contrarie 
affirmed,  that  there  was  no  disorder  at  all.  And  yet  it  was  manifest  that  the 
same  Sabboth  day  was  shamefully  prophaned,  with  bulbeatynges,  boulynges, 
drunkennes,  dauncynges,  and  such  lyke,  in  so  much  as  men  could  not  keepe  10 
theyr  seruauntes  frome  lyinge  out  of  theyr  owne  houses  the  same  Sabboth 
day  at  night,  but  yet  in  the  ludgementes  of  .36.  (or  there  aboute)  there  was 
no  hurt,  nor  disorder  at  al  cowmited. 

Late  16th  century  15 

Licence  for  Minstrels     SRO:   DD/HI  469,  vol  2 
f  [124] 

A  licence  for  Mynstrelle* 

H.  V.  zrmigerT.  H.  armiger  iustic«  of  ye  Quenes  Ma/wties  peace  wnhin  ye      20 
couwtye  of  .Dorset.  To  all  &  smguler  Iustic«  of  peace.  Sheriffes,  Mayers, 
cowstables,  bayliffes,  tythyngmew  &  other  ye  Quenes  Ma/«tyes  officers  & 
ministers  w/thin  ye  seyd  comztye  to  euerye  of  them,  gretinge./.  fforasmutch 
as  itt  is  not  lawfull  for  anye  person  or  persons  to  wander  or  goe  abrode  frow 
towne  to  towne,  or  frow  place  to  place  &  vse  ye  trade  of  Mynstrelles,  but       25 
onlie  for  sutche  person  &  persons,  as  shaJbe  therevnto  licensed  bye  too  Iustic« 
of  peace,  whereof  one  of  them  to  be  of  the  quoruw,  or  belonginge  to  anye 
barow  of  this  reaJme,  or  towards  anye  other  honorable  pmonage  of  greter 
degre.  As  bye  ye  statut  made  iw  ye  .14.  yere  of  ye  Quenes  reigne  amongest 
other  thinges  more  att  large  apperethe.  Knowe  ye  therefore  we  ye  Iustic«      30 
aforeseyd  att  ye  requeste  &C  sute  of  .W.  C.  ye  father,  &  .H.  C.  his  sonwe 
dwellinge  w/thin  ye  p^rishe  of  .G.  iw  ye  couwtye  aforeseyd  Minstrell,  &  for 
ye  good  &  honeste  behauior  we  owt  selues  doe  knowe,  &  ye  lyke  reporte  yat 
we  haue  hard  of  ye  parryes  aforeseyd,  We  haue  licensed  ye  seyd  .W.  G.  ye 
father  &£  .H.  C.  ye  sowne  to  wander  &  goe  abrode  w/th  there  iwstrument«       35 
vsinge  there  trade  of  Minstrelcye,  pleyinge  or  singynge  throwghe  &  iw  all 
places  w/thin  ye  seyd  co/mtye  onlye,  behavinge  themselues  orderlye  &:  vsinge 
there  seyd  lycence  accordmge  to  ye  seyd  statut,  w/?/ch  licence  ys  to  endwer 

34/   .W.  G.:  for.W.C. 

COUNTY  OF  DORSET  Late  16th  century- 1631 

ye  space  of  one  whole  yere  afrrrye  date  hereof.  In  wytnes  whereof  we  ye  seyd 
lusticw  haue  to  this  owr  licence  put  o«r  hand«  &  seales  ye  .xx.  daye  etc 


Petition  of  Somerset  Clergy  to  Sir  John  Denham     PRO:  SP  16/96 

single  sheet*    (15  March) 

Sommeti  To  the  Honorable  Sir  lohn  Denham  Knight  one  of 

s«»»»  the  Barrens  of  his  Majesties  Excheq«fr  and  Justice  of 

Assize  for  the  County  of  Somersett./ 


The  humble  Petic/on  of  the  ministers  whose  names  are  subscribed./ 

That  whereas  at  the  last  Summer  Assises  held  for  the  County  of  Dorsett;      is 
there  was  an  Order  made  for  the  suppressing  of  all  Reuells,  Church  Ales,  and 
other  publique  Ales  [amongst  other  things]  as  by  the  Copie  of  the  sayd  Order 
hereunto  annexed  appeareth. 

Yowr  Petitioners  therfore  humbly  desier  that  yowr  Lordship  would  be  pleased 
to  grant  the  like  Order  at  this  Assises  for  the  suppressing  of  the  like  Ales      20 
and  disorders  in  this  County  of  Sommett. 

Soe  they  shall  alwayes  pray  for  yowr  Lordships  long 

health  and  prosperity. 

Adam  Abraham  lohn  fforde 

William  Gyllet  lohn  ffathers          25 

Ralfe  Turner  George  Drake./ 

15°Marcij  1627 
Let  the  Clerke  of  the  Assizes  draw  vp  the  like  Order  for  this  County 

(signed)  lohn  Denham./  30 


Assize  Order  for  Western  Circuit     PRO:  Assi  24/20/140 

f  35v*  (21  July)  (Summer  assizes) 


Held  at  Dorchester  before  Sir  John  Denham,  baron  of  the  exchequer 

conccrmnge  Whereas  vpon  Informadon  given  of  soundry  misdemeanors  and 

disorders  yeerely  happeninge  by  occasion  of  the  keepinge  of  publique 

9/  Sir  lohn  Denham:    in  display  script  and  underlined  in  MS  29/   for:    written  &  correction  over  other  letters 

\ll  [amongst  other  things):   square  bracket  in  MS:  no  deletion 

120  COUNTY  OF  DORSET  1631 

Revells  Churchales  clerkes  ales  and  other  ales  of  like  nature  It  hath  ben 
heretofore  ordered  att  the  Assizes  holden  att  Sherborne  in  this  County  of 
Dorset  the  thirteenth  day  of  July  .1628.  that  all  suche  Revells  and  publique 
ales  should  be  henceforth  vtterly  supposed  wA/'ch  said  order  not  w/'th  standinge 
hath  not  in  all  thing«  taken  suche  effect  as  was  expected  and  desired  It  is 
nowe  therefore  farther  ordered  by  this  Court  that  not  only  the  said  former 
order  be  henceforth  carefully  and  strictly  observed  in  all  things  (exceptinge 
the  dirrecc/ons  formerly  given  for  the  publishing  of  the  same  in  cuery  parishe 
Churche  in  this  County)  But  besides  for  the  better  observac/on  thereof  that 
the  gentlemen  of  the  grand  lury  and  the  Constables  of  euery  hundred  &         10 
libmie  shall  make  diligent  inquiry  of  the  keepinge  of  all  suche  revells  and 
Ales  as  are  formerly  menc/oned  att  any  tyme  hereafter  ^  And1  [neither  shall] 
the  said  Grand  Inquest  receive  any  presentment  from  the  handes  of  the  high 
Constables  vnles  they  rwticulerly  expresse  whether  any  suche  Revells  or  Ales 
as  aforesaid  have  ben  kept  w/thin  their  hundred  yea  or  nay  and  the  keepers      15 
of  the  said  Ales  and  Revells  tiplers  and  mynstrells  resortinge  vnto  and  keepinge 
tiplinge  &  mynstrelsey  there  w/th  all  other  misdemeanors  and  disorders 
vsed  &:  committed  therein  /&1  the  same  Grand  Inquest  shall  carefully  and 
faithfully  present  A  it    to  this  Court  att  cuery  Assizes  to  be  holden  hereafter 
w;thin  this  County  that  suche  course  may  be  taken  therein  as  to  Justice  shall   20 
apperteyne  And  the  Constables  of  euery  hundred  &  libmie  are  to  publishe 
this  order  throughout  their  seufrall  hundreds  and  liberties. 

12/   [neither  shall):    cancelled  in  MS  but  needed  for  seme 

Boroughs  and  Parishes 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery    WRO:  D5/28/6,  item  34 

single  sheet* 

we  pr«ent  that  there  were  stage  players  played  in  our  fvmhe  Churche. 
'dominus  monun  quod  imposteruw  non  p«rrmittant  tragediones  ludere  in 
eccLf^ia  &c° 



Quarter  Sessions  Orders     DRO:   QSM:  1/1 

ff  272v-3*  (5-8  October) 


Order  made  before  Thomas  Freke  and  John  Strode,  knights;  John  Whetcombe,  DD; 
John  Browne,  Leweston  Fitzjames,  Henry  Drake,  and  Roger  Gallop,  esquires 

Ordo  versus          fforasmuch  as  complaint  was  made  vnto  this  Court  that  William  Sands  the 
popp«t    ayers     ejjer  jo^n  $anc|s  an(j  William  Sands  the  yonger  doe  wander  vp  and  downe      20 
the  Countrey  and  about  nine  others  of  their  Company  w;th  certaine 
blasphemous  shewes  and  sights  w/>/ch  they  exercise  by  way  of  poppett 
playinge  contrary  to  the  Statute,  made  against  such  vnlawfull  wanderers.  And 
whereas  the  Constable  of  Beamister  in  this  County  and  other  inhabitants 
there  haue  now  alsoe  informed  this  Court  that  the  said  William  Sands  thelder    25 
and  his  Company  are  come  to  Beamister  aforesaid  and  there  haue  sett  vp 
their  shewes  of  poppett  playinge,  and  there  doe  exercise  their  feats  not  only 
in  the  day  tyme  but  alsoe  late  in  the  night  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the 
Townsmen  there,  and  the  greivance  of  diu^rs  of  the  Inhabitants  who  cannot 
keepe  their  Children  and  servants  in  their  houses  by  reason  that  they  frequent    30 

71  parshe:  forparishe 

122  BEAMINSTER  1630 /BERE  REGIS  1590 

the  said  shewes  and  sights  late  in  the  night  in  a  disorderly  manner.  And 
likewise  that  the  said  lohn  Sands  and  two  other  of  their  company  on  Sunday 
last  pursued  the  precher  that  prrched  at  Beamister  aforesaid,  from  the  Church 
to  his  house  and  entred  the  said  house,  and  there  challenged  him  for  his 
sermon  and  gaue  him  threatninge  speeches:  and  likewise  that  on  Tuesday        5 
night  last  there  was  an  vproare  in  the  said  Towne  of  Beamister  by  reason  of  a 
brawle  between  the  said  lohn  Sands  and  a  disorderly  inhabitant  of  the  same 
Towne,  the  said  lohn  runninge  in  a  forceible  manner  into  a  Townsmans  house 
there  to  the  afrightinge  of  the  people  of  the  same  house:  Wherevpon  this 
Court  takinge  the  said  complaint  and  Informac/'on  into  considerac/on  and     10 
fmdinge  the  same  to  be  true.  And  farther  consideringe  the  great  dearth  of 
Corne  and  other  victualls  at  this  time  and  the  extremity  that  is  like  to  come 
on  the  poore  of  this  Countrey  by  reason  of  the  said  dearth,  and  aJsoe  by  two 
seufrall  Proclamacons  his  Mazwtie  hath  commaunded  the  puttinge  in 
execuc/on  the  Law  and  Statutes  against  such  wanderers,  doe  hold  it  very  vnfitt   15 
and  inconvenient  to  suffer  the  said  Sands  and  his  company  to  exercise  their 
said  feats  in  this  Countrey.  It  is  therefore  by  this  Court  ordered  that  the  said 
WilLzam  Sands  thelder  lohn.  Sands  and  William  Sands  the  yonger  shall 
remove  themselues  and  their  shewes  on  Munday  next  and  shall  then  forthwith 
departe  out  of  this  County  and  that  neither  they  nor  any  of  them  or  any  of     20 
their  Company  shall  henceforth  vse  or  exercise  their  said  feats  or  shew  I  their 
said  sights  in  this  County  but  shall  forthwith  depart  out  of  the  County 
toward  the  place  of  their  dwellinge.  And  if  they  or  any  of  them  shall  againe 
vse  or  exercise  their  said  ffeats  or  make  shew  of  their  sightes  within  this 
County  That  then  the  Constables  Tythingmen  or  other  officers  of  the  place    25 
where  they  shall  soe  exercise  their  said  feates  or  shew  their  said  sightes  shall 
convey  all  the  said  parties  soe  offendinge  contrary  to  this  order  before  some 
one  of  his  Ma/f sties  Iustic«  of  the  peace  neare  or  next  adioyninge  to  the  place 
where  they  shall  soe  offend  to  be  by  him  bound  over  to  the  then  next  Assizes 
to  be  held  in  and  for  this  County  and  in  the  meane  tyme  to  be  of  the  good      30 
behavior  towards  the  kings  Ma/mie  and  all  his  Leige  people./ 




Deposition  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery     WRO:   D5/22/2 

ff  4/v-S*  (17  December)  (Examination  of  Thomas  How  left,  husbandman,  aged  30) 

Taken  before  William  Wilkinson,  LLD,  the  dean's  official  -so 

14/  Proclamacons:  /orProclamaaons. •  abhmiation  mark  musing      2 1/  shew:   catchwords  (or  shcwe]  that  follow 

BERE  REGIS  1590 

Ad  2m  et  3m  articulos  libelli  deponit  That  in  the  thursdaie  in  the  whitson 
weeke  was  xij  moneth  in  a  streete  w/'thin  the  p^rishe  of  Bere  Regis  A  the  place 
called  newe  in  corner  in  the  eveninge  of  the  same  dale  this  depomw  beinge 
then  and  there  pramte  [together]  hard  harry  Gerrard  art/enlaced  speake  to 
Thomas  whiffen  in  this  arttcle  mencyoned  these  word«  or  the  like  in  effect,      5 
Thow  arte  a  knave  and  an  arrant  knave,  thow  mightest  haue  turned  att  home 
and  make  splites  to  bottome  a  seeve  like  a  cuckold  knave,  and  not  to  treble 
vs  here,  w/>/'ch  word«were  so  spoken  by  the  said  Gerrard  in  the  hearinge  of 
this  exawiwate  Thomas  ffawkner,  Thomas  ffrye,  Thomas  Coffyn  Willwm 
Dunstee,  and  his  contestes  leffry  Phipper  and  ffrauncw  Blundon,  with  [may]     10 
many  more  of  the  p^rishe,  Et  plura  nescit  depowfre  ad  hos  art/Vwlos  vt  dicit 

(Hewlett's  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 


Ad  2m  intetwgatotmm  r«/>ondet  that  the  arfz'cwlate  whiffen  being  a  minstrell 
and  playing  on  his  Instrum^wt  att  the  church  ale  mr  woodnutt  vicar  of  Bere 
came  and  [forbid]  disliked  (as  itt  should  seeme)  of  his  playing  then  Thomas 
ffaw[(.)]kner  one  of  the  church  wardens  willed  him  the  said  whiffen  (having 
putt  upp  his  instrument  I  to  playe  and  he  would  aunswere  itt,  wherevppon      20 
mr  woodnutt  desired  the  arf/rulate  Gerrard  to  beare  witnes,  and  present\\e 
therevppon  the  said  Gerrard  vttered  the  word«by  this  respondent  deposed 
to  the  [thirde]  second  and  third  arftVles  of  the  libell  Et  al/'ftr  nescit  respondere 
isto  \nteiTogatoi\o  quam  sup^rius  per  \psum  responsum  est  dictis  2°  et  3° 
Arfz'cHlis  libell/  predicti  25 

Ad  4m  respondet  That  he  neufrhard  the  said  Gerrard  speke  the  wordes 

libellated  but  once  Et  zliter  satisfactw  est  in  deposicionibus 

Ad  5m  A  &  vltiwwm    interrogatoria  respondet  that  the  arr/rwlate  Whiffen  was 

goinge  awaye  from  the  company,  and  as  this  respondent  belevith  the  said       30 

whiffen  did  not  heare  the  word«  libellated 



(Examination  of  Geoffrey  Phiffer,  husbandman,  aged  31) 

Ad  2™  et  3m  arficulos  deponit  that  in  the  thursdaie  in  the  Whitson  weeke 
last  was  xij  moneth  Thomas  whiffen  [libellated]  Arf/cwlated  [playinge]  abowt 
supper  tyme  in  the  eveninge  of  the  same  daie  [vppon]  att  the  church  ale 
playinge  on  his  Instrument  in  the  streete  w/thin  the  pwrishe  of  Bere  Regis  the 
name  of  the    place    being  called  newe  Inn  Corner,  mr  David  woodnutt         40 

1-2/  thursdaie  ...  xij  moneth:  22 May  1589        19-20/  (having  putt   . .  instrument:   closing parenthais  omitted 
18/  disliked:    corrected  from  disliking  32/  X:    Hoivlttt  has  signed  with  hu  personal  mark 

124  BERE  REGIS  1590 

vicer  there  came  and  disliked  of  his  playing  there,  So  that  presence  the  said 
Whiffen  putt  vpp  his  instrument  and  was  goinge  awaye,  and  then  certayne 
word«  being  passed  betwene  the  said  vicer  and  Thomas  ffawcon^r 
Churchwarden  there  the  said  vicer  called  the  arttVwlated  Henry  Gerrard  to 
be  a  wirnes  to  the  word«  spoken  by  the  said  ffawckner  (but  what  those  wordes     5 
were  this  depon^rct  cannot  tell)  And  therevppon  the  said  Gerrard  vttered 
and  spake  these  word«  A  viz    he  might  haue  byd  away  and  not  haue  come 
there  a  fidlinge  like  an  arrant  knave  he  might  better  haue  byd  att  home  a 
making  of  spleet«  and  bottoming  of  seeves  like  a  cuckolde  knave  then  to  come 
here  a  troblinge  of  the  parishe  being  then  and  there  presents  w\\\iam  Hick«,     10 
will/am  dunster,  Richard  dunster,  [and]  Thomas  ffawckner,  [Thomas]  and 
his  contestes  Thomas  Howlett  &  ffraunow  Blundon  with  dyvers  other  bur 
whether  they  hard  the  said  word«  these  depon^wt  knoweth  not  -which  word« 
were  spoken  (as  this  deporwwt  verelie  belevith)  of  the  said  whiffen  by  the  said 
Gerrard  Et  plura  nescit  deponere  ad  hos  articulos  vt  dicit  15 

f  48v  (Phipper's  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 

Ad  4m  5m  et  \\umum  interro^foria  responded  that  he  hard  the  said  Gerrard    20 
speake  the  word«  by  this  respondent  in  the  second  &C  third  articles  of  the 
libell  deposed)  but  once/  And  as  this  respondent  verelye  belevith  the  articulate 
whiffen  [was]  did  not    then    here  the  same  word«so  spoken  Et  plura  nescit 
respondere  altter  (\narn  prfdeposuit. 


(Examination  of  Francis  Blundon,  shoemaker,  aged  21) 

Ad  2m  et  3m  ar/;V«los  deponit  That  on  Thursdaie  in  the  whitson  weeke  last 
was  xij  moneth  the  church  ale  being  then  kept,  ^  &    in  a  streete  the  place 
thereof  vsuaJly  called  newe  in  corner  wnhin  the  parishe  of  Bere  Reg/j  in  ye      30 
afternoone  towards  night  of  the  same  daye  mr  woodnutt  cowming  to  the 
place  and  findinge  the  arfro/late  Thomas  whiffen  playinge  on  an  Instrument, 
disliked  thereof  and  asked  what  he  was,  and  who  gave  him  leave  to  play, 
therevpon  the  said  whiffen  putt  vp  his  instrumfwt  and  was  going  awaye,  then 
Thomas  ffawckner  being  one  of  the  churchwardens  there  willed  the  said         35 
whiffen  to  come  back  and  play  againe  and  he  would  beare  him  owt  therein, 
wherevppon  mr  woodnutt  called  Henrie  Gerrard  articulated  [b]  to  beare 
witness  to  the  word«  spoken  by  ffawckner,  then  the  said  Gerrard  vttered 
these  word«  viz  [he  was]    thow  arte    a  knave,  and  an  arrant  knave  and  were 
more  fitter  to  be  att  home  making  of  spleetw  to  bottome  seeves  like  a  Cuckold  40 

10-13/  being  then  ..,  knoweth  not:   added  at  foot  of  sheet  and  marked  for  insertion  here 

BERE  REGIS  1590-1608  125 

knave,  which  wordeswere  spoken  of  and  ment  by  the  said  whiffen  (as  this 
deponent  in  his  conscyence  verelie  belevith)  beinge  then  and  there  present 
and  harde  the  same  his  prctontestes  Thomas  Hewlett,  &  ffraunc«  Blundon 
and  others  namelie  Thomas  ffrye  L&J  the  said  Thomas  ffawkner  w/th  dyvers 
others  whom  this  deponent  cannott  nowe  well  remember/  Et  plura  nescit  ad     5 
hos  ar/ifwlos  deponere  vt  dicit/ 

f  49  (Blundon's  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 


Ad  2m  3m  4m  5m  et  ulttmum  interrogators  respondet  that  he  hard  the  said 
Gerrard  speake  the  word^J  (by  this  respondent  in  the  second  and  the  third 
articles  of  the  libell  deposed)  but  once  &  in  that  one  place,  and  that  as  this 
respondent  beleveth)  the  said  whiffen  did  not  then  here  the  said  wordwso 
spoken  Et  3\iter  nescit  respondtre  (\uarn  in  deposic/owibus  suis  per  ipswrn        15 
depositww  est. 


Churchwardens' Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery    WRO:   D5/28/7,  item  4    20 

single  sheet  (Before  2  April) 

Thomas  frye  the  servante  of  lohn  Spere  George  Dracke  the  Sonne  of  anne 
Dracke  for  playing  in  the  Churche  and  spoyling  of  the  pewe  dores./ 



St  John  the  Baptist's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/BER.  CWl 

f  2*  (12  April-3  April)  (Receipts) 


\tern  made  of  the  Church  Ale  xiij  Lr. 

f  y  (Payments) 


Inprimis  paide  for  mendinge  of  the  drum  vi  s. 

\\trn  paide  to  the  Minstrells  in  earnest  iiji  J. 

5/  nowe:   written  as  cornctwn  over  another  word,  fonibfy  doc  23/  Sonnc:   3  mimms  in  MS 

13-14/  as  this  respondent  bcleveth).   opening  parenthesis  omitted 

BERE  REGIS  1616-17  /  BLANDFORD  FORUM  1567-78 


Stjohn  the  Baptist's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/BER:  CW2 

f  2  (7  April  1616-27  April  1617)  (Receipts) 

Money  made  at  our  Church  ayle  at  witsvntyde  last/  1616:  comes  to  13  li.  7  s.    5 


li.      s.      d. 

Ittem  for  mending  the  weathercocke,  &  making  a  visard 

for  the  pleayers  0      1      2. 


for  a  meeting  for  the  players  090 




A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  B2v  (Rendered  in  December)  (Receipts) 

hem  more  of  the  weamen  geathred  on  hoppe  Monday  00    06    0     25 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B5  30 

li.      s.     d. 
geathred  att  hocktide  this  yeare  02    00    0 


5/  witsvntyde...  1616:    19-25  May  1616 

25/  hoppe  Monday:   Hock  Monday.  26  April  1 568 

34/  hocktide:   7-8 Af nil 578 



A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts 
f  B9*  (Rendered  22  November)  (Receipts) 

more  of  players  that  played  in  the  yeld  hall  iij  s.      5 

A      Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B14*  (Rendered  5  November)  (John  Clf eves'  receipts)  10 

Rec«tWof  Trustrum  &  his  company  for  the  hall  00     02     6 

Receiuedof  my  lord  Stafford«  man  2  s.  6  d.:  of  my 

lord  Mounteagles  man  2  s.  6  d.  00     05     0 


(Additional  receipts) 

thay  Receiued  of  william  Bryne  for  his  fyne  of  adowble 

Shamble  which  Joseph  Walter  had  40  s.:  &C  for  players  20 

in  the  yeld  hall  7  s.  6  d.  all  which  is  24      07      2 


Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts       25 

f  F2*  (Rendered  2  December)  (Receipts) 

...more  there  was  Received  of  plaiers  that  had  plaied  in  the  yeld  hall  this  yere 
vij  s.  vj  d 



A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB.  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  B15v*  (Rendered  2  December)  (Receipts) 

Rec«iWofGawler  for  the  playes  in  the  gyld  hall  00     07     6    35 


Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  F5*  (Rendered  5  November) 

There  is  also  dewe  to  the  towne  by  Androe  pope  for  plaies  made  in  /the1 

128  BLANDFORD  FORUM  1598-1602 

yelde  hall  this  yere  the  some  of  xx  s.  dewe  to  be  paied  at  the  next  accompte 
to  the  town  stewardes 

This  Daye  there  is  Chosen  to  be  steward«  for  the  borowe  for  one  yere  folowing 
lohn  Cleves  and  lehonadab  Sherley  and  there  is  dewe  oweinge  by  the  towne     5 
popes  xx  s.  for  plaies  abuesaied  the  some  aboue  (blank)  laied  out  by  lonodab 
Shereley  the  some  of  (blank) 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  Bl6v*  (Rendered  5  November)  (Receipts)  10 

Icon  mr  Bailife  Rawlingston  of  hock  monye  01      01     0 

receiuedof  Mr  lohn  Gundrye  2  s.  of  lohn  Sherlye  4  d.  00     02     4 

Receiuedof  Richard  Bishoppe  of  Ock  Monye  00     04      3 



Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  F6*  (Rendered  3  November) 


. .  .Receivell  Also  of  Andrewe  Pope  the  som  of  xx  s. . .. 


A       Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts       25 
f  B18v*  (Rents  due) 

Keceiued  of  Thomas  ffrye  &  George  Harben  beeinge  soe  much 

restinge  by  them  on  the  accompt  of  the  benifitt  made  of  the 

race  1601  01      10     2    30 

Receiuedthe  Monye  gathred  by  the  weamen  att  hocktyde 

beeinge  1602  01      00     0 

4/   yere  folowing:    words  obscurer!  by  smeared  ink 

61  abuesaied:  y»raboucsajed 

12/   hock  monye:    Hocktide  was  16-17  April  1599 

21/   Receivell:  for  Received 

32/  hockryde:   12-13 April  1602 

BLANDFORD  FORUM   1602-4  129 


Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  F8v 

The  Eight  daie  of  November  1603  5 

Richard  Keynell  bailiff  and  one  of  the  Towne  Stwerd«  w/th  Robmt  Keynell 
the  other  Stwerde  hath  not  as  yett  made  or  yelded  [(...)]  vpp  their  Accomptes 
for  the  Towne  rent«and  also  of  the  benefitt  of  the  Race  wA/ch  they  are 
accomptable  for  to  the  Towne  10 

"This  Richard  Keynell  died  in  prison  for  debt" 

A      Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B19*  (Receipts)  „ 

Recw'zW  the  Monye  geathred  hock  Mondaye  01      00     2 

ReceiueiJ  that  was  made  of  the  Race  26     02      1 


ff  B19v-20* 

Monyes  Receiued  act  the  Race  by  lohn  Cleeues  1603 

Receiued on  sonday  supper  00  17  6    25 

Rec«««/on  monday  dynner  02  14  6 

Receiued  on  Monday  att  supper  09  06  6 

Receiued  act  dynner  on  Tewsday  07  15  6 

Receiued  att  Supper  Tewsday  10  07  6 

Rzceiued  att  dynner  wensday  10  06  1 1     30 

Rece iued at  Supper  wensday  09  06  5 

Receiued  att  dynner  Thardsday  &  supper  16  09  3 

67  04  1 

Recev'zW  ffryday  dynner  &  supper  11  10  6 

Receiued  on  Satterdaye  dynner  exc'  04  01  8    35 

Sume  is     82  16  3 

17/  hock  Mondaye:   2  May  1603  33/  67     04      1:  6,  04,  and  \  corrected  over  other  figures 

30/  06:   6  corrected  over  another  figure  34/  6:   corrected  over  another  figure 

31/06     5'.  Viand')  corrected  over  other  figures  36/  16:    1  corrected  over  another  figure 
32/    16     09     3:    \,  9,  and  3  corrected  over  other  figures 

130  BLANDFORD  FORUM  1603-4 

Rec«'zWby  playe  Monday  1 1  s.  4  d.:  Receiuedby 

play  Tewsdaye  26  s.  01      17       4 

Rec«'zWwensday  by  playe  53  s.  4  d.:  receiued 

Thurdsday  by  playe  64  s.  05      17       4 

Rec«zWffryday  by  playe  69  s.  11  d.,  Receiued  on  5 

Satterdaye  2  s.  6d.  03      12        5 

Sume  is  1 1      07        1 
Sumetotall     95  li.     09s.     4d.| 
Rec«zWthat  was  made  of  brand  2  s.  6  d.:  receiued 

made  of  beeffe  that  was  left  9s.  00      1 1        6    10 

recetued for  candles  left  3  s.  6  d.:  receiued for  fish  left  12  d.        00     04       6 
receiued  ioi  sewett  &  dreppinge  4  doz.  lack/w^2  li.  art 
2s.  8  d.  doz.  is  10s.  00      10       0 

Sume  is     01      06       0 

payment«att  the  Race  1603  as  followeth 


paied  to  my  selfe  as  by  my  bill  appeareth  08     02     06 

paied  for  the  hyer  of  a  horse  for  ij  dayes  to  Sir  Ralfe  Horssyes    00     02        0 

paied  for  a  messenger  sent  to  Sir  Care  Rawleigh  20  d.:  20 

paied  to  Arnold  4  d.  00     02        0 

paied  lo/m  Hawker  for  53  li.  of  Beeffe  00     08      10 

paied  for  j  load  of  ffaggottw  5  s.  6  d.:  paied  for  iij  sacks 

of  Cole  to  one  of  ffroome  8  s.  00      13       6 

paied  for  fetchinge  the  broches  6  d.:  paied  yat  Sir  Georg  25 

Morten  had  (blank)  7  s.  00     07       6 

paied  for  Carrige  of  a  hogshead  of  wyne  20  d.:  paied 

Nicko^zj  Sole  for  fishing  att  brensley  16  d.:  00     03       0 

paied  widdow  Boyte  for  4  dayej  fyndinge  herselfe  2  s.: 

paied  for  4  sacks  of  Coles  18  d.  00     03       6    30 

paied  for  a  loade  of  wood  6  s.:  paied  for  ij  doz.  Cotton 

Candles  8s.  00      14       0 

paied  for  2  doz.  of  cutt  Match  Candles  7  s.:  paied  for 

ij  Sammons  26  s.  8  d.  01      13       8 

paied  him  that  brought  them  12  d.:  paied  longs  daughter  18  d.     00     02       6    35 

paied  for  oatmeale  3  d.:  paied  for  apples  2  s.:  paied  for 

pares  1 2  d.  00     03       3 

paied  for  a  pecke  of  cutt  salt  6  d.  paied  for  j  doz.  of 

(blank)  3  s.  9  d.  00     04       3 

Sume  is      13     00       6    40 

28/   brenslcy:  probably  Brownsea  hiand  in  Pooif  Harbour 


paied  for  a  bottle  for  strong  waiter  2  d.:  paied  Thomas 

Hellier  for  goinge  to  gunnell  for  a  nett  6  d.  00     00     08 

paied  for  a  shoulder  &  Brest  of  Mutton  22  d.:  paied  for 

aribbofbeefe22d.  00     03        8 

paied  for  a  horse  to  shroton  8  d.:  paied  for  Tapps  &  Riben  5  d.: 

paied  for  salt  &  lambe  3  s.  00      04         1 

pazVd  for  eggs  3  s.  8  d.:  paied  for  read  herringe  1 2  d.  paied 

for  Cockells  6  d.:  00     05        2 

paied  for  301  of  oysters  10  s.  8  d.  for  3  qw^rters  of  Cushinge 

Cloth  9  d.  00      1 1        5     10 

paied  for  6  sacks  of  Coles  2  s.  9  d.:  paied  for  a  cupple  of  lings  2  s.    00     04        9 

for  a  pynt  of  white  wyne  3  d.:  paied  for  candles  4  d.:        00     00        7 

for  fresh  ffish  att  iij  tymes  14  s.  4  d.:  paied  Thomas 
hellyer  &C  his  company  for  fishinge  9  s.:  paied  for  rodds 

20  d.:  paied  for  a  quarter  of  bread  3  d.:  paied  for  apples  15 

4s.  9  d.  01      10        0 

paied  Goodwiffe  Gardner  for  a  henn  &  a  capen  2  s.  6  d.: 
paied  hugh  Macham  for  cuttinge  of  sayes  8  d.:  paied 

Thomas  Rawl  ings  ton  for  a  rostinge  pugg  18  d.  0     04        8 

paied  for  a  capen  12  d.:  p#;Vd  for  a  Capen  to  Mrs  Barens  20 

16  d.:  for  a  capen  to  mrs  Roove  2  s.:  0     04        4 

paied  to  Byles  for  14  quartwof  white  wyne  &  3  pyntwof  sack        0     08        6 
pa^d  to  mr  Macham  for  ij  Capons  3  s.:  paied  George 

payne  for  2  hennes  18  d.  0     04       6 

paied  to  higgons  for  2  quarters  &  4  leggs  of  Mutton  00      10        0    25 

paied  to  Sander  for  4  quarters  of  Mutton  8  s.  p<z;>d 

Thomas  Morie  for  a  lambe  5  s.  6  d.  00      1 3        6 

paied  to  pyne  for  foynge  ye  Cloth  in  ye  hall  6  d.:  paied  for 
spriggs  3  d.  00     00       9 

p<z/>d  for  3  neats  tongs  2  s.  6  d.:  paied  for  Musterd  6  d.:  ?0 

pa/Vd  for  a  ferken  of  beare  1 2  d.  00     04     00 

paied  to  davis  for  naylinge  ye  railes  16  d.:  paied  for  orenges 
&  lemons  8  d.  00     02        0 

paied  to  Robme  davis  man  for  carringe  a  lettere  to  warham 
&Poole  00     01        0    35 

paied  for  5  pyntw  of  rose  watter  &  d.  a  pynte  of  sweete  waiter      00     04       8 
paied  for  a  quarte  of  head  att  spennyes  6  d.:  p^/>d  Mary 
Rawlingston  for  5  henns  4  s.  2  d.:  00     04        8 

21  gunnell:   5  mimmt  in  MS:  Tarrant  Gunville,  about  5  milts  northeast  of  BlanJforJ  forum 

5/  shroton:    Iwtrne  Courtney,  alia  known  as  Iwtme  Shroton,  about  5  miles  northwest  ofBlandforJ  forum 

132  BLANDFORD  FORUM   1603-4 

paied  mrs  Keynell  for  6  henns  5  s.  6  d.:  paied  to  Shepeard 

forworkeSs.  00  10  6 
paied  Goodwiffe  Gardner  for  ij  hogsheads  of  ye  best  beare 

&  ijbarrells  of  other  01  05  0 

paied  william  Bremble  for  j  hogshead  of  Clarrett  wyne  04  00  0      5 
paied  pellye  for  Candles  5  s.  10  d.:  paied  lohn  Munns  that 

hee  spent  att  sherburne  2  s.  00  07  10 

paied  for  vennigeare  3  s.  4  d.:  paied  william  Higgons  10  s.  8  d.  00  14  0 

paied  william  ffreeman  13s.:  paied  Thomas  pitt  13  s.  4  d.  01  06  4 

paied  lohn  Roper  5  s.:  paied  Robert  Hamond  5s.  00  10  0    10 
paied  to  George  Harben  64  s.  6  d.:  paied  Richard 

Hardinge  10s.  6  d.  03  15  0 

paied  to  lehonadab  Sherlye  08  12  6 
paied  lone  Bryce  22  s.  16  d.:  paied  Hugh  Macham  5  s.  6  d.: 

paied  lone  lellett  56  s.  04  04  02    15 
paied  lohn  Hawker  89  s.:  paied  to  Robert  Swayne 

14  li.  15s.  8d.  19  04  8 

Sumeis  50  13  01 

Monyes  paied  for  waiges  as  followeth  20 

paied  Sir  Ralfe  Horssies  Cooke  20  s.:  paied  Nicholas  Cooke 

&  his  boy  13s.  4  d.  01      13       4 

paied  to  the  widdow  Gawler  2  s:  paied  to  the  widdowe 

harrice2s.  00     04       0    25 

paied  to  old  Turnebroch  2  s.  4  d.:  paied  to  the  Clarkes 

wiffe  12  d.:  paied  Thomas  pellye*  mayde  12  d.  00     04       4 

paied  Thomas  Sherman  2  s.:  paied  Henry  Mellidge  for 

7dayes7s.  00     09       0 

paied  Bishope  2  s.  6  d.:  paied  the  widdowe  Baylie  4  s.  6  d.:  30 

paied  the  lame  wench  18  d.  00     08       6 

paied  to  Anne  Grims  4  s.:  paied  lone  knight  for  washinge 

2  s.  6  d.  00     06      6 

paied  lames  Cooke  16  s.  8  d.:  paied  for  makinge  Cleane 

the  broches  8  d.  00      17       4    35 

paied  that  I  gaue  vnto  lone  Hawker  12  d.:  paied  mr  pitt  for 

bricks  vsed  in  ye  kitchen  12  d.  00     02 

6/    10:    corrected  over  6  18/   50  13:   corrected  over  other  figures 

15/  04     02:  4  and  2  corrected  over  other  figures  23/  01:    1  corrected  over  another  figure 


oaied  to  muston  for  ij  dayes  worke  about  Robert  Swaynes 

Kitchen  2s.  °0     °2 

Sumeis     04     07       0 

more  paied  for  such  thinges  as  ware  lost  att  the  Race 

paied  for  ij  stone  luggs  2  s.  j  table  napken  of  fine  canvas  12  d.      00     03       0 
paied  for  ij  wyne  quarts  2  s.  6  d.:  paied  for  a  great  carued 
stonelugglSd.  00     04 

paied  for  a  lanterne  12  d.:  p^fd  for  a  dieper  Napken  12  d.        00     02       0     10 
paied  lohn  Roper  for  a  carpett  8  s.:  paied  for  a  payer  of 
snoffers6d.  00     08        6 

paied  for  a  malt  seeve  6  d.:  paied  for  the  mendinge  of 
a  loyne  stoole  of  mr  pitt«  4  d. 

paied  for  2  table  Napkens  20  d.:  there  was  lost  by  apce  15 

of  gold  taken  at  one  of  ye  tables  3  s.  00     04 

paied  for  ij  halland  Napkens  that  ware  lost  00     02       6 

Sume  is     01      05        6 

The  total  Suwme  of  all  the  disbursment«  was     69  li.     06s.     0  d. 
Soe  resteth  to  accompt  for  the  suwme  of  26  li.      02  s.      1  d.     20 

paied  to  George  (blank)  00  06  6 

paied  for  j  doz.  &  d.  of  (blank)  00  09  6 

paied  to  Goodwiffe  (blank)  00  03  6 

paied  to  f^«>U  00  04  0    25 

to  George  (blank)  01  15  0 

for  iiij  play  boyes  00  02  0 

Sume  is     03  00  6 



Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  F9*  (Rendered  10  December) 

Theare  was  freed  by  the  Race  this  yeare  past  and  nowe  accounted  for  by         35 
lehonadab  Sherly  then  Baylife  the  Som  of  xxx  li.  iiij  s.  x  d.  and  it  apperithe 
by  his  bills,  that  there  was  Layde  [of]  out  for  the  towne  that  yeare  in  sewt« 

15/  apce:  for  3  piece  (?) 

\ll  lose:  I  corrected  over\\ 

22/  62-.   corrected  over  Another  figure 

134  BLANDFORD  FORUM  1604-9 

of  Lawe  and  other  busines  for  the  Towne  the  som  of  xlj  li.  xv  s.  x  d.  of  the 
wA;ch  som  he  received  of  the  wives  at  hoctiO  xxvj  s.  vj  {.)... 

1606-7  5 

Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  F 11  *  (Rendered  2  November) 

The  Therteth  Daie  of  March  .1607. 

This  Daie  at  a  gen<rall  meetinge  of  the  Bayliffe  and  Burgesses  yt  did  appere     10 
that  there  was  made  at  the  [(.  .)pt]  Race  in  mr  Machams  tyme  beinge  then 
Bayliffe  at  Shrovetyde  1605.  the  some  of  ffifteene  poundes  cleare  of  all 
charges  besides  thertie  shillinges  that  was  then  given  by  the  gentlemen  and 
distributed  by  mr  Macham  amongest  the  poore  of  this  Towne./ 
allsoe  this  present  Daie  vppon  viewinge  of  the  accounts  of  the  last  Race       15 
beinge  at  Shrovetyde  1606  mr  Harbyn  beinge  then  Bayliffe  yt  did  appere 
that  there  was  clered  six  poundes  three  shillinges  besides  an  allowaunce  made 
of  fiftie  shillinges  for  a  silver  beaker  of  Sir  John  Rogers  and  xxxj  s.  Disbursed 
for  a  chest  and  thinges  lost  at  the  Race,  there  was  allsoe  [made]  given  then  to 
the  poore  by  the  gentlemen  xliij  s.  which  vj  li.  iij  s.  as  yet  resteth  in  mr  Bayliffe  20 
Harbyns  hand,  and  the  xliij  s.  ys  disbursed  accordinge  to  a  note  therof. 


Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts       25 

f  F 1 2v*  (Rendered  7  November) 

This  Daie  lustinian  whiteinge  and  Thomas  Pitt  beinge  Chamberlyns  ...  haue 
recieved  for  the  Towne  rentes  the  some  of  xxiij  li.  vij  s.  vj  d.  of  mr  Robert 
Swaine  for  the  profett  of  the  Race  the  last  yeare  when  he  was  Baylieffe  iiij  li. . ..   30 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B22*  (Rendered  6 November)  (Receipts)  35 

RecmWof  players  for  playinge  in  the  hall  00     03     4 

2/   hoctic.x  final  letter  illegible,  potnbly  at  result  of  \7I  six:   s  written  over  another  tetter 

attempted  correction:  for  hoctid,  8-9  April  1605  1 71   chree:    wrjtten  over  another  word 


RecmWof  my  vnkell  Keynell  for  monye  geatherd  on 
Hock  Monday  by  the  weamen 

00     13     3 


A      Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  B22v  (Rendered  6  November)  (Receipts) 

RecmWof  the  weomen  gathred  att  hocktyde  01      03     0 



A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  B23v*  (Rendered  4  November)  (Money  still  owed  to  the  town) 


more  there  is  in  the  handes  of  lohn  Gawler  for  monye  receiued  by 

him  beeinge  bailiffe  of  the  wemminge  att  hock  Munday  161 1  (blank) 


Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts       20 

f  Fl4v*  (Rendered 2  November) 

There  was  made  at  Shrovetyde  last  by  the  race  lehonadab  Sherley 

bemge  then  BayliefTe  xxiiij  li 


A      Chamberlains'  Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  B24v  (Rendered  2  November)  (Receipts) 

Kceiued  more  of  him  gathred  by  the  weamen  Hock  Mondaye     01      04     0    30 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B26  (Rendered  24  October)  (Receipts)  35 

Rec«««/of  the  hockmonye  for  this  yeare  00      15     0 

2/  Hock  Monday:   24  April  1609  30/  him:  Jchonadab  Sherlye 

9/  hocktyde:    16-17  Apnl  1610  30/  Hock  Mondaye:   20  Apnl  1612 

\7I  hock  Munday.    1  Apnl  1611  37/  hockmonye.   Hocktide  wai  12-1 3  April  1613 

136  BLANDFORD  FORUM  1613-16 


A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts 
f  B26v*  (Rendered  21  October)  (Receipts) 

Receiued  of  Hock  Monye  this  yeare  1614  geathred  by  the  5 

woemen  00      18       0 

(Disbursements  of  Robert  Swayne,  chamberlain  and  bailiff) 


more  for  the  vse  of  my  howse  when  Mr  Sherlye  was  bailife 
at  the  race  00      13       4 

1614-15  is 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts 
f  B27v  (Rendered  6  November)  (Receipts) 

Receiueetof  Hock  monye  from  the  woemen  this  yeare  00      19       4 



A       Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts 
f  B28v*  (Rendered  4  November)  (Receipts  of  Robert  Keynell,  chamberlain) 


Receiuedof  lohn  Mundes  that  was  paid  by  the  players 

for  the  hall  00     03       4 

(Receipts  of  Thomas  Pitt,  chamberlain  and  bailiff)  30 

Recf/zWatt  Shroftyde  by  the  profett«of  a  race  07     03       4 

Receiued  of  the  weomen  which  thay  geat  on  hock  Munday        01      02     10 


V   Hock  Monye:   Hocknde  wai  2-3  May  1614 
19/   Hock  monye:    Hocktide  wai  17-18  April  1615 
34/  hock  Munday:   8  April  1616 

BLANDFORD  FORUM   1616-31  /  BLOXWORTH  1589 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 

f  B29v  (Rendered  3  November)  (Receipts) 

Recw'iWfor  hock  mony  this  yeare  by  the  weomen  colected        01      02     0       s 

A      Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts 

f  B32v  (Rendered  8  November)  (Receipts)  10 

Receiued  of  players  for  the  vse  of  the  yeeld  hall  00     05      0 

1630-1  '5 

Chamberlains' Accounts     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts 
f  F23*  (Disbursements) 

given  vnto  the  Children  of  the  Revells,  that  should  have  acted 

a  stage  playe  in  the  Hall  0.      10.      0.    20 


1589  25 

Dean  and  Chapter  Act  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery     WRO:   D5/19/12 
f  30v  (14  July) 

Proceedings  of  a  session  held  in  the  parish  church  at  Bere  Regis  before  George 
Dawkes,  us,  the  dean's  official,  in  the  presence  of  Giles  Hutchens,  notary  public    30 

Officiuw  domini  contra  pauluw  Rawlins  de  Bloxworth 
Quo  die  comparw/t  dicfus  Rawlins  quern  dominus  iuranvwto  onerauit  de 
fidel/Y<?r  r^ondendo  ar/Va/lis  &c.  deinde  exawi«atw.f  fatetwr  that  vppon 
Shroft  Tuisdaie  last  past( . )  beinge  scholm^^r  ther  for  the  better  exercyse  of    35 
his  scholers  did  procure  to  play  a  dialoge  wnhin  the  p^rishe  Churche  of 
Bloxworth  not  any  waies  in  derogation  of  the  lawes  established  or  otherwise 

5/  hock  mony:    Hotktide  was  28 -9  April  1617 
34/  vppon:   v  corrected  over  another  letter 
35/  Shroft  ...  pastO:    / /  February  1 588/9 

138  BLOXWORTH   1589  /  BRIDPORT  1555-75 

to  prophane  the  Churche  \nde  dowmws  iniunxit  quod  agnoscat  crimen 
predictum  per  \psum  perpetrator  coram  magistro  Rickman  Rectore  ibidem 
prommendo  se  nuwqwam  in  similia  relapsurww  quibus  peripsum  p^ractis 
dominus  monuit  cum  ad  certificand«w  in  proximo  apwd  Sherborn^uel  Sarww 
sub  pena  iuris/. 


1555  10 

Robin  Hood  Ale  Account     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M18/11 

f  [1]* 

C  Memorandum  of  the  Accowmpc«  and  Rekenyng  of  henry  waye  and  Stephen 
Shower/  for  the  Robynhode  Ale,  made  the  yere  aboue  wrytten,  as  hereafter      15 

Rcc«/>fj  C  Inprirrm  Made  w/t/?  the  Ale  vij  li.  xj  s. 

hem  receyved  for  the  Bowth  that  was  solde  xxxij  s. 

C  Summa  of  the  hole  Receipts  amount  to  ix  li.  iij  s. 



Cofferers' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M7 



hem  Receyvid  of  Robyn  hod«  Mony  vij  li.  vj  d. 


Cofferers' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M7/ 10  30 

f  [1]* 

Itmi  paid  to  WMam  Bokerell  for  a  Bull  rope  ii  s.  vj  d. 

hem  paid  to  owyn  for  the  making  of  lackaJent  &  his  hors  hire  iiij  s.    35 

f  [lv]* 

hem  to  the  Mynstrels  a  maye  daye 

BRIDPORT  1578-93  139 


Cofferers' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M7/10 

single  sheet* 

vnto  Loveredge  ffor  the  bulrenge  iij  d.      5 


Ale  Account  for  Town  Buildings     DRO:   DC/BTB:  Ml  5/1 1 

ff  [2-7]*  (Receipts)  10 

Rcceiptai593:  The  accompt  of  Henry  Browne  and  George  ffrancke  collectors  for  the 

Anno  buyldinge  of  the  m#rkett  house  and  scole  house  of  Brydport  Then 

Eliubcthe  ^  beinge  Stewards  for  the  Ale  as  Assistant  to  the  said  collectors  lohn  wey 

&  Henry  Pounde  in  the  yere  of  the  Bayliewike  of  lohn  Pitt  and  Gilbert      15 
holman  Baylefe  of  Brydport  and  henry  wey  Towne  clarke  who  procured 
the  gifte  of  the  free  stone  for  the  same  buyldinge,  of  the  roght  honorable 
the  Lady  Stourton.  out  of  Chidioke  quarrie  as  followirth.  :1593: 

Receved  in  collections  of  Townes  and  20 
parishes  as  followeth:  &  first  of. 

Of  mr  Richarde  Russell  ij  s.  vj  d. 

lohn  Swaffilde  ij  d. 

mres  loane  Sydwaye  xij  d. 

willtam  Byshop  xij  d.     25 

Anthony  Browne  ij  d. 

lohn  Stronge  ij  d. 

mr  lohn  wey  xx  d. 

Robm  Keate  xij  d. 

Robert  Myller  vj  d.     30 

Mr  Henry  Pounde  ij  s. 

Thomas  whithed  vj  d. 

Nicholas  Hardy  iijj  J 

lohn  Goldinge  iij  d. 

Thomas  Baker  j  d.    35 

Richarde  Hounsell  vj  d. 

mr  willwm  porker  jjjj  d. 

lohn  wiles  iij  d. 

Steven  wey  xij  d. 

Robm  Hassarde  iijj  d.    40 

chtistofer  Davige  xjj  J 

17/  roght:  for  right 


BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Symonde  Colfox 

mr  lohn  Pitt  baylie 

lohn  Thressher 

Richard  Elworthe  luruor 

morgan  Moone 

will/am  Singleman 

will/<2m  Shuer 

The  wydow  Balstone 

Steven  More 

lohn  myller 

Samuell  mathewe 

lohn  Wood 

Richarde  Goste 

Richard  Prince 

Richard  Hardy 

lohn  Russell 

lohn  lames 

Ambros  Peryam 

lohn  Balstone 

lohn  Dollings 

lames  Whetham 

Richard  Colfox 

Walter  hallett 

Robm  Browne 

lohn  Coke 

Thomas  Triptree 

lohn  Colfox 

Willwm  Bagge 

chrw/ofer  Balstone 

Thomas  Browne 

will/tfm  webber 

mr  Henry  wade 

mr  lohn  Chaplyn 

mr  Arthur  Maynarde 

lohn  whitmore 

lohn  Nicols 

Mr  Rogers 

lohn  Gibbes 

Richarde  Balstone 

The  wydow  Colfox 

The  wydow  Plucknett 

Robm  Buckerell 

mr  Nicholas  Stratchlighe 


ij  s.  vj  d. 

xviij  d.      5 
xij  d. 
vd.  I 
vj  d. 

ij  d.     10 
iij  d. 
iij  d. 

ij  d      15 

in]  d. 

iiij  d. 



ij  d.    20 
vj  d. 
vj  d. 
iij  d. 
iij  d.    25 
j  pecke  of  malt 
j  bushell  of  malt 
half  bushell  of  malt 
half  bushell  of  malt 
j  pecke  of  malt    30 
j  pecke  of  malt 
iij  bushells  of  wheate 

half  a  bushell  malt 

j  pecke  of  malt    35 
half  a  bushell  malt 
half  a  bushell  wheat 
j  pecke  of  malt 
j  pecke  of  malt 
j  pecke  of  malt    40 
ij  li.  of  candels 
j  li.  of  candels 
ij  li.  of  bacon 

BRIDPORT  1592-3 


Summa  in  mony 
Summa  in  malt 
Summa  in  wheat 
Sumwd  in  bacon 
Summa  in  candels 

xxv  s.  iij  d. 

v.  bushells. j  peck 

iij  bushells  di. 


iij  li.  I 


w\\\iam  wall 

Of  Trevys 


Of  Douche 

Of  mr  knight 

lohn  Douche 

master  vicer  of  porestock 

waiter  Haywarde 

Nicholas  Browne 

Edmond  Browne 

nil  d. 

iij  d. 


iiij  d.     10 
iiij  d. 
iiij  d. 
iiij  d. 
iij  d. 

j  bushel! malt     15 
half  a  bushel/malt 

Summa  in  mony 
Summa  in  malt 

Of  the  Lady  Stourton  and  her  house 

Nicholas  Gay 

Of  his  sonne 

lohn  Peache 

Symonde  Bere 

Richarde  Orcharde 

John  myller 

Thold  Stone 

The  wydow  myller 

Giles  wey 

The  wydow  waldren 

Ambros  whitt 

Richarde  Olyver 

The  wydow  Col  fox 

mr  lohn  Hodder 

Summa  mony 
Summa  malt 
Summa  wheat 

Anne  Hardy 
lohn  waddon 

ij  s.  iiij  d. 
i  bushe/ldi. 

xiij  s.  ij  d. 

iiij  d. 


vj  d. 



j  pecke  of  malt 

j  pecke  of  malt 

di.  pecke  malt 

half  a  bushell  malt 

j  pecke  malt 

j  pecke  malt 

j  pecke  malt 

di.  peck  malt 

ij  bushells  wheat 


xiiij  s.  vj  d. 
ij  bushells 
ij  bushells  \ 

j  pecke  of  malt 
di.  peck  malt 






BRIDPORT  1592-3 


Mawde  Balson 

Thomas  Luter 

Elizabeth  wey 

Alice  hallett 

Henry  homborne 

Lyonell  Browne 

willwm  Durke 

John  Taylor 

Margarett  Sewarde 

lohn  Browne  farmer 

Richarde  Newborough  gentleman 

Summa  mony 
Summa  wheat 
Summa  malt 

Robert  Larder  gentleman 

Richard  lustee  vicer  their 

lohn  Browne 

The  wydow  keche 

Henry  Craforde 

Edmund  Rylande 

Robert  warren 

lohn  Craforde 

lohn  peache 

lohn  marshe 

lohn  Tinker 

lohn  Shipwike 

lohn  mathew 

The  wydow  Adams 

lohn  warren 

Thomas  lane 

Robm  heare 

The  wydow  hallett 

lohn  hallett 

Nicholas  Warren 

Edmond  Body 

mr  Barton 

George  Pitfold 

Summa  mony 
Summa  wheat 

j  pecke  of  malt 

j  pecke  of  wheat 

a  bole  of  malt 

half  a  bushel!  ma[t 

j  pecke  of  malt      5 

half  a  bushell  malt 

j  pecke  malt  &  iij  d. 

j  pecke  of  malt 

j  peck  malt 

vj  d.     10 
iij  d. 

[ix]  xij  d. 

j  pecke 

iij  bushells  iij  pecke  15 

j  bushell  ma\t 
j  bushell  ma\t 
}  bushell  malt 
di.  b«j^//maJt    20 
di.  pec  malt 
pec  malt 
pec  malt 
pec  malt 
pec  malt    25 
pec  malt 
pec  malt 
pec  malt 
di.  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt    30 
j  pec  malt 
di.  bushel!  malt 
di.  pec  malt 
di.  bushell  malt 

iiij  d.    35 
iiij  d. 

di.  bushel! wheat 
di.  bushell  malt 



di.  bushelL 

viij  bushells.  j  pecke  di.  I 

BRIDPORT  1592-3 


Nethcrbury  & 




Mr  Newboroughe  promised 
loane  Hearne 
lohn  HaJlett 
Henry  Crabbe 

Robert  Mone 
Robm  knight 
Richarde  warr 
Steven  Lane 
lohn  harbor 
Robm  dollinge 
Mawde  Hawarde 
Thomas  Mynson 
Richarde  hardy 
lohn  Stronge 
Will/am  ffloude 
Steven  Hallett 
lohn  Akerman 
Nicholas  George 
Steven  Austyne 

Thomas  Hardy 
Richard  Egerdon 
The  wydow  Hardy 
John  hardy  farmer 
Roger  Hardy 
christofci  darby 

Nicholas  Browne 
Edmonde  Browne 

Summa  wheat 

Summa  malt 
Summa  mony 

Sumwa  mony 
Summa  malt 

di.  \)ushell wheat 

j  bushell  ma\t 

di.  bushel/ malt 

di.  bushell  malt 

di.  bushel! 
ij  bushells 


di.  bushell  ma\t 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

di.  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

)  pec  malt 

iij  pec  malt 

j  pec  di.  malt 

vj  d. 

iij  d. 

iij  bushells.  iij  pecke. 

j  pec  di.  malt 

di.  bushel!  ma\t 

di.  bushell  malt 

di.  bushellmzh 

di.  pec  malt 

xij  d. 

xij  d. 

iij  bush  ells 

)  bushellmalt 
di.  bushellmalt 







Summa  malt 

j  bushel! d'\. 

20/  Steven:   S  written  ove r  another  lette r 


BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Symondsboroughc.  Arthur  ffowke 
lohn  Terrell 
Robm  dyme 
Robm  Colmer 
lohn  Hounsell 
Avice  Mynson 
lohn  Crocker 
Andrew  Stevens 
lohn  hounsell 
master  Docter  hounde 
lohn  Syms 
Thomas  Syms 
Mr  LLoyde 
Richard  Crafte 
Richarde  wade 



Summa  mony 
Summa  malt 
Summa  wheat 

lohn  Syms 
Symonde  donne 
George  Donne 
Richarde  wrixham 

Summa  mony 
Summa  malt 

Luke  lurden  gentleman 
Richard  Baylie 
Thomas  Chicke 
Richarde  Payne 
Bastion  Pitfold 
The  wydow  Pitfold 
will/am  wey 

Summa  mony 
Summa  malt 
Summa  wheat 


j  bushell  wheat 
j  pec  wheat 
j  pec  malt 
j  pec  di.  malt 
j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 
j  bushell  wheat 
xij  d. 
vj  d. 
vj  d. 
iij  d. 
iij  d. 

ij  s.  vj  d. 

1  1  bushellsdi.  pecke 

ij  bushells  j  pecke 

di.  bushel!  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

j  pec  malt 

vj  d. 

vj  d. 

j  bushells  j  pecke 

)  pec  wheat  &  a  lambe 


j  pec  malt 

vj  d. 

vj  d. 

iij  d. 

iij  d. 

xix  d. 
iij  pecke 
j  pecke  I 







lohn  Charde 

j  pec  of  malt 

BRIDPORT  1592-3 

The  wydow  Stone 
lohn  Games  tenant 
Thomas  Egerdon 
Nicholas  Crabbe 
lohn  Clare 
The  Wydow  Crabbe 
Horsforde  of  bowood 
Thomas  Goudge 
The  ffarmer  mylls 
Hughe  Baylie 
Hughe  Holt 
lames  Thatcher 
Hughe  Syms 
Mr  Thomas  Gollop 
master  vicer  there 
Stone  the  myller 
Thomas  Crabbe 
munden  the  Smythe 


j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 
j  pec  wheat 
j  pec  maJt 
j  pec  malt 

Summa  mony 
Summa  wheat 
Summa  malt 


j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 
di.  bws/>f//mah 
di.  pec  malt 
j  pec  wheat 
)  pec  malt 
di.  bushel!  ma\t 
xij  d. 
xij  d. 
iiij  d. 

ij  s.  viij  d. 
di.  bushell 
iij  bushells.  di.  &  di.  pecke 




Roger  Knight 
will/am  Newton 
Richarde  whit 
mr  waiter  Gray 
Nicholas  darby 


j  pec  malt 
j  pec  malt 

xij  d. 

iij  d. 


Summa  mony 
Summa  malt 

xvj  d. 
j  b  us he 'II 

Chikombe  mystres  Byshop 

mr  Humfry  Byshop 

mr  Symondw 

mr  Holman 

mr  ffoster  of  pouncknell 

mystres  Holman 

lohn  Samsome 

Summa  mony 

x  s.  iiij  d.  I 

xij  d. 

iiij  s. 

xviij  d. 

xij  d. 

xij  d. 

xvj  d. 

vj  d. 




146  BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Bimon  mr  lohnson  di.  bushell malt 

John  Gregory  j  pec  malt 

Stevens  iij  d. 

Richarde  Myll  iij  d. 

mres  loane  wareham  jjjj  d.      5 

loane  Phillips  jiij  d. 

mres  warehams  gentlewoman  ij  d. 

Yonge  mr  wareham  jiij  d. 

Hughe  myller  ij  d. 

Mr  lohn  Strode  xij  d.     10 

Summa  malt  iij  pecke 

Summa  mony  ij  s.  x  d. 

Bemystcr  In  pr/mis  at  the  lusticw  table  xv  s.  vj  d.    15 

Item  in  the  Towne  and  of  Strangers  vj  s.  viij  d. 

Somma  mony  xxij  s.  ij  d. 

Lymc  Rcgu           Of  master  mayor  ij  s.    20 

mr  Belmy  xij  d. 

mr  Barons  xij  d. 

mr  Davy  xij  d. 

mr  Norrys  viij  d. 

mr  Anthony  moone  xij  d.    25 

mr  lurden  xij  d. 

mr  willwm  Barons  xij  d. 

mr  Hill  xij  d. 

mr  Greemvorde  xij  d. 
mres  woodrofe                                                                                 iij  pec  of  salt    30 

mr  downe  vj  d. 

mr  knevett  vj  d. 

mres  Belmy  viij  d. 

mr  Carpenter  vj  d. 

mr  Syms  of  charde  vj  d.    35 

mr  davy  iiij  d. 

mr  Broake  vj  d.  I 

Thomas  Hyet  xij  d. 

Markes  Barons  vj  d. 

Captaine  Cranly  vj  d.    « 

lohn  Bellymy  vj  d. 

lohn  Shottocke  xij  d. 

BR1DPORT  1592-3  l47 

Henry  davie  VJ  d- 

Richarde  Barons  vj  d- 

Elizabethe  lizerde  ')  d. 

George  plee  >'U  d- 

Prest  the  baker  vj  d.      5 

lohn  Gollop  i'j  d. 

Sumwa  mony  xix  s.  xj  d. 

Sonwfczsalt  iij  pecke 


Giftwof              mr  chr/Vtofer  Syms  xij  d. 

strangers             mr  jhomas  whittle  xij  d. 

william  ffushe  ij  s.  vj  d. 

Captaine  lordanie  xij  d. 

Of  danby  /2    marynors  ij  s.     !•> 

Item  on  Sunday  after  may  day  of  strangers  wee  mett  on  the  way  xix  d. 

Of  other  strangers  the  same  morninge  iiij  d. 

mr  dowce  xij  d. 

Of  Browne  ij  d. 

mr  Pitt  of  Blandforde  xij  d.     20 

mr  George  vj  d. 

Of  strangers  at  the  bull  xij  d. 

VaJuntyne  the  carryer  xij  d. 

mr  Rayndell  &  his  company  iiij  s.  vj  d. 



iij  s. 

mr  Greenewood  of  Charde  ix  d. 

master  Captaine  Moone  ij  s. 

Of  waymouthe  Melcombe  and  in  our  way  whomewarde 
the  same  tyme  xlv  s.  viij  d. 

mr  Henry  Harbyn  j  bwAc//wheat     30 

Summa  mony  iij  li.  x  s. 

Somma  wheat  j  bz«A*7/wheatel 

Receipts  on  may  day  35 

In  pnmis  receved  at  the  Baylief  table  v  s.  iiij  d. 

Receipt^  Item  at  the  other  table  iij  s.  x  d. 

Item  on  Holyrode  day  at  breakfast  iij  s.  v  d. 

Item  the  same  after  none  for  drinke  xij  d. 

16/  Sunday  after  may  day:   6  May  1593 


BRIDPORT  1592-3 



Item  for  ij  pott«of  beare 

Item  the  Sunday  after  may  day  at  the  baylief«  table 

Item  the  same  day  at  breakfast 

Item  vpon  assension  day  at  breakfast 



In  primis  on  whitsonday  at  breakefast 

Item  at  dynndvthe  same  day 

Item  at  Supper  the  same  day 

Item  on  munday  at  breakfast 

Item  more  the  same  daye 

Item  on  Tuysday  at  breakefast 

Item  at  supper  the  same  day 

Item  more  at  supper  the  same  day 

Item  more  of  the  goodwief  ffrancke  for  drinke 

Item  on  wensday  at  dynner 

Item  at  supper  the  same  day 

Item  on  Thursday  at  dynner 

Item  at  supper  the  same  day 

Item  on  Satturday  at  dynner 


Of  the  panshe  of  Symondsboroughe 

Of  Shipton  p^rishe 

Of  Netherbury 


Of  Porestoke 

Of  Adlington 

Of  mr  lacobb 

Of  mr  Richarde  Pitt 

xviij  li.  xviij  d. 

Item  at  breakefast 

Item  the  west  streate  spent 

Item  the  Southe  streat  spent 

Summa  vij  li.  xiij  s. 

Trinitie  Sunday 


iij  s.  x  d. 

ij  s.  ix  d. 

vij  s.  viij  d. 

xvj  s.  ix  d. 
viij  s.  iiij  d. 

xvij  s.     10 
viij  s.  xj  d. 
xxx j  s. 
vij  s.  x  d. 
xxix  s.  viij  d. 
xij  s.  viij  d.     15 

xiiij  s. 

viij  li.  iiij  d. 

xxv  s. 

iij  s.  vj  d. 

V  S.      20 

xxj  s.  vj  d. 

XXXIII)  S.      25 

xxiiij  s. 
xij  s. 

xij  s.  ij  d. 

xxxiij  s. 

xxvij  s.    30 

viij  s.  iiij  d. 

ij  s.  vj  d. 

x  s. 

xxxiiij  s. 
xlij  s.  vj  d. 


21   Sunday  after  may  day:    6  May 
4/  assension  day:   24  May  1 593 

8/  whitsonday:   3 June  1593 

36/  Trinitie  Sunday:    10  June  1593 

1  40 
BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Item  the  East  Streat  spent 

Item  the  west  streate  on  trinitie  munday 

Item  more  of  othe  gyuftn  then  viij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  on  Tuysday  of  doctor  lames  &  others  iij  li.  ij  s.  inj  d. 

Item  on  wensday  at  supper  'x  s-  x  d. 

Itemofmrlones  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

Summa  xj  li.  xiij  s.  vj  d. 

Summa  totalw  malt  -  42  bushelk  at  xviij  d.  per  bushell  iij  li.  iij  s.     10 

Summa  total/5  wheate  -  1 0  bushells  at  iij  s.  per  bushell  xxx  s. 
Summa  totalw  mony                                              xlviij  li.  xiiij  s.  iiij  d. 

The  totall  some  of  malt  wheat  &  mony                           Liij  li.  vij  s.  iiij  d. 
ff  [7v-9v]*  (Payments) 

In  primis  for  iij  of  owr  suppers  xvj  d.    20 

Item  for  v  of  o«r  suppers  when  we  gethered  chilcombe  ij  s. 

Item  to  willzam  webber  for  heir  of  his  mare  vj  d. 

Item  for  iij  of  our  suppers  on  thursday  xvj  d. 

Item  for  iij  of  o«r  suppers  on  fryday  xij  d. 

Item  paid  to  Peter  for  iiij  dayes  travell  xvj  d.     25 

Item  the  next  wike  on  thursday  for  iij  of  o«r  suppers  xvj  d. 

Item  delyuered  mr  Baylie  Pitt  for  fursher  v  s. 

Item  for  vij  calves  heade*  ij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  to  Browne  for  ij  li.  j  qw^rter  of  bacon  ix  d. 

Item  for  ij  calves  header  &  a  chiterlinge  on  holyrode  day  xij  d.     30 

Item  for  a  pounde  of  bacon  iiij  d. 

Item  for  v  of  OUT  suppers  when  we  gethered  chidioke  ij  s. 

Item  for  iij  of  owr  suppers  when  we  gethered  the  towne  xij  d. 

Item  for  iij  mens  suppers  that  made  the  bower  for  tow  nightej  ij  s. 

Item  paid  to  fursher  for  stones  ij  s.     35 

Item  for  viij  calves  header  ij  s. 

Item  for  iiij  li.  of  bacon  xvj  d. 

Item  when  we  went  to  Netherbury  for  v  of  owr  suppers  at  night  ij  s. 

Item  the  next  day  for  iij  of  o«r  suppers  xij  d. 

21  trinitie  munday:    II  June  159) 
V  othc:  Brother 

150  BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Item  for  iij  of  our  suppers  on  fryday  when  we  gethered  Porestocke  ix  d. 

Item  paid  to  Peter  for  vj  dayes  travell  ij  s. 

Item  for  iij  of  our  suppers  on  munday  sennight  before  whitsundaye  xij  d. 

Item  for  v  calves  head«  Assension  day  xxj  d. 

Item  for  vj  mackerell  vj  d.      5 

Item  paid  to  the  carpenters  for  vj  dayes  worke  at  taske  for  iij  persons  xviy  s. 

Item  for  Peters  wag«  for  iiij  dayes  xvj  d. 

Item  for  a  horse  for  one  wyke  xxij  d. 

Item  for  owr  dynners  at  Bemyster  xij  d. 

Item  for  horse  meat  at  Lyme  vj  d.    10 

Item  for  a  quart  of  wyne  viij  d. 

Summa  pagine  Lix  s.  xj  d.  I 

Item  paid  iij  carpenters  for  iiij  dayes  worke  at  taske  ix  s.  iiij  d.     15 

Item  paid  for  drayinge  of  stones  x  s. 

Item  paid  to  Corbyn  and  Pullam  for  ryddinge  of  the  quarrie  iiij  s. 
Item  to  Steven  hardy  for  carnage  of  iij  lode  of  stones  from  Chidioke  iiij  s. 
Item  to  lohn  homborne  for  vij  lode  of  stones  carriage  from 

Chidioke  ix  s.  iiij  d.    20 

Item  to  Corbyn  for  ryddinge  of  the  quarrie  ij  s.  viij  d. 

Item  to  Gardyn^rand  Skorche  for  vj  dayes  for  drayinge  of  stones  xij  s. 

Item  to  wodcock  for  his  wik«  worke  and  iij  more  w/'th  him  at  taske      xxj  s. 

Item  to  Peter  for  his  wag«  ij  s. 

Item  to  Prince  for  his  horse  heir  xvj  d.    25 

Item  for  carriage  of  tymber  vij  s. 

Item  for  vij  hodgsheddrt  of  lyme  xv  s. 

Item  to  the  stone  drayers  iiij  s. 

Item  to  wodcocke  iij  s. 

Item  to  lohn  homborne  for  vj  lode  of  stones  carriage  from  30 

Chidioke  vij  s.  viij  d. 
Item  to  Steven  hardy  for  vj  lode  of  stones  carriage  from 

Chidioke  vij  s.  viij  d. 

Item  for  the  carriage  of  sande  x  d. 

Item  to  ij  persons  for  help  ladinge  of  stones  viij  d.    35 

Item  to  the  stone  drayers  ix  s.  vj  d. 

Item  to  buckerell  for  help  ladinge  of  stones  iiij  d. 

Item  to  George  ffranck  for  his  horse  heir  and  other  charg«  ij  s.  viij  d. 

Item  delyu^rd  mr  Thatcher  vpon  assumpsit  vj  s. 

3/  munday  . .    whitsundaye:   28  May  1 593 
41  Assension  day:    24  May  1 593 

BR1DPORT  1592-3 

Item  for  xiiij  hodgsheddw  of  here  at  xij  s.  the  hodgshedd  to 

mr  Richard  Russell  vii*  ''•  vii)  s" 

Item  for  x  \3ushells  of  wheat 

Item  to  Thomas  Triptree  for  mutton  xv  s.  x  d. 

Item  for  ij  quarts  of  wyne  and  suger  for  master  docter  lames  ij  s. 

Item  for  v  quartw  of  wyne  docter  Gray  had  at  the  east  bridge  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  to  Nicholas  hardy  for  fettinge  of  ij  calves  viij  d. 

Item  for  a  pecke  of  wheat  for  cakes  i*  d. 

Summa  pagine  xviij  li.  vij  d. 


Item  for  half  a  bushel!  of  whe'a'te  my  wief  bought  to  make 

houshold  breade  xviij  d. 

Item  for  a  calf  bought  by  mr  baylie  mone  vj  s.  ij  d. 

Item  to  Nicholas  hardy  for  a  q*«mer  of  beof  xxij  s.  iiij  d.     15 

Item  paid  more  for  beof  vj  s.  viij  d. 

Item  for  mutton  xvj  d. 

Item  for  fetchinge  a  calf  iij  d. 

Item  paid  to  Nicholas  hardy  for  iiij  lambes  xx  s. 

Item  for  viij  li.  of  powder  viij  s.     :o 

Item  for  lyveryes  for  the  musicions  ij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  for  rushes  xiiij  d. 

Item  for  half  a  calf  of  Nicholas  hardy  iiij  s. 

Item  for  a  quarter  of  mutton  ij  s.  x  d. 

Item  for  suger  for  the  kytchin  iij  s.     25 

Item  for  xiiij  quart«ofwine  for  the  Iustic«  xij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  for  ij  gammons  of  bacon  iij  s. 

Item  for  a  rostinge  pigge  ij  s. 

Item  spent  at  Shipton  iij  s. 

Item  spent  at  Symondsboroughe  iij  s.     30 
Item  for  iij  [wine]  quart«of  wyne  mr  pound  called  for 

when  the  Iustic«were  here  ij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  to  the  Coke  for  his  wag«  iij  $. 

Item  for  a  bed  of  mutton  xviij  d. 

Item  for  vj  quarts  of  wine  when  docter  Gray  supped  here  iiij  s.  vj  d.     35 

Item  for  viij  chicking^  xx  d. 

Item  for  viij  chicking«  xvj  d. 

Item  for  ix  chickinge  xviij  J 

Item  for  ij  capons  xvj  J 

Item  for  butter  iij  s.  vj  J      w 

Item  for  a  capon  viij  j 

Item  to  lohn  Russell  for  chicking^  ij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  for  viij  chicken  xvjj  <-{ 

152  BRIDPORT  1592-3 

Item  for  ix  chicken  xx  d. 

Item  for  iij  dozen  of  trenchard«  v  d. 

Item  for  vittuels  for  the  musicions  from  wensday  vntyll  Sunday  v  s. 

Item  to  Nicholas  hardy  for  iij  calves  xxx  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  to  Nicholas  hardy  for  half  a  mutton  iiij  s.      5 

Item  for  sending  for  the  bandore  ij  s. 

Summa  pagine  viij  li.  xj  s.  ix  d.  I 

Item  for  a  capon  viij  d.     10 

Item  to  Swete  for  half  a  veale  v  s. 

Item  for  a  quarter  of  veale  ij  s. 

Item  to  Crabbe  for  beof  ij  s.  viij  d. 

Item  for  mackerell  ij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  for  butter  iij  s.     15 

Item  for  beof  ij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  for  wyne  on  satturday  after  whitsunday  for  mr  Preston  xviij  d. 

Item  to  Peter  for  viij  dayes  travell  in  the  holidayes  ij  s. 

Item  to  chr/Vrofer  Snell  for  a  dayes  work  viij  d. 
Item  to  Prynce  for  meting  Sir  George  Trencharde  for  o«r  warninge       iiij  d.    20 

Item  for  prewance  ij  $. 

Item  for  vij  quarts  of  vyniger  xxj  d. 

Item  for  iij  li.  of  suger  ij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  for  glasses  burste  and  lost  ij  s.  vj  d. 

Item  for  salt  xij  d.    25 

Item  for  viij  li.  of  bacon  ij  5.  viij  d. 

Item  to  mr  whithed  for  v  bushells  of  wheat  xv  s. 

Item  to  mr  wey  for  iij  bushells  wheate  ix  s. 

Item  to  Robm  Buckerell  for  his  mare  for  iiij  dayes  ij  s. 

Item  for  the  colirs  of  Henry  Browne  and  George  ffrancke  xiij  s.    30 

Item  for  sope  and  candels  xij  d. 

Item  for  bakinge  of  breade  xij  d. 

Item  for  iij  quarts  of  wyne  for  the  kinge  of  loder  ij  s.  viij  d. 

Item  to  Alforde  for  beof  ij  s. 

Item  paid  and  delyu^rd  to  George  ffrancke  for  and  towardes  35 

the  buyldinge  of  the  house  x  li. 
Item  more  delyuml  to  mr  maynarde  by  the  wief  of  Henry  Browne 

to  the  townes  vse  iij  li. 

17     0     9  I  « 

17/  satturday  ...  whitsunday:    9 June  1593 

BRIDPORT  1592-1607 

Charge  for  vituels  when  docter  lames 

dyned  with  vs.  and  other  payments. 
Item  for  a  calf 

Item  for  a  sholder  and  a  breast  of  veale  xvj  d. 

Item  for  a  fan  lambe  iiij  s.  iiij  d.      5 

Item  for  chicken  ij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  for  a  hocke  of  veale  xij  d. 

Item  to  Clare  for  a  dayes  worke  xij  d. 

Item  to  williams  for  her  worke  uj  s. 

Item  for  tripes  iiij  d.     if 

Item  to  the  musicions  for  there  wagw  Liij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item  for  there  lodginge  ij  s. 
Item  to  Locke  for  mendinge  the  drome  and  his  worke  about 

the  bower  ij  s.  x  d. 

Item  to  Orcharde  for  his  intendance  xij  d.     is 

Item  to  Thomas  Buckcombe  iiij  d. 

Item  to  George  Guyer  vj  d. 

Item  to  Robert  wey  for  frethinge  the  bower  vj  d. 

Summa  iiij  li.  xxij  d.  20 


Town  Account     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M18/10 

f  [1]* 


Itew  for  making  of  lackalent  and  for  ahorse  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

f  [3]* 


Itew  paid  more  to  Mr  Tiggins  for  the  yearell  of  bedfords  [m]  mens 

svpper  ij  s. 

1606-7  35 

Court  Leet  Proceedings     DRO:   DC/BTB-.  C87,  item  2 
single  mb  (6  October) 

. iiijd.      Itmi  that  the  buttwbe  sett  vp.  befor{.. .) 

And  that  the  highway  in  the  streete( . . . )  the  bulring:  &  before  the  signe  of      w 
th  (...)  nexte  vpon  payne 


BRIDPORT  1609-14 

This  is  not 
concludd  but 
referred  vntill 
the  next  law 


Court  Leet  Proceedings 

f  23*  (19  March) 

DRO:    DC/BTB:  C88 

Also  the  said  Bailiffw  haue  placed  Thomas  maniford  one  of  the  sones  of  the 
said  John  maniford  decessed,  w/th  one  William  Keele  musitian  w/th  him  to 
dwell  &  serve  as  an  apprentice  from  the  feast  of  the  Anuwciac/on  of  o«r 
Lady  the  virgin  next  coming  ffor  (blank)  yeres  thence  following  fully  to  be 
complete  By  and  vnder  the  covenants  before  expressed  and  that  the  said 
wilL/iZm  shall  w/th  due  expedic/on  and  assone  as  the  said  Thomas  shalbe 
capable  thervnto.  teach  &  informe  his  said  apprentice  in  the  art  &  mistery 
of  musicke.  w/th  gentle  vsage  &  moderate  correction. 


Bill  of  Complaint  in  Miller  et  al  v.  Maries  et  al 

mb   4*  (1  June) 

PRO:   STAC  8/2 14/2 

To  the  King«  most  excellent  Majestic 

In  humble  manner  shew  and  informe  vnto  yowr  most  excellent  Maieme 
your  Highnes  humble  and  obedient  subiect«  Robr-rte  Miller  Aaron  Cooke 
Nicholas  Horsford  Angell  Churchill  lohn  Chard  Will/am  Whettam  William 
Colefox  Walter  Hussey  alias  Bayly  Inhabitants  w/thin  the  Borough  Towne 
of  Bridport  in  the  County  of  Dorset  That  wheras  Yo«r  said  Subiectw  having 
for  many  yeares  togither  now  last  past  inhabited  and  dwelt  w/thin  the  same 
Towne  of  Bridport,  haue  soe  carefully  ordered  and  caried  themselves  in  all 
their  acc/ons,  and  lived  w;thin  the  same  Towne  in  such  honest  and  civill 
manner  that  never  any  iust  excepc/on  was  heertofore  taken  against  them  nor 
any  cause  by  them  given  wherby  any  scandale  or  reproach  might  any  way 
arise  or  grow  to  blemish  their  honest  fames  and  reputac/ons:  Insomuch  as 
there  hath  ben  a  special!  choise  made  of  yowr  said  Subiect  Robme  Miller  to 
execute  the  Office  of  a  Bailiffe  w/thin  the  same  Borough  w/?/ch  hee  hath 
discharged  w/th  such  faithful!  and  dutiful!  service  to  yowr  Majestic  as  the  same 
his  office  did  require.  Yet  soe  it  is  may  it  please  Yo«r  most  excellent  Maieme 
that  William  Maries  of  Bridport  aforesaid  Barber  lohn  Lack  of  Bridport 
aforesaid  Mercer  lohn  Abbott  the  Yonger  of  Bridport  aforesaid  Mercer  lohn 
Lea  of  Bridport  aforesaid  Mercer  Anthony  Mathew  of  Bridport  aforesaid 
yoman  Thomas  Lack  of  Bridport  aforesaid  Shoemaker  A   Hugh  Syms  Will/am 
Osburne     and  Will/tfm  Marshall  of  Bridport  aforesaid  Miller,  and  diners 
other  persons  to  yowr  Majesties  said  Subiectw  yet  vnknowne  whose  names  Yo«r 
v  rsaid    Subiect«  humbly  pray  may  bee  by  License  of  this  Honorable  Co«rt 







12/  wuh:   w  damaged  by  small  hole 

BRIDPORT  1613-14 

inserted  into  this  Bill  of  Complaint  when  they  shall  bee  knowne,  envying 
and  repyning  at  the  prosperity  and  good  fame  of yo«r  said  Subiectw  and  of 
dium  other  Yowr  Mziesties  Subiectw  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport 
of  honest  fame  and  conversacion  haue  /in  or  about  the  moneth  of  January 
now  last  past1  vnlawfully  conspired  and  practized  how  they  might  not  only       5 
soyle  and  blemish  but  vtterly  extinguish  and  take  away  the  honest  fame  and 
reputac/on  of yo«r  said  Subiect«  for  ever,  ffor  which  purpose  they  the  said 
Willwm  Maries  lohn  Lack  lohn  Abbott  John  Lea  Anthony  Mathew  Thomas 
Lack  /"Hughe  Syms  William  Osborn"1  and  Willwm  Marshall  haue  devised 
made  and  contrived  /in  writing1  diuers  infamous  Scandalous  &  ignomynious    10 
Libelles  in  verse  which  they  have  sithence  published  dispersed  and  divulged 
tending  to  the  traducing  of  your  said  subiectw,  and  of  diuers  other  Yo«r 
Majesties  Sublectes  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport,  and  to  the 
taxing  and  upbraiding  them  for  following  religious  exercises  by  the  Church 
of  England  established  and  by  your  Ma/'«t/'«  Ecclesiastical!  Lawes  enioyned      15 
And  namely  on  ror  about1  the  first  day  of  ffebruary  now  last  past  the  said 
Willwm  Maries  lohn  Lack  lohn  Abbott  lohn  Lea  Anthony  Mathew  Thomas 
Lack  A'°Hugh  Syms  William  Osburne"1  and  Will/am  Marshall,  by  the 
vnlawfull  conspiracy  and  practise  aforesaide  and  in  accomplishment  therof, 
did  vnlawfully  make,  write,  and  contrive  a  false  scandalous  and  ignomynious    20 
Libell  in  verse  against  yowr  said  subiect«,  and  other  Yowr  Majesties  Subiectes 
Inhabitants  w/thin  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport  which  Libell  followeth  in 
these  wordwviz.  Runne  hosford  runne  lohn  Chard  make  haste  Will/aw 
Colfox  make  noe  staye,  for  Miller  with  his  trayne  is  gonne,  make  hast  therfore 
I  saie:  William  Whettam  calle  Tom  Merifeilde  lohn  Bishope  and  the  rest,      25 
for  Baylye  and  the  Angell  bright  with  book  are  redy  prest:  Sweete  Beniamine 
(Camelion  lite)  make  haste  I  do  thee  pray,  lames  Whettam  Balston  and  Tom 
Shutt  remember  Harry  Waye:  for  Arons  howse  is  fully  fraught,  with  preachers 
in  greate  store,  Come  quickly  then  delay  noe  tyme,  make  hast  I  say  therfore: 
Doe  not  forgett  our  sisters  deare;  for  they  with  vs  must  pray,  and  sing  a         30 
Psalme  before  they  preache,  therfore  make  noe  delaye.  Lett  Baylyes  wife  call 
Beniamins,  Alice  Wade  she  will  attende,  and  Whettams  wives  to  Akermans 
they  forth  wzth  speede  will  sende;  In  any  case  lett  Buckerelles  trulls  with 
Mris  Mullins  mayde  Call  Ostelers  wiefe  for  they  will  shedd  greate  store  of 
teares  tis  saide,  Nell  Merifeild  calle  Angells  wife  two  sisters  passinge  brave;      35 
with  BaJstons  wife  and  many  more  whose  company  wee  crave.  Proude  Agnes 
Mris  Paynes  fyne  mayde  for  marriage  she  doth  looke  because  shee  hath 
bestowed  some  coste,  to  buy  a  faire  newe  booke.  Remember  likewise  speedily 
to  send  for  lohn  Wads  wife,  for  shee  is  calld  wzth  Moore  tis  saide  to  leade  an 
honest  life:  At  lohn  Chards  howse  you  shall  bee  sure  your  Company  to  meete,   40 

18-19/  by  the  vnlawfull    . .  practise    apparently  written  over  an  erasure 

156  BRIDPORT  1613-14 

where  they  w/'th  salutations  most  kindly  will  you  greete;  there  Cheverell  wzth 
Counsell  grave  instructions  will  give  And  Aroun  Cooke  your  Consciences 
beinge  wounded  will  relive:  When  Arons  rodd  begins  to  budd,  and  yeldeth 
forth  his  blosome,  these  minssinge  dames  doe  think  indede,  for  them  tis  good 
and  holesome.  The  pride  of  flesh  doth  often  swell  his  spiritt  doth  him  move     5 
and  they  with  him  incontinent  will  enterchange  their  love,  ffor  he  doth  often 
walke  abroade  w;th  them  for  recreation.  It  is  the  only  way  for  soothe  for 
wenches  of  theire  fashion.  Hee  is  god  wate  a  man  of  note  w/th  them  to  goe 
or  ride,  his  spiritt  moves  still  to  their  loves  at  every  tyme  and  tyde:  What  shall 
I  saye  both  night  and  day  their  lusts  they  will  fulfill,  Therfore  tis  tyme  to        10 
end  this  ryme  and  leaue  them  to  their  Will,  finis.  Ignore./  In  and  by  which 
Libell  they  haue  maliciously  and  falsely  slaundered  yowr  said  subiects  and 
other  honest  Inhabitants  w/thin  the  said  Towne,  and  in  coverte  termes  taxed 
them  Yowr  Maiesttes  said  subjects  and  diiurs  other  Inhabitants  of  the  said 
Towne  of  Bridport  w/th  mcontynency  and  other  crymes.  And  having  made      15 
or  caused  to  be  made  contrived  and  writen  the  said  slaunderous  Libell  as 
aforesaid,  they  the  said  Will/^rn  Maries  lohn  Lack,  lohn  Abbott  lohn  Lea 
Anthony  Mathew  Thomas  Lack  /"Hugh  Syms;  Willwm  Osburne"1  and 
Willwm  Marshall  on  or  about  the  second  day  of  the  said  moneth  of  February 
now  last  past  and  at  dium  and  sundry  tymes  sithence  haue  maliciously  and    20 
vnlawfully  published  the  said  Libell,  by  repeating  singing  and  vttering  dium 
verses  and  parts  therof  And  haue  dispersed  and  cast  abroade  sondry  Copies 
of  the  said  Libell  in  sondry  placsof  the  said  Borough  of  Bridport,  of  intente 
and  purpose  to  publish  the  same  to  the  slaunder  and  wrong  of  yowr  said 
Subiect«.  And  the  said  Will/tfm  Maries  on  or  about  the  Third  day  of  the  said     25 
moneth  of  ffebruary  now  last  past  came  into  the  Shopp  of  one  Thomas  Chard 
Mercer  in  Bridport  aforesaid  and  then  and  there  [in  the  presence  of  dium 
Inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne],  by  the  abettemfwt  aduise  and  procurement 
of  the  rest  of  the  said  confederate  did  vnlawfully  publishe  and  reade  the  said 
Libell  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  a  greate  nomber  of  your  Majesties  loving    30 
subjects  then  and  there  prsmte:  wherof  your  said  subjects  having  intelligence, 
made  complaynt  of  the  same  to  one  Mr.  Pitt  (then  and  yet  one  of  the 
Bailiffs  of  the  said  Borough  of  Bridport)  whoe  being  willing  to  suppresse  the 
same  scandalous  Libell,  required  the  said  Will/tfm  Maries  to  deliufrvnto  him 
the  said  Bailiffe  the  same  Libell,  but  the  said  Maries  (thinking  hee  should        35 
then  fayle,  of  the  end  hee  aymed  at  viz.  A'the'  disgracing  Your  said  subjects) 
yf  hee  should  deliuerthe  same  Libell  to  the  said  Bailiffe)  refused  soe  to  doe 
saying  hee  would  first  write  a  Copy  of  it.  And  afterwards  on  or  about  the 
same  Third  day  of  ffebruary  the  said  Will/Win  Maries  did  write  a  Copy  of  the 
same  Libell  and  the  said  Mr  Pitt  repayring  againe  vnto  him  the  said  Willwm  40 

36/  subicciw):   closing  parentheiu  used  in  error  for  comma  (?) 

BRIDPORT  1613-14 

Maries  required  him  to  deliver  the  same  Libell  and  the  Copy  therof  (wAz'ch 
hee  had  writen)  vnto  him  the  said  Mr.  Pitt,  and  the  said  Maries  delivered  the 
said  Libell  to  the  said  Mr.  Pitt  but  did  not  deliufrto  the  said  Mr.  Pitt  the 
said  Copy  w/7/ch  hee  che  said  Maries  had  soe  newly  writen/  And  after  hee 
had  delinked  away  the  said  Libell,  the  same  day  hee  the  saide  Maries  having     5 
the  Copy  of  the  same  Libell,  did  reade  the  same  in  the  presence  and  hearing 
of  sondry  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport  at  the  Shoppe  of  one 
George  Waye  glover  in  Bridport  aforesaid.  And  the  said  Willwm  Maries 
conrynewing  still  in  his  malicious  course  against  yo«r  said  Subiectsdid  on 
or  about  the  Eighth  day  of  the  said  moneth  of  ffebruary  shew  a  copy  of  the      10 
same  Libell  vnto  one  Thomas  Bagge  an  Inhabitant  w/thin  the  said  Towne  of 
Bridport,  and  hath  sithence  given  out  diiurs  Copies  of  the  same  Libell  vnto 
other  pmonnes.  And  the  said  John  Lea  on  or  about  the  said  Third  day  of 
ffebruary  did  vnlawfully  publish  and  reade  in  the  presence  of  diuifrs  Inhabitants 
of  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport  the  said  Libell  out  of  an  other  Copy  wA/ch         15 
hee  had  gotten  therof:  whereof  yowr  said  Subiect  Angell  Churchill  having 
notice  repayred  vnto  him  and  desired  him  to  deliufr  the  said  Copy  vnto  him 
the  said  Angell  Churchill  that  he  might  suppresse  it  which  the  said  Lea  refused 
to  doe.  But  in  a  short  space  after  viz.  an  hower  or  therabouts,  the  said  lohn 
Abbot,  one  other  of  the  said  confederate  came  into  the  Shop  where  Yowr          20 
said  Subiecte  Angell  Churchill  and  the  said  Lea  were,  and  then  the  said  Lea 
deliu^red  the  same  to  the  said  Abbot  (whome  the  said  Lea  then  served)  and 
the  said  Abbott  did  then  and  there  vnlawfully  reade  and  publish  the  same 
Libell  openly  in  the  said  shop  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  diuers  persons 
and  smyled  as  hee  was  reading  it,  and  did  well  like  and  allow  therof.  And          25 
the  said  Will/^m  Marshall  on  or  about  the  Sixth  day  of  the  said  moneth  of 
ffebruary  now  last  past  came  into  the  howse  of  one  Thomas  Peirs  in  Bridport 
aforesaid,  and  then  and  there  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  diufrs  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport  did  singe  certen  verses  of  the  said 
Libell,  and  then  and  there  drew  out  a  copy  therof  out  of  his  pockett  and         30 
deliu^red  the  same  vnto  one  John  Moone  gentleman  that  hee  might  reade  it: 
but  the  said  Mr.  Moone  endeauoring  to  suppresse  the  said  Libell  offered  to 
cast  the  same  into  the  fire  w/;/ch  the  said  Marshall  perceiving  speedily  caught 
the  same  away  againe,  and  saide  yf  Mr.  Moone  had  burned  the  same,  yet 
hee  had  an  other  copy  of  the  said  Libell.  And  the  said  Willwm  Maries  lohn     }<, 
Lack  lohn  Abbott  lohn  Lea  Anthony  Mathew  Thomas  Lack  /"Hugh  Syms 
William  Osburne"    and  William  Marshall  in  farther  prosecuc/on  of  their 
former  malicious  and  vnlawfull  confederacyes  and  practises  against  your  said 
Subiectfj  and  that  their  purpose  of  defaming  and  disgracing  Yo!<r  said 
subiectn  might  the  better  take  effect,  on,  or  about  the  said  ffirst  day  of          40 
ffebruary  now  last  past  did  vnlawfully  make  write  and  contrive,  and  cause  to 
be  made  writen  and  contrived  an  other  false  scandalous  and  ignomynious 

158  BR1DPORT  1613-14 

Libell  in  verse  against  your  said  Subiectw  and  other  Yo«r  Majesties  subiect« 
Inhabitants  w/thin  the  said  Towne  of  Bridport,  which  Libell  followeth  in 
these  wordwviz.  The  puritans  of  Bridporte  Towne;  I  wonder  what  they  meane 
to  gorge  themselves  soe  full  of  zeall  being  out  of  Charity  cleane:  I  never  yet 
saw  one  of  them  that  will  small  faults  forgive;  but  yf  they  haue  the  vpper        5 
hand  they  counts  them  selves  a  sheerve.  The  lord«  praier  they  forgett,  they 
doe  it  not  remember  as  did  apeere  in  towne  of  late,  now  in  this  last  December. 
A.  meane  man  can  thou  not  entreate  no  not  a  Justice  of  peace;  they  shewe 
their  malice  what  it  is,  and  still  doth  it  increase,  Yet  now  they  haue  a  man  in 
Towne:  as  some  of  them  reporte  that  he  an  ang  e  lie  is  full  shewer  wherfore     10 
they  doe  resorte,  aswell  by  night  as  by  the  day,  for  they  will  spare  noe  tyme 
to  haue  the  word«  that  hee  doth  saye,  and  all  to  make  a  cryme;  I  doe  confTese 
its  verie  good  the  word  of  god  to  heare,  soe  that  wee  make  good  vse  of  it, 
and  keepe  our  Conscience  cleere.  But  they  soe  full  of  Mallice  bee,  that  all 
will  not  prevaile,  although  the  offence  it  bee  but  small,  yet  need«  they  must    15 
to  gaylle;  Yet  she  had  bine  a  woman  knowne,  and  one  of  their  owne  minde, 
and  donne  some  matter  worse  then  that,  they  would  haue  proved  kinde: 
There  was  of  late  as  I  did  heere  a  matter  did  befalle  as  more  at  large  it  will 
appeer  it  was  in  the  new  hall,  of  some  that  shewed  littell  witt  when  they  came 
forth  of  doore,  it  seemes  that  they  had  neuer  a  whitt  nor  yet  they  bee  but     20 
poore.  Though  poore  in  wealth  as  I  doe  meane  which  is  a  thing  most  shewer, 
Yet  rich  to  godward  may  they  bee,  god  graunte  it  may  endewer.  An  other 
matter  beyond  all  this  doth  make  mee  much  to  wonder,  how  that  the  cloths 
from  saddele  treese  is  grone  soe  far  a  sounder.  Thire  is  one  in  towne  haue 
made  reporte  although  it  was  but  evill,  his  dearest  frinde  his  father  went  the    25 
next  way  to  the  Divill,  one  yonge  man  more  which  in  this  towne  some 
hundred  marke  haue  spente,  in  beer  and  aJle  and  other  thinges  yet  now  hee 
doth  repente,  such  a  winter  as  this  I  never  sawe  for  mildnesse  of  the  weather, 
I  wonder  men  should  pay  soe  deere  for  shewes  which  bee  of  leather  And  hee 
that  did  these  verses  make  Yf  you  did  knowe  his  name  some  shame  hearof       30 
that  he  mighte  take  that  he  doth  not  the  same.  And  yet  hee  is  a  learned  man 
as  by  this  verse  doth  showe,  yet  let  hym  doe  al  that  he  can  the  crew  will  not 
him  knowe,  and  yet  he  can  the  scriptuer  Read,  and  alsoe  vnderstand,  yet  all 
the  knowledge  that  hee  haue,  is  out  of  god«  owne  hand:  me  thinke  we 
shoulde  not  haue  it  so  a  new  broome  to  take  place;  to  put  the  old  broome      35 
out  of  date,  beinge  comely  in  the  place.  The  best  of  vs  must  haue  an  end 
and  soe  shall  now  my  Ryme  god  graunt  that  we  may  all  amend  to  morowe 
in  [the]  morning  be  tyme:  Vbi  incip^ris  nole  luri  melier  ibi  Ensines  esse  bonas. 
In  and  by  which  later  Libell  they  haue  maliciously  and  falsely  slaundered 

38/  Vbi  ...  boms:   written  in  display  script 

BRIDPORT  1613-14 

your  said  subjects  and  other  Yowr  Majesties  subjects  Inhabitants  w;thin  the 
said  Towne  of  Bridporte  w/'th  dium  odious  crymes  and  misdemeanors,  but 
very  covertly  and  darkJy  not  naming  but  meaning  yowr  said  Subiects,  and 
diiwrs  other  Yowr  Majesties  subiecte  Inhabitants  wnhin  the  said  towne  of 
Bridport.  And  the  said  confederate  having  made  and  caused  to  be  made 
contrived  and  wricen  the  said  second  slaunderous  Libell,  they  the  said  William 
Maries,  lohn  Lack  lohn  Abbott  lohn  Lea  Anthony  Mathew  Thomas  Lack 
and  William  Marshall  on  or  about  the  said  second  day  of  ffebruary  now  last 
past,  and  at  diuirrs  and  sondry  tymes  sithence  haue  maliciously  and  vnlawfully 
at  Bridport  aforesaid  published  vttered  repeated  and  songe  the  said  second       10 
Libell.  And  haue  dispersed  and  cast  abroade,  and  caused  to  bee  dispersed 
and  cast  abroade  diuers  Copyes  of  the  said  second  Libell  in  sondrey  place  of 
the  said  Towne  of  Bridport.  And  to  the  intent  that  they  might  yet  bring  Yo«r 
said  Subiectw  into  more  disgrace,  the  said  Anthony  Mathew,  on  or  about 
the  same  second  day  of  ffebruary  now  last  past  did  deliu<fr  a  Copy  of  the  15 

said  second  Libell  vnto  one  Thomas  Waye  of  Bridport  aforesaide  tellinge  the 
said  Way  that  hee  should  haue  it  bicause  it  concerned  him  the  said  Way,  Yet 
bound  him  by  an  oath  to  returne  the  same  to  him  the  said  Mathew  againe, 
W/7/ch  the  said  Way  accordingly  did  deliuer  vnto  him  the  said  Mathew.  And 
afterward  A  on  or    about  the  A  said    Third  day  of  the  said  moneth  of  ffebruary  20 
now  last  past  the  said  Mathew  delinked  the  same  second  Libell  vnto  the 
said  lohn  Lack,  one  other  of  the  said  confederate;  and  the  said  lohn  Lack 
on  or  about  the  ffowrth  day  of  the  said  moneth  of  ffebruary  now  last  past 
did  reade  the  same  second  Libell  openly  in  the  streete  of  the  said  Towne  of 
Bridport  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  dium  Inhabitants  of  the  same  25 

Borough  of  Bridport.  And  on  or  about  the  Tenth  day  of  the  A  same    moneth 
of  ffebruary  now  last  past  the  said  lohn  Lack  deliu^red  a  Copy  of  the  same 
second  Libell  vnto  the  said  Thomas  Lack,  whoe  on  or  about  the  said  Tenth 
day  of  ffebruary  caried  the  same  Lybell  vnto  one  Henry  Waye,  willing  him 
to  reade  it  whoe  read  it  accordingly;  and  whiles  hee  was  reading  of  a  certen      30 
verse  therin,  the  said  Thomas  Lack  stroke  the  said  Henry  Waye  on  the 
shoulder  saying:  there  is  for  thee:  and  when  he  read  and  other  verse  therin, 
the  said  Thomas  Lack  saide  there  is  for  an  other,  naming  one  of yowr  said 
subjects,  Wherby  it  appeareth  manifestly  that  hee  the  said  Thomas  Lack 
knew  whoe  were  meant  in  and  by  the  said  second  Libell.  Now  forasmuch  as    35 
the  making  dispersing  publishing  and  publike  reading  of  such  slanderous 
reproachfull  false  and  ignominious  Libelles  wherby  Yowr  said  subjects  heerin 
named,  and  diuers  other  Your  Ma/ens  loving  subiects,  and  their  good  and 
honest  fame  credit  and  reputac/on  are  traduced  taxed  slaundered  and  drawne 

32/  and  other:  for  an  other 

160  BRIDPORT  1613-14 

in  question,  and  therby  Yo«r  said  subiect«and  the  rest  soe  slaundered,  are 
left  as  publike  and  notorious  examples  of  disgrace  obliquy  and  infamy, 
without  iust  cause  given  is  contrary  to  the  Lawes  of  this  Realme  now  in  force 
for  the  better  suppressing  of  suche  enormous  offence*  and  misdemeanors. 
And  forasmuch  as  daily  experience  doth  witnes,  that  greate  evilles  doe  spring     5 
from  this  seditious  and  Divelish  course  of  casting  forth  Libelles  amongst 
yo*<r  Majesties  Subiecter  and  how  dangerous  it  is  to  the  quiet  estate  of  this 
Yowr  Majesties  peaceable  gouerwmewt,  yf  such  notorious  offenders  and 
malefactors  should  escape  vnpunished.  And  forasmuch  as  the  making  and 
publishing  of  the  said  pernicious  Libelles  by  the  personnes  before  named  and    10 
all  other  the  offence*  and  misdemeanors  aforespecified  haue  ben  perpetrated 
and  committed  sithence  Yoz/r  Maiesties   last  most  gracious    [most]  general! 
and  free  Pardon  A   and  are  directlie  contrarie  to  diverse  your  majesties  good 
and  holesome  lawes  and  ordinwaunces  of  this  your  highnes  realme  of 
Englande"    and  doe  not  only  deprave  Yowr  said  subiecte*  and  deprive  them       15 
of  their  good  name  and  reputaczon  (w/7/ch  they  hold  and  esteeme  as  precious 
as  their  lives  and  haue  formerly  received  and  enioyed  much  comfort  therin) 
but  alsoe  derogate  from  Codes  glory  whoe  by  such  abhorred  courses  and 
Divelish  practizes  is  infinitely  dishonored  and  Yowr  said  subiecte*  haue 
received  and  sustayned  greate  damage  and  losse  therby  in  their  credittw  and     20 
reputac/ons  wherof  they  humbly  pray  reliefe  in  this  Yo«r  Majesties  high  Cozm 
of  Starechamber  May  it  therfore  please  yo«r  most  excellent  Majestic  to 
graunt  vnto  yowr  humble  subiecte*  'Your  Maiesties  most  gratious  writt  and 
written  of  Subpena  to  bee  directed  vnto  them  the  said  William  Maries  lohn 
Lack  lohn  Abbott  lohn  Lea  Anthony  Mathew  Thomas  Lack  Ar°Hughe  Sims    25 
William  Oburne"1  and  Willwm  Marshall  comaunding  them  and  euery  of 
them  therby  vpon  a  certen  daye  and  vnder  a  certen  payne  therin  to  be 
lymited  A  &  comprised    personally  to  appeare  and  bee  before  yowr  Maiestie 
and  yowr  highnes  most  Honourable  Counsell  in  yowr  high  Cowrt  of 
Starchamber  then  and  there  upon  their  corporall  oathes  to  answeare  the       30 
premisses  And  farther  to  stand  to  and  abide  suche  farther  order  and  censure 
heerin  as  to  your  Maiestie  &  your  said  Counsell  shall  seeme  fitt  to  bee  laide 
and  inflicted  on  suche  heynous  offenders  and  malefactors  And  yowr  said 
humble  subiecte*  shall  ever  (according  to  their  bounden  duty)  pray  vnto  god 
for  the  contynuance  of  your  Majesties  prosperous  and  royall  Reigne  over  vs/     35 

(signed)  lames  More 
Francis  Ashley 

26/   Oburne:  yorOsburnc 

BRIDPORT  1613-14  l61 

Answer  of  Defendants  in  Miller  et  al  v.  Maries  et  al     PRO:   STAC  8/214/2 
mb  2*  (11  July) 

The  Aunsweres  of  Hugh  Symes  Anthony  Mathewe  and 
die  iulij  A*m>  Willwm  Marshall  defendants  to  the  Bill  of  Complaynte 

SffS/  of  Robert  Miller  and  others  Complaynanw/ 

°Harkcr°  The  dcfendantes  by  protestac/on,  not  acknowledging  nor  confesseing  any  of 

the  Matters  in  the  said  Bill  of  Complaynte  agaynst  them  exhibited  to  be 
true,  in  maner,  and  forme  as  in  the  said  Bill  the  same  are  sett  forth  agaynst       10 
them,  And  aisoe  saveing  vnto  them  Selves'  nowe,  and  at  all  tymes  hereafter 
all  advantages  of  excepczon  to  the  vncertenty  and  insufficyency  of  the  sayd 
Bill  of  Complainte  for  plea  and  Aunswere  therevnto  they  saye  That  longe 
before  the  exhibiting  of  theire  said  Bill  of  Complaynte  the  Complaynant« 
and  divers  others  of  the  inh/j6itant«of  Bridporte  aforesaide  to  the  nomber      15 
of  one  hundred  and  vpward«  being  poore  simple  people  both  men  weomen 
and  Maydes  often  assembled  themselves  to  some  of  cheire  owne  privatt 
howses  in  A  the    night  tymes  and  there  handled  and  expounded  parcells  of 
scripture  Counterfeytmg  preaching  and  Sange  Psalmes  pretending  to  professe 
a  more  pure  and  zealous  religion  then  others  And  alsoe  often  tymes  gave         20 
enterceynment  to  one  Traske  a  young  hot  headed  and  excommunycated 
Mynister  and  one  (blank)  Cheverell  a  yonge  Scholemaster  and  preacher  of 
the  same  sect  or  oppynion  Notw/thstanding  the  Rector  and  person  of  the 
same  p^rishe  and  Towne  being  a  Reverend  and  learned  preacher  dothe  take 
greate  paynes  w/th  his  Charge  being  most  willing  to  Teache  Conferre  and       25 
give  satisfacaon  to  any  desirous  to  be  satisfied  in  or  of  Doutfull  questions 
or  poynctes  of  Religyon,  Nevertheles  the  said  Comp\aynantes  and  theire 
Accomplices  vtterly  depyse  his  doctryne;  deriding  and  making  a  laughing- 
game  at  him  and  give  out  in  speeches  that  they  had  as  rather  here  A  dogge 
barke  as  here  him  preache,  and  that  yf  he  were  dead  he  would  affrighte  the      30 
devells  w/'th  many  other  vnseemely  wordwof  reproche  bothe  of  him  and 
others  deceassed  which  theire  assemblyes  and  Conventicles  moved  divers  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Bridporte  to  suspecte  that  theire  meeteing«were  not  in 
deed  to  any  good  purposes,  but  rather  to  some  evell  and  licentious  ende, 
and  weare  the  rather  moved  to  thinke  soe  because  of  theire  ffeastinge  and       35 
drinckeing  of  greate  store  of  wyne  at  such  theire  meetings  And  theire 
assembleyes  and  Conventicles  being  contrarye  to  his  Majesties  lawes  of  this 
ReaJme  they  the  said  Complaynantes  and  divers  other  of  theire  said  assotiat« 
were  by  the  Churchwardens  of  the  said  towne  of  Bridporte  presented  in  the 
spiritual!  Courte  before  doctor  Hussey  Chauncelor  of  the  diocesse  of  Bristall   «o 

28/  dcpysc: 

162  BRIDPORT  1613-14 

w/thin  which  lurisdicc/on  they  dwell  for  theire  said  Assemblyes  and 
Conventicles  And  in  shorte  tyme  after  theire  apparaunc«  before  the  said 
docter  and  vppon  the  general!  fame  and  reporte  of  theire  lascivious  vsages 
and  demeasners  at  there  said  meetings  Certen  Rymes  and  verses  were  written 
and  Cast  abowte  the  Towne  which  theis  defendd«t«  doe  thinke  were  devised      5 
and  written  by  the  Complaynanmor  some  of  theire  A  said    Associates 
purposely  in  policye  that  the  same  might  be  supposed  to  have  byn  written 
or  invented  by  the  Churche  wardens  and  other  well  affected  persons  of  the 
same  Towne  thereby  to  seeke  revenge  agaynst  the  said  Churche  wardeynes 
and  such  others  as  the  said  Complaynames  and  theire  said  Complices  10 

*  imagyned    to  dislike  of  theire  famyliar  Assembles  and  Conventicles,  All 
which  theise  defend^wtw  doe  thinke  the  rather  for  that  they  have  herd,  that 
a  written  Ryme  was  deliuered  vnto  one  lohn  Lea  one  of  the  defend^wt« 
menc/oned  in  theire  said  Bill  of  Complaynte,  An  apprentice  and  servant 
vnto  one  lohn  Abbott  Mercer  one  of  the  Churchwardens  and  one  of  the        15 
defendants  likewise  in  theire  said  Bill  menc/oned,  and  the  next  morneing 
very  earlie  Angell  Churchell  a  Taylor  one  of  the  Complaynantwand  one 
Thomas  Bagge  whoe  likewise  favoreth  of  the  Complaynames  Religion  Came 
to  the  shoppe  of  the  said  Abbott  pretending  to  buye  some  of  his  wares,  and 
the  said  lohn  Lea  shewed  them  such  wares  as  they  seemed  to  buye  but  the       20 
said  Churchell  and  Bagg  disliked  the  boyes  prices  and  would  not  buy  of  him 
but  of  his  said  Master,  Therevppon  the  saide  Lea  wente  to  his  Masters  house 
distant  from  the  Shoppe  and  Cawsed  the  said  lohn  Abbott  his  Master,  to  come 
to  the  shopp  And  then  the  said  Churchell,  and  Bagge  made  a  Cold  showe  to 
buy  some  of  his  weares  which  was  not  theire  occasion  but  to  laye  snares  and    25 
baytes  to  entrappe  the  said  lohn  Abbott  to  worke  theire  maJyciouse  revenge 
vppon  him  for  doeing  /but1  his  Office  and  Dewtye  there  vppon  left  the 
priceing«of  the  said  wares,  And  Churchell  told  the  said  Abbott  that  his 
boye  (meaneing  the  said  lohn  Lea)  as  he  hearde  had  Certen  Rymes  written 
in  paper  which  he  desired  to  see,  the  said  Abbott  /aunswered  him1 ,  he  knewe    30 
not  of  yt  And  there  vppon  comaunded  his  boye  to  deliver  them  A  yf  he  had 
any  and  accordingly  the  said  Lea  Deliuered  them    to  the  said  Churchell  or 
Bagge,  Then  they  or  one  of  them  desired  the  said  lohn  Abbott  to  reade 
them  which  he  denyed,  and  they  p<?rswaded  him  yt  was  noe  hurte  therefore 
earnestly  entreated  the  said  Abbott  agayne  to  reade  them,  vppon  whoes  greate    35 
request  the  said  /reade  twoe  or  three  lines  &  Cast  yt  to  the  saide    Churchell 
and  Bagge  agayne  dislikeing  yt,  And  sithence  the  Bill  exhibited  the  said 
Abbott  heareing  that  he  was  menc/oned  a  defendant  in  the  said  Bill  but  not 
then  nor  yet  served  w/th  proces  repaired  to  Miller  one  of  the  principall 
Complaynarnes  and  demaunded  him  what  reason  he  and  the  other  40 

Complaynantes  had  to  Charge  him  vppon  the  said  Bill  of  Complainte  whoe 

36/  (He  said:  for  the  said  Abbott 

BRIDPORT  1613-15  '63 

neu^rintermedled  wnh  any  thing  but  at  the  earnest  request  of  Churchell 
one  of  the  Complaynantes  (as  aforesaid)  the  said  Miller  aunswered  Abbott 
that  he  was  verye  glad  he  had  occasion  to  be  revenged  vppon  him  and  would 
be  revenged  thoughe  he  spente  himselfe  to  his  shirte,  And  the  said  said  Hughe 
Symes  one  of  the  defendd«t«  sayeth  that  one  willwm  Reade,  a  Barber  of          •> 
Bridporte  aforesaid  one  of  the  CompLzywa«t«assotiatt«hath  given  forthe 
that  there  is  a  Bayte  laide  for  him  the  said  Symes,  what  his  meaneing  is  the 
said  defendant  Symes  knoweth  not,  And  for  further  Aunswere  and  plea  vnto 
the  said  Bill  of  Complaynte  theise  defend/z«trt  saye,  and  eyther  and  euery  of 
them  for  himselfe  semrally  sayeth,  That  they  are  not  guilty  nor  eyther  of        10 
them  is  guiltye  of  the  deviseing  makinge  Contriveing  writing  or  devulginge 
of  the  said  Lybells  in  the  said  Bill  of  Complaynte  menc/oned  or  of  any  other 
rhe  Misdemeanenors  in  the  said  Bill  expressed  in  manner  and  forme  as  A  in 
the  said  Bill  the  same  are  sett  forthe  agaynst  them,  All  which  Matters  theise 
defenckm« are  readye  to  averr  and  prove  as  this  right  honorable  Courte  shall      is 
and  will  awarde  And  prayen  and  euery  and  either  of  them  prayeth  seuf  rally 
to  be  dysmyssed  out  of  this  honorable  Courte  w/th  theire  reasonable  Costes 
and  Charges  by  them  wrongefully  susteyned  in  this  behalfe./ 

(signed)  Thomas  hughes 

Swanton  20 


Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M2/1 1 

f  m* 


for  a  bill  of  Inditement  against  the  fidlers  at  Lent  assize  ij  s.  6  d. 

Cofferers' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M8/ 10 

f  [1]  (Payments)  30 

Item  paied  to  Beves  for  paving  the  Bullring  vj  d. 

Item  paied  to  George  Limbert  for  yron  worke  for  the  Bullring  ij  s.  vj  d. 


Answer  of  Defendant  in  Miller  et  al  v.  Maries  et  al     PRO:  STAC  8/2 1 4/2 
mb  3*  (28  November) 

Jurat*  vicesimo  The  aunswere  of  lohn  Abbott  one  of  the  Deffend/zHt«, 

Novembns  to  tne  ^'"  of  Complaynte  of  Robte  Myller  Aaron  Cooke  40 

4/  said  said.   Autography  m  MS  33;  Limbert:   t  corrected  from  A 

16/  prayen:   yc  obscured  by  mk  blotch  40/  Robte:  for  Robme,  abbreviation  mark  m,is,ng 

164  BRIDPORT  1614-15 

Anno  Nicholas  Horsford,  Angell  Churchell  lohn  Charde  willwm  whettam 

icobi  Re  is  will/am  Colfox  &  waiter  Hussey  a\ias  Baylie  Comp\aynantes 

Marker  The  said  deffendant,  now  and  att  all  tymes  hereafter,  saving  vnto  himself,  all 

benefytt,  and  advantage*  of  excepc/on,  to  the  incertentie,  and  insuffyciencye      5 
of  the  saide  Bill  by  protestac/on,  first  saieth,  that  he  verelie  conceaveth,  that 
the  same  Bill  ys  presented  against  him  this  deffencLzwt,  and  mother  deffend^»t«, 
(being  poore  men)  in  this  honorable  Courte,  w/th  much  mallice,  and  by 
incouragemerct  of  some  others,  not  named  playntiffe  in  the  same,  and  in 
more  particular  against  this  deffendant,  yt  conteyneth  many  vntruthes  10 

devyzed  and  sett  forth,  w/thout  any  iust  cawse,  or  coullor  of  any  mysdemeanor 
comytted  or  done  by  this  deffendant,  Neverthelesse  A  who    for  a  directe 
aunswere  to  all  the  misdemen(...)  wherew/th  hee  is  charged  in  and  by  the 
same  Bill,  Doth  deny,  that  hee  ys  guiltie  of  them,  or  any  of  them,  in  such 
soarte,  and  manner  as  in,  and  by  the  said  Bill  they  are  set  forth  and  aJleadged      15 
against  him,  for  a  farther  declarac/on,  and  acknowledgement  of  soe  much  of 
the  matters  therein  conteyned  as  hee  this  deffend^wt  hath  ben  acquaynted 
w/thall  and  w/th  the  manner  thereof  A  hee    further  saieth,  That  abowte 
three  quarters  of  a  yere  nowe  last  past,  hee  this  deffend#«t  being  then,  and 
yet,  one  of  the  Churchwardens,  of  the  Towne  of  Bridport,  in  the  Countie  of  20 
Dorset,  togeather  w/th  one  Nicholas  Hardey,  then  thother  churchwarden  of 
the  same  Towne  receaved  dyvers  message*,  sent  him  this  deffend/zwt  from 
some  of  thofficers  of  the  eccl«iasticall  Courte  of  the  said  Countye  of  dorset, 
that  then  tofore,  there  were;  and  had  ben  dyvers  meetings  or  conventicles 
of  dyvers  persons  both  men  and  women  at  certen  howsses,  vsually  w/'thin         25 
the  saide  Towne  of  Bridporte  at  vnseasonable  howres  in  the  night  tyme,  And 
that  if  /hee1  the  saide  deffendant,  and  the  said  othi?r  Churchwardens  of  the 
same  Towne,  dyd  not  shortlye  presente  such  offences,  being  conceaved,  and 
sayde,  to  bee  contrarie  to  the  lawe,  and  ponisheable  by  that  Courte,  That 
then  the  said  Courte  would  ponishe  them  the  deffendawt,  and  his  fellowe        30 
Churchwarden,  Therevppon  the  said  deffendflwt  and  his  fellowe  said  fellowe 
Churchwarden,  havinge  special!  care  therein,  for  the  due  performance  of 
theire  said  office  therein  conferred  togeather  thereof,  and  having  consydered 
of  suche  inconvenyency  as  this  Deffendant,  and  his  fellowe  Churchwarden 
thought  might  growe  or  happen  by  the  not  presenting  of  the  said  Offences,     35 
They  dyd  present  such  persons  inh/z£itant«  w/thin  the  said  Towne,  as  they 
knewe  to  haue  suche  meetings  at  theire  howses,  and  the  howsses  of  other 
persons,  in  that  kynde,  and  alsoe  such  as  vsed,  and  frequented  such  their 
meetings,  dyvers  of  which  persons  soe  presented,  are  nowe  Comp\aynantes, 

71  presented:   3  minims  in  MS 

1 6/   for:    erasure  before  this  word  obliterated  by  line  fillers 

3 1  /   his  fellowe  said  fellowe:  partial  Jittography  in  MS,  for  his  said  fellowe 

BR1DPORT  1614-15 

in  the  said  Bill,  And  thereuppon  proces  of  Citac/on  were  awarded  against 
thoffenders  soe  presented,  And  vppon  the  said  Citac/on  the  same  Offenders, 
or  the  moste  of  them  dyd  appeere  /whereof  the  said  Robme  Myller  was 
one1,  at  a  Courte  holden  at  Blandford  w/'thin  the  said  Countye  before  lames 
Hussey  Esquier  Doctor  of  the  Cyvell  lawe  and  Chauncellor  of  the  diocesse 
where  the  said  Offences  were  comytted,  and  there,  at  the  said  Courte,  or 
before  the  said  Chauncellor,  the  saide  persons  cyted,  acknowledged  theire 
offences,  and  aJleadged  their  estat«  to  be  poore  &  verye  vnable  to  beare  theire 
expenc«of  attendans  of  the  said  Courte,  yt  being  kept  some  fower,  and 
twenrye  myles  from  their  dwelling  places  or  thereabouts,  and  promysed  the    10 
^aid1  Chauncellor,  that  they  the  said  persons  cyted  or  the  most  of  them, 
woulde  forbeare  from  henceforth,  to  comytt  such  or  the  lyke  offences  any 
more  or  to  such  effecte,  wherevppon  the  said  Chauncellor  remytted  the 
farther  ponishenvm  of  theire  saide  offences,  and  for  that  tyme  suspended 
yt,  and  sent  them  home  agayne/  principallie  in  regarde  of  theire  small  abilitye     is 
in  hope  of  theire  reformac/on  and  not  for  any  cleernes  with  them  of  their 
said  offences,  as  this  deffend/zwt  thinketh  And  further  this  deffend/wt  saieth, 
that  before  thoffences  aforesaid  were  presented,  there  were  certen  verses  or 
rymes  made,  and  cast  abroade  in  the  sayde  Towne  as  in  the  saide  Bill  ys 
alleadged,  but  whoe  devysed  or  wrote  the  same  verses,  or  rymes,  this  deffend^wt    20 
knoweth  not  nor  knoweth  what  /were1  the  Contentes  of  the  said  rymes,  or 
verses  but  by  the  contents  of  this  byll,  Saving  that  yt  is  true,  ,,'thatt    abowte 
the  tyme  aforesaid,  one  paper  written  wzth  verses,  or  rymes,  but  whether  to 
the  effecte  in  the  Bill  menczoNed,  this  deffendam  knoweth  not,  was  delyvered 
vnto  one  lohn  Lea,  one  other  deffend^m,  this  defendawt«  apprentyce  being    2s 
abowte  the  age  of  Sixteene  or  seaventeene  yeres,  as  he  tolde  this  defendant 
by  one  Marye  wyllyams,  wiefe  of  lohn  "Willyams  of  Bridporte  aforesaide 
whoe  intreated  the  said  Lea  as  hee  said  to  readd  the  same  paper  or  verses, 
shee  thinkinge  as  hee  said,  as  the  said  Lea  alsoe  saide  that  yt  had  ben  a  \etne 
sent  vnto  her,  from  her  daughter,  then  and  yet  dwellinge  att  or  neere  London    v> 
but  vppon  hearing  some  Parte  thereof,  yt  not  falling  out,  to  bee  soe,  shee 
left  the  same  with  the  said  Lea,  as  hee  alsoe  affirmed  which  beinge  made 
knowen  to  the  said  Angell  Churchchell  one  of  the  Complaynames  and  A  one 
Thomas  Bagge,  whereuppon,  the  said  Churchell,  beinge  a  tayler  and  this 
deffend^wt  a  mercer  early  in  the  morninge  then  soone  after,  togeathur  w;th      35 
the  said  Bagge  repaired  to  this  deffenddwtashoppe  (being  distant  from  [hi] 
his  dwelling  house  a  good  space)  and  fynding  the  said  Lea  there,  and  this 
deffendrfwt  then,  not  come  thither  hee  for  a  fashion  and  shewe  as  yt  seem< . . . ) 
to  shewe  him  the  said  Churchell  some  mercery  wares  for  the  said  Bagge, 

29/   hee:  for  shee  (?) 

32/  the;:    erasure  before  ihn  word  obliterated  by  lint  fillen 

38/   seem( . . .}:   about  560mm  of  text  area  illegible  through  creating 

166  BR1DPORT  1614-15 

tryfling  the  tyme  in  expectadon  of  this  deffendant«  comyng  to  his  said 
shoppe  as  yt  seemed,  Sayinge  they  woulde  not  buye  any  of  the  said  wares 
vnlesse  they  mighte  buy  yt  of  this  deffendtfwt,  himself  Whereuppon  an  nother 
of  this  being  then,  in  the  said  Shoppe  went  to  this 
deffendant  A  when  he  was    [being]  at  his  house  and  called  him  to  come  to        5 
his  said  shoppe,  and  this  defendawt  repayred  thithfr  accordinglie,  and  there 
found  the  said  Churchell  and  Bagge,  and  then  after  some  Little  questyoning 
abowte  the  said  wares,  the  said  Churchell  told  this  deffendant,  that  hee  had 
annother  busynes  to  this  deffendant  which  was,  that,  hee  had  heard  that  this 
defTendrf«t«  said  servant,  Lea,  had  a  Libell  which  dyd  concerne  him  the  said    10 
Churchell,  and  others  of  the  Towne,  or  vsed  wordes  to  lyke  effecte,  whereunto 
this  Deffendant,  aunswered  the  said  Churchell  that  hee  knewe  yt  not.  nor 
dyd  beleeve  yt  to  be  true,  at  which  tyme  of  his  this  deffend*z«t«    said1 
aunswere,  hee  this  deffendawt  had  never  scene,  nor  readd  nor  heard  of  the 
same,  but  receaved  the  first  notyce  thereof  at  that  tyme,  from  the  said  15 

Churchell,  And  the  said  Churchill  replyed  yt  was  the  better  for  hym  thes 
deffencLmt  if  hee  knewe  yt  not,  And  therevppon,  this  Defendant  demaunded 
his  said  Servant  Lea  for  the  said  paper  or  verses  which  are  the  first  intended 
Libell  as  this  defendant  thinketh  but  knoweth  yt  not.  And  this  said  Lea,  tolde 
this  Deffendant  that  hee  had  certen  verses  delyu^red  vnto  him  by  the  said        20 
Marye  Wylliams,  in  such  manner,  as  ys  before,  in  this  aunswere  declared, 
which  hee  then  delyvered  to  this  deffendant,  and  this  Defendant  delyvered 
the  same,  vnto  the  said  Churchell,  w/thout  any  pfrvsall  or  reading  thereof, 
or  of  any  parte  thereof,  not  daring  to  doe  yt  because  the  said  Churchell,  had 
called  yt  a  Libell,  which  Churchell  pfrceaving,  hee  said  to  this  Defendant,        25 
yow  meaning  [me]  this  defendant  may  read  yt,  and  see  what  yow  delyver,  or 
wordes  to  that  effecte,  yet  this  deffendant  aunswered  the  said  Churchill,  that 
hee  would  not  read  yt  for  yt  woulde  bring  him  this  defendant  into  trouble, 
and  yet  the  said  Churchill  soe  p<rswaded  with  this  deffendant  to  reade  yt, 
Saying  eftsoones,  that  there  was  no  danger  in  reading  of  yt,  And  this  30 

Defendant  thereuppon  alsoe  not  suspecting  that  the  said  Churchill  plotted 
to  intrapp  him  this  defendant,  as  nowe  yt  seemes  he  dyd,  dyd  take  the  said 
paper  in  his  hand,  and  turned  his  face  from  the  said  Churchill  and  Bagge, 
and  read  about  fyve,  or  sixe  lynes  of  the  same  to  himself  inwardly  or  softlye, 
and  not  otherwyse,  and  the  said  Bagge  looked  over  this  deffendantes  shoulder    35 
vppon  the  same  verses,  and  said  vnto  the  said  Churchill,  that  those  verses 
were  to  the  effecte  of  such  as  one  Will/am  Maryes  one  other  of  the  defendantes 
to  this  byll,  had  And  this  defendant  thereby,  and  by  readinge  of  the  said 
fewe  lynes  p^rceaving  they  were  vnnecessarie  and  vnfytt  verses,  or  rymes  left 

21   buyc:   b  corrected  from  p  71  some:    erasure  before  this  word  obliterattd  by  line  fillen 

BRIDPORT  1614-24  167 

of  reading  of  them  any  farther,  but  forthw/th  delyvered  the  same  to  the  said 
Churchill  agayne,  Whereuppon  Churchill  demaunded  /of1  this  defendant 
the  contents  of  the  said  verses,  of  purpose,  as  yt  nowe  appeereth  alsoe  to 
sifte  this  defendant  &  to  take  advantage  against  him  And  this  defendant 
aunswered,  the  said  Churchill  that  they  were  idle  verses,  and  hee  which  5 

made  them  was  worthie  to  bee  severely  ponished  for  yt  or  to  such  effecte, 
Sithens  which  tyme,  this  defendant  doth  verely  [thinke]  beleeve  that  the 
Complayndntes  doe  presente  this  suite  against  him  this  defendant,  in  revenge 
for  presenting  the  said  offences,  And  moreover  this  defendant  saith,  That, 
hee  is  not  guiltye  of  the  devysing,  making  writinge  contryvinge  or  publishinge    10 
of  the  said  Libells  in  the  bill  menc/oned  or  eyther  of  them,  or  of  any  other 
the  mysdemeanors  or  offenc«  wherew/'th  hee  ys  charged  in,  and  by  the  said 
Bill,  in  such  manner  and  forme,  as  in  the  said  Bill  of  complaynte  the  same, 
are  set  forthe  and  declared,  All  which  hee  ys  ready  to  averre,  and  prove  as 
this  moste  honorable  Courte  shall  awarde,  And  praieth  to  bee  dismyssed  out    is 
of  the  same  w;'th  his  reasonable  /costw1  charges  and  expencw,  by  him  moste 
wrongefullie  susteyned  in  this  behalf.// 

(signed)  Hugh  Pyne 

1616-17  20 

Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M2/9 
f  [3]* 

[viijd]  More  to  Richard  Colfoxe  &  for  ahorse  to  carrie  a  lugler 
to  Bridwell  jj  s.  v\\j  J      25 


Cofferers' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M8/203 

f  [2v]  (Rendered  25  October)  (Payments  for  Midsummer  quarter)  30 

More  to  Henry  Parker  Sergiaunt  for  the  king«  Plears  that  were 

in  Towne  v  s 


Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB  M2/11 

f  [4v] 

hem  geuen  to  the  Kingw  Players  to  thend  they  should  not  playe  x  s.    40 

168  BRIDPORT  1624-39 


Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M2/9 

f  [1]  (Rendered  3  November) 

li.     s.     d.      5 
14  of  december  to  the  king«  players  050 

1625-6  ,0 

Account  of  Thomas  Merefeild    DRO:   DC/BTB:  Ml  3 
single  sheet  (18  April  1625-19  April  1626) 

Item  for  rwoo  fidlers  viij  d. 



Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M2/9 

f  [2v] 


Laide  fforth  the  Therteeth  day  of  Augwste  vnto  the  Staige 

Plaieares  00      ij  s.      vj  d. 

1637  25 

Account  of  a  Sabbath  Breaking     DRO:   DC/BTB:  DEI  0/3 
f  [2v]*  ( 17 July-2  October) 

Richard  Miller  confesseth  he  was  at  Will^m  dacks  house  (...)  willwm  Sweete 
(...)  Avis  Namies  ( . . .  )ster  will/Wm  th( .  .  )sters  Christopher  holte  Richard          30 
niccalle  margery  Swasey  A'lohan  worth  seruant  unto  Avys  namies1  &  Robert 
Sparke  &  ther  had  x  single  cuppes  of  Beere  at  dackes  howse  at  iij  of  the  clock 
in  [after]  the  morninge/  being  sabeth  day  &c  Sweete  < . .  .)chires  &  dack  sange 
wherby  the  neighbours  could  not  sleepe/ 



Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M2/9 

f  [2] 


Laide  out  for  amending  the  bulringe  00     01     00 

BRIDPORTf  1641  /CORFE  CASTLE  1328-9  1  69 


Court  Leet  Presentments     DRO:    DC/BTB:  E2/unnumbcrcd 

single  sheet* 

S[et  hem  wee  present  will/am  ffrench  of  hadstock  butcher  for  killinge  a  bull 

without  beatinge  within  this  Borrough  contrarye  to  the  Anscient  Custome 
of  the  towne  since  the  Last  Lawe  day  "anrurcitur  ad  iij  s.  j  d.° 





St  Mary's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/CEA:  CW  1/1 
f  20*  (21  April- 6  April;  rendered  19  April  1635)  (Payments) 


Paid  Anthony  Thorne  &  others  for  taking  downe  ye  Maypole 

&  making  a  /Towne1  Ladder  of  it  00     03      10 



St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/CHM.  CW  1/1 

f  24v*  (24  April- 8  April)  (Receipts) 


Itmi  receyved  of  the  weomen  at  hoctyd  iij  s. 




AC     John  Stow's  Chronicles  of  England     STC:  23333 
pp  359-60* 

rd        Certaine  men  of  this  land,  to  ye  intent  to  try  what  friends  they  had  in  England,   31 
e         craftily  deuised  that  Edward  the  second  king  of  England  was  aJiue  in  the 
Castell  of  Corffe,  but  not  to  bee  scene  in  the  daye  time,  and  therefore  they 
vsed  manye  nightes  to  make  shewes  and  maskyng  wyth  dauncing  vpon  the 
towers  and  Wals  of  the  Castel,  which  being  perceyued  by  people  of  the 

71  jd.:   \  corrected  aver  anoO,er  Utter  26/  hoctyd:  2-3  May  1603 

170  CORFE  CASTLE  1328-1577 

countrey,  it  was  thoughte  there  had  bin  some  great  king  vnto  whom  they 
dyd  these  greate  I  solemnities:  this  rumour  was  spredde  ouer  all  Englande, 
to  witte,  that  the  olde  King  was  aliue,  whence  it  came  to  passe,  that  the 
Earle  of  Kent  sente  thyther  a  Fryer  Precher,  to  trye  the  truth  of  the  matter, 
Annoregu3.         who  (as  it  was  thought)  hauing  corrupted  the  Porter  of  the  Castell  with          5 
rewardes,  is  let  in,  where  he  lay  all  the  day  in  the  Porters  lodge  verye  close, 
and  whew  night  was  come,  he  was  willed  to  put  on  ye  habit  of  a  lay  ma«, 
and  then  was  brought  into  the  Hal,  wher  he  saw  (as  he  thought)  Edwarde 
the  Father  of  the  king  sitting  royally  at  supper  with  great  maiestie.  This  Frier 
being  thus  perswaded,  returned  againe  to  the  Earle  of  Kente,  and  reported       10 
as  he  thought,  what  he  saw:  whervpon  ye  Erie  saide  and  affirmed  with  an 
othe,  that  he  would  indeauoure  by  all  the  meanes  he  coulde  to  deliuer  his 
brother  from  prison. 



Autobiography  of  Robert  Ashley     BL:  Sloane  MS.  2131 

ff  I6v-17* 

Sed  cum  Patri  tune  temporis  per  Dominum  Christoferum  Hattonuw  Regine    20 
Elizabethe  vicecamerariuwdemandata  esset  custodia  Corfe  Castri  in  Insula 
Purbeck  q«ae  agro  Dorsettensi  adiacet,  eo  cum  familia  illuc  transmigrants 
vbi  Moderator  ludi  literarij  bonam  de  se  famam  excitaverat  ego  ipsius  curae 
comwendatus  facile  illius  Scholae  princeps  evasi  vbi  memini  me  ad  luctam  a 
sodali  inter  ludendum  provocatum  supenorem  evasisse,  adeo  vt  postea  laxati   25 
inter  luctandum  cruris  redemptionew  a  me  exegerit  I  Ibi  etiam  cum  A  in 
ferijs  Natalitijs  Redemptoris  nostri  A  celebrandis    Comedia  inter  no(.) 
actitanda  esset  principes  eius  partes  quae  alij  antea  comissae  fueranO  mihi 
postea  per  Magistrum  delegatae  qua  gloriosa  fortasse  mihi  nimium  placui  — 
Verum  Preceptore  Hadriano  in  Belgiam  accito  ac  preparante  ipse  Sarisburiam    30 
duodecimo  aztatis  anno  inchoato  traductus  ad  studioru< . )  cursum 
continuanduw  vbi  in  schola  publica  Sub  Doctore  A  Adamo    Hill  Collegii 
Bailiolensis  quondam  Socio  literis  incubui:  Is  ingenioruw  haud  segnis 
aestimator  currenti  przconijs  suis  calcar  addidit,  et  cum  comediac  /recitandz 
ac  alia  solemnia  spectacula  coram  illustrissimo  Henrico  Comite  Pembrooke    35 
(qui  tu(. .)  in  vicinijs  habitabat)  exhibenda  essent  mihi  primas  partes 

24/  Scholae:   S  written  over  s 

25-6,  31/  laxati  ...  redemptioncm,  duodecimo  ...  inchoato:  phrasei  underlined  in  MS 

26/   Ibi  etiam:   aho  appears  onf!6i>  as  catchword  following  exegerit 

DORCHESTER  f  1603-10 


c  1603-10 

Prologue  for  a  School  Play     Bodl.:   MS.  Add.  B.  97 
ff  63-4* 

The  Prologe  to  a  Presentment  of  a 
Playe  before  Bishopp  Thornburie 

&  his  Chauncellor,  in  his 

Visitac/on  at  Dorchester.  10 

by  ye  SchoolMaster  Sheeke. 

Sacrj  Senate  Lumen,  Ornatissime 

Salueto  Praesul:  tuqwfCancellarie, 

Iteruw  benignas  quj  iocis  aures  dabis  15 

SaJueto,  vosqwf  caster),  nostram  quibus 

Quascunqwfsit  dicenda,  non  visuw  est  grave 

Ornate  vestra  fabulam  przsentia, 

Et  ludictis  res  serias  poscponere. 

Nam  ludicra  audietis,  vt  moneam  prius:  20 

Ne  forte  quisquaw  conqueratwrpostea 

Nee  digna  vestris  eruditis  auribus.  &c. 

Sed  quis  per  hoc  prosceniuw  affectat  viaw? 

Discede.  ode. 

Tragzdiaw  nullaw  audies  &c.  25 

Hospes:  Rumor  est  tamen. 

-  Id  nostra  curat  scilicet 

Dorcestria,  quz  damnat  en  nos,  &  tamen 
Sunt  Histriones  maximj. 

Hospes.  Comedia  igitur?  30 

-  At  ne  istac  quidem, 

Ne  quasre,  nunqu^m  inveneris.  etc. 

Captet«rvt  ne  risus?  haud  Mimj  sum#,f, 

Nee  agimwf  Histrioniam,  vt  tu  putas: 

Famosj  agant,  quos  omniuw  leges  notant.  etc.  35 

Hospes:  Quid  igitur  agetwr? 
Gratulatwr  praesulj  etc. 

-  Splendore  praestantj  viro, 

Hie  quj  sacrato  preside!  rector  choro.  &:c. 

-  Nomen  a  Spinis  tenet,  40 
Qmenque,  quj  p^rasperas  spinas  sacruw 

Virtutis,  &  honoris  tetigit  ipsuw  luguw.  I 

172  DORCHESTER  C  1603-10 

Hos/>«  Actores? 

Hos/>«  Doctissimj. 
—  O  vtinaw  quidem! 

At  ne  quidem  doctj  at  annoruw  inscij,  5 

Et  artis  etiaw,  Elementa  quj  primum  hauriunt 
Gramwatica,  Corderianj,  &  /tsopicj  leues, 
Terentianj,  quj  salutant  literas 
A  limine  ipso  vix,  imo  ne  vix  quidem. 


At  tu  tamen,  quo  pace  dicat«rtua, 
Es  curiosus,  ista  tarn  subtiliter, 
[Fastidiose  &  quzris,  Ad  luduw  quasi 
Ad  (...)]  Haec  vna  fuerit  causa  veniendj  tibj. 
Aliena  curas  vereor,  excussus  tuis.  &c.  15 

Et  curiosos  dicunt  ewe  garrulos 

Quicquid  rogabis  expedj,  at  paucis  roga.  6tc. 

Virtutis  &  vitij  viawexemplo  decent,  20 

Hanc  vt  sequatwr,  alteram  vt  fugiat  Schola: 
Sic  omne  punctuw  retulit  is  qu)  miscuit 
Dulcj  vtile.  &c. 

Quid  hie  agenduw,  quidue  dicenduw  foret  25 

Processeraw  dicturus,  at  nostro  hospitj 
Dum  vellicatim  singula  require!  modo, 
Dixj  omnia,  vt  sup<resse  ia/w  possit  nihil 

quod  vos  deceat:  Hie  omnes  pra:cor, 

Teqw^supfromnes  (praesul  Ornatissime)  30 

Patrone  Musis,  atqw^comwunis  Parens, 
Quem  nos  tenemus  Numinis  (blank)  loco 
Maiora  q«oniam  haud  licuit  in  praesens  darj, 
His  quz  fatemwrparva  sunt,  ignoscite. 
Vtinam  apparatus  ludos  hie  dignos  daret, 
Animos  volentes  &  pios  habeas  tamen. 
Sis  bonus  &  almus  facilis  6  faelix  tuis. 
Sumus  puellj  dabimus  exact)  nihil, 
Sumus  misellj  dabimus  eximij  nihil, 

Sumus  pusillj  dabimus  excultj  nihil.  I  40 

At  sj  placebunt  ista  qua;  facimw  tibj 
Satis  superqwf  fuerit  hoc  totuw  nihil.// 



Bill  of  Complaint  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al     PRO.  STAC  8/94/ 1 7 

mb  19*  (21  April) 

To  the  Kings  most  excellent  Mamtye 

In  humble  Manner  shewe  and  informe  vnto  your  excellent  Ma/«tye  your 
humble  and  Obedient  subiectw  lohn  Condytt  of  Dorchester  in  the  County 
of  Dorset  and  Elizabeth  his  wieffe,  that  wheras  your  said  subiect«  having  for 
many  yeares  togeather  inhabited  and  dwelt  in  the  same  towne  of  Dorchester 
haue  so  carefully  ordered  and  Carried  them  selues  in  all  their  Acc/ons  that      10 
ther  is  not  any  person  as  they  doe  verily  thinke  in  that  Borough  that  can 
iustlye  taxe  or  depraue  them  of  anye  evell  demeanour  or  offence  offered  him 
in  particuler  of  or  of  any  publick  scandall  given  in  general!,  the  said  Elizabeth 
behaving  her  self  w/thall  sobrietye  decency  and  woomanhood  w/thout  any 
immodest  or  light  behaviour  wherby  shee  myght  iustlye  be  suspected  much      15 
lesse  censured  for  incontinencye  or  any  other  lewde  or  loose  demeanour  And 
that  whereas  Ioh(. )  White  Master  of  Artes  minister  and  preacher  of  gods 
word  and  Parson  of  the  Church  of  the  holy  Trinirye  in  Dorchester  aforesaid, 
Robert  Cheeke  Master  of  Artes  and  Schoole  Master  of  the  ffree  schole  there 
and  lohn  Aden  of  Dorchester  Merchant  being  parsons  of  honest  behaviour      20 
and  living  by  their  seu*rall  proffessions  paynfully  and  honestlye  w/thout 
Scandall  or  offence  to  any  man,  Yet  so  yt  is  may  yt  please  yowr  excellent 
MazVjty,  that  Mathewe  Chubbe  of  Dorchester  aforesaid  Marchant  and 
Margaret  his  wieffe  and  Robert  Aden  of  Dorchester  aforesaid  gentleman 
envying  and  repining  at  the  prosperitye  and  good  ffame  of yowr  said  25 

Subiectwand  of  the  said  lohn  White  Robert  Cheeke  and  lohn  Aden  and 
other  parsons  of  honest  and  good  behaviour  haue  vnlawfully  conspired  and 
practised  howe  they  might  not  onlye  foyle  and  blemish  but  vtterly  extinguish 
and  take  away  their  honest  ffame  and  good  Reputac/on  for  euer,  for  wA/ch 
purpose  they  haue  devised  made  and  contrived  diut-rs  infamous  scandalous      30 
and  ignominious  libelles  which  they  haue  sithence  published  disp^rsd  and 
divulged  tending  to  the  traducyng  scandalizing  and  vniust  taxing  of  yowr 
said  subjects s  and  of  the  said  lohn  White  Robert  Cheeke  and  lohn  Aden 
and  to  the  stayning  of  them  as  much  as  in  them  lieth  w/th  fowle  workes  of 
perpetual!  disgrace  obloquie  and  infamye,  And  namely  on  the  ffower  and         35 
twentieth  Daye  of  the  Moneth  of  lune,  in  the  ffowerth  yeare  of  yowr 
Ma/«tyes  Reigne  they  the  said  Mathew  Chubb  and  Margaret  his  wiffe  and 
the  said  Robert  Aden  did  vnlawfully  make  write  and  contrive  an  od< . .  )us 
and  filthie  libell  against  the  said  lohn  Aden  Robert  Cheeke  and  yowr  subiect 
Elizabeth  Conditt  and  other  of  yo«r  Ma/Vftyes  subiectw,  A  coppye  of  which     40 
libell  is  also  herevnto  filed  which  beginneth  w/th  these  wordes,  Tall  Sturdy 

13/  of  or  of:  first  of  redundant 

174  DORCHESTER  1608 

Puritan  Knaue  &c  wA/'ch  obscene  and  filthie  lybell  not  fitt  to  be  rehearsed 
in  this  yowr  honorable  Court  they  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  and  Margarett 
his  wieffe  and  the  said  Robert  Aden  and  other  persons  to  yo«r  said  subiectw 
yet  vnknowne  afterwards  vzt:  on  the  twenty  sixeth  daye  of  lune  then  following 
did  also  vnlawfully  dispers( . )  and  cast  the  same  abroade  in  seu?rall  places  of     5 
the  said  Burrough  of  Dorchester  and  did  also  themselues  read  or  cause  the 
same  to  be  read  to  dium  persons  at  seiwrall  tymes  both  in  the  howse  of  the 
said  Mathewe  Chubb  and  els  where  in  the  same  Towne  of  Dorchester  and 
did  often  publish  the  same  in  seu^rall  manner  both  by  giuing  out  verye  many 
Coppies  therof  as  also  the  said  Margarett  Chubb  not  onlye  shewed  the  same    10 
to  some  persons  but  did  also  tell  and  recompt  the  substance  therof  vnto 
these  persons  offering  that  if  they  or  any  friend  of  theirs  would  haue  a 
Coppye  therof  they  should  haue  yt,  And  that  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  did 
make  and  contriue  the  same  or  did  cause  the  same  to  be  made  and  was 
consenting  therunto  as  also  to  the  divulging  and  publishing  therof  may       15 
appeare  for  that  the  said  Mathew  Chubb  in  the  thirtieth  day  of  the  said 
moneth  of  lune  or  therabout  having  conference  w/'th  a  neighbour  of  his 
concerning  the  said  Libell  did  say  and  affirme  that  the  sayd  lohn  White  was 
aimed  at  in  one  place  therof  and  sayd  moreou^r  that  he  could  find  out  the 
Libeller  w/th  a  wett  finger  yf  he  had  listed,  which  neumhelesse  he  did  not       20 
p^rforme  nor  discoiwr  the  libeller,  albehit  in  respect  of  his  place  and  office 
w/7/'ch  he  then  supplied  (being  that  yeare  Bayliffe  of  the  said  Borough)  he 
ought  to  haue  donn  especially  being  charged  also  by  Sir  George  Trenchard 
Knighte  so  to  doe,  And  the  said  Chubb  having  togeather  w/th  his  other 
confederate*  and  associates  before  named  in  this  manner  traduced  yo«r  said     25 
subiect«  and  the  pmones  before  named  and  others,  and  taxed  them  w/th 
the  odiouse  and  hatefull  name  of  Puritans  amongst  many  other  sclanders  in 
the  said  Libell  contryued  to  bring  them  into  the  greater  detestac/on  and 
hatred  w/'th  all  men,  wheras  yowr  said  subiectwdoe  in  all  poyntw  conforme 
them  selues  to  your  Ma/«tyes  Ecclesiastical!  lawe  ordeyned  to  be  observed     30 
in  the  Church  of  England,  And  not  being  yet  sufficiently  satisfied  w/th  their 
Rude  Rayling  and  hatefull  backbiting  of  your  said  subiect«  and  the  Rest  in 
such  secreat  manner  as  aforesaid,  but  the  more  to  add  to  their  divellish 
Impietie  and  to  make  vpp  a  full  measure  of  their  abhominable  invectives 
and  the  more  amplye  to  discover  the  depth  of  their  hatred  conceived  against   35 
all  persons  that  eyther  professe  the  trueth  of  doctrine  authorized  by  the  Church 
of  England  or  doe  endeavour  to  Hue  religiously  and  w/thout  scandall  he  the 
said  Mathewe  Chubbe  and  his  other  Associates  before  named  haue  putt  in 
execution  a  more  detestable  practise  then  that  before  mentioned  by 
publishing  reading  and  divulging  out  Coppies  of  his  other  execrable  Lybell     40 

9/  manner:  for  manners  (?) 


made  and  contrived  by  them  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  and  Robert  Aden, 
conteyning  many  false  and  accursed  invectives  and  Rayling  termes  not  only 
against  yo«r  said  subiect«  but  eaven  by  name  against  that  reverend  Preacher 
Mr  William  Park(...)  of  Cambridge  deceased,  who  in  his  liffe  tyme  was 
reverenced  of  all  good  men,  yet  such  and  so  great  is  the  malice  of  the  persons     5 
before  named  that  on  the  ffowerth  daye  of  August  in  the  said  ffowerth  yeare 
of yowr  Ma/«tyes  Reigne  The  said  Mathewe  Chubbe  then  continewing  and 
being  Bayliffe  of  the  said  Towne  of  Dorchester,  did  openly  at  a  markett 
Crosse  in  one  of  the  streets  of  the  said  Towne  read  publishe  and  pronounce 
an  infamous  dampnable  and  sclanderous  Libell  against  your  subiecu-5  before     10 
named  and  the  said  Mr  Perkins  before  that  Tyme  deceased  terming  him 
among  other  words  of  Reproa(. .  >  Schismaticall  Knaue,  Dogg  and  ympe  of 
the  divell,  and  most  Barbarouslie  scandalizing  therby  the  said  Mr  Parkins 
and  yowr  said  subiects  before  mentioned  and  many  other  yowr  levying  subjects 
in  dispightfull  manner  as  appeareth  in  these  ver{...)  vnto  these  presents         15 
annexed  beginning  with  these  word/5  You  Puritans  all  whatsoever  you  dwell 
&cc.  which  Lybell  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  said  was  found  in  the  streete  and 
brought  him  by  an  other,  And  having  in  such  manner  read  the  same  at  the 
markett  Crosse  so  publicklye  w/th  a  lowde  voyce  in  the  presence  and  hearing 
of  many  persons  he  offered  Coppies  therof  for  money  and  did  after  deliu^r      20 
out  Coppies  of  the  same,  and  he  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  Margarett  his 
wieffe  and  Oobert  Aden  did  at  other  tymes  after  reade  and  publishe  the 
same  in  other  places  And  not  yet  satisfied  w/th  such  th(. .)  former  slaunders 
and  abuses  but  escaping  w/thout  punishment  or  rebuke  for  the  same  in  regard 
yowr  said  subiectw  did  rather  ( . .  )deavour  to  winne  them  w/th  Conivence        25 
and  silence  then  to  procure  reformac/on  by  CompLz;«t  they  did  thervpon 
growe  more  imboldned  and  in  pursuance  of  their  extreame  malice  against 
yowr  subiectwThey  the  said  Mathew  Chubb  &  Margarett  his  wiffe  and  the 
said  Robert  Adin  did  on  the  tenth  day  of  October  in  the  said  ffowerth  yeare 
of yowr  Maiesryes  Reigne  vnlawfullye  make  write  and  contriue  a  verye  false       30 
sclaunderous  and  ygnominious  Lybell  agaynst  the  said  lohn  White  wherin 
among  other  things  they  terme  him  by  the  name  of  Purytan  Prelatte 
condempning  his  doctrine  for  heresie  and  doe  in  their  saide  Lybell  mainteyne 
popish  doctrine  and  opinons  as  maye  /by1  the  same  vngodly  Lybell  appeare 
•which  is  herevnto  annexed,  beginning  w/th  this  superscription  and  directiow,       35 
That  is  to  saye,  To  the  Counterfeite  Companye  and  packe  of  Puritans,  in 
which  they  haue  also  maliciously  and  falsely  slaundered  your  said  subiects 
lohn  Condict  and  Elizabeth  his  wiffe  and  other  yo«r  Ma/«tyes  subiectes 
and  in  Covert  Termes  taxed  her  w/th  inc(.)ntinencye  And  having  made  or 
caused  to  be  made  Contrived  and  Written  the  said  sclaunderous  Lybell,  they  40 

34/  opinons:  ^ropin/ons;  abbreviation  mark  muling 

176  DORCHESTER  1608 

the  sayd  Mathewe  Chubbe  and  Margarett  his  wiffe  and  the  said  Robert 
Aden  or  some  of  them  did  afterwards  on  the  twelfth  daye  of  October  then 
following  and  at  diud-rs  and  sundrie  tymes  sithence  maliciouslye  and  vnlawfully 
disperce  and  Cast  abroade  and  consent  to  the  dispersing  and  casting  abroad 
of  the  said  lybell  in  sundry  places  of  the  Burough  of  Dorchester,  And  because      5 
they  would  not  be  prevented  in  their  intended  purpose  of  sclaundering  and 
depraving  your  saide  subiectw  and  the  other  persons  aforenamed  who  were 
but  covertlye  poynted  at  in  the  same  LybelK..)  But  would  be  suer  the  same 
should  be  published  and  come  to  light  and  be  knowne  to  be  intended  agaynst 
them.  Therfore  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  on  the  eighteenth  daye  of  October    10 
then  following  by  the  abbetment  and  consent  of  his  said  Confederates  did 
to  divers  and  sundrye  persons  of  his  acquaintance  and  familiaritye  report 
and  read  the  said  infamouse  libell,  at  which  tyme  the  said  lohn  White  being 
in  presence  and  beyng  by  the  said  Mathewe  Chubbe  informed  that  the  same 
Lybell  was  written  against  him  and  some  doctrine  of  his  thervpon  he  desired  15 
the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  to  lett  him  haue  yt  as  fittest  yt  was  he  should 
purposing  therby  to  suppresse  the  same  But  the  said  Mathew  Chubb  thincking 
that  he  should  then  faile  of  the  end  he  aymed  at  in  disgraceing  the  said 
Mr  White  and  yo;<r  subiects  now  Complainames  and  others,  refused  to  deliufr 
the  said  Lybell  and  the  more  to  dispight  him  and  the  rest  therin  scandalized    20 
he  did  then  publish  and  Reade  the  same  him  self  w/th  lowde  voyce  in  the 
presence  and  hearing  of  divers  persons  of  good  Creditt,  And  not  herw/'th 
contented  he  the  said  Mathewe  Chubbe  and  other  the  afforesaid  persons  his 
confederates  before  named  did  afterwards  also  at  many  other  tymes  since 
reade  the  same  to  others  in  the  presence  of  much  people  and  haue  given  out    25 
many  Coppyes  therof  Affirming  that  yowr  said  subiect«  lohn  Conditt  and 
Elizabeth  his  wieffe  and  the  said  John  White  and  other  persons  which  nowe 
complayne  not  were  intended  and  ment  by  the  same  and  that  the  matters 
conceyued  in  the  same  libell  were  true,  being  indede  most  sclaunderouse 
and  false,  he  the  said  lohn  White  having  at  no  tyme  preached  taught  or         30 
defended  the  poyntw  of  doctrine  in  the  same  mentioned  or  any  other  sort 
then  the  same  are  held  by  the  Church  of  England,  And  as  the  said  Chubb 
hath  bynn  opposite  to  the  said  lohn  White  so  hath  he  also  to  divers  others 
his  predecessores  in  that  Church  and  hath  bynn  euermore  quarreling  and 
wrangling  w/th  them  and  other  learned  preachers  and  ministers  neere  the      35 
said  Towne  of  dorchester  enviyng  in  deed  more  their  doctrine  then  their 
persons  as  may  well  be  presumed,  the  said  Chubb  having  often  mainteyned 
and  defended  publicklye  the  Popish  doctrine  of  Salvac/on  by  meritts  and 
other  poynt«  of  doctrine  held  and  maynteyned  by  the  Church  of  Rome 
contrary  to  the  trueth  professed  in  this  Church  of  England,  As  also  that  the    40 
said  Chubb  is  verie  much  conumant  and  familier  w/th  the  said  Robert  Adin 
who  is  well  knowne  to  haue  bynn  for  many  yeares  past  a  verye  dangerous 


Recusanc  and  Convict  of  Recusancie  and  so  yet  contineweth,  And  moreou^r 
the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  and  his  partners  in  the  aforesaid  vile  practizes 
finding  yo«r  said  subiect<r.r  and  other  the  persons  aforenamed  still  apt  to 
beare  and  suffer  their  indigniryes  and  contumelies  they  yet  ceased  not  their 
infamouse  Lybelling  and  traducing  of yowr  said  subjects  good  name  and 
Credditt  but  they  having  at  other  tymes  sithence  your  Maiestyes  last  pardon 
plotted  writen  and  compiled  other  libels  against  your  said  subjects  and  divers 
other  persons  he  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  did  in  his  owne  howse  read  and 
publish  the  same  to  divers  persons  to  the  disgrace  and  wrong  of  yowr  said 
subiectw  wAjch  they  doe  forbeare  to  vrge  further  to  sett  forth  in  particuler        10 
for  that  they  hope  the  due  punishrruw  for  those  before  named  wilbe  a 
sufficient  admonition  for  vndertaking  the  like  vngodly  practises  in  tyme  to 
come,  And  wheras  further  on  the  Eleventh  day  of  Aprill  nowe  last  past  or 
therabout  they  repayered  to  the  said  Towne  of  Dorchester  Certene  stage 
players  intituling  themselues  the  servants  of  the  Lord  Barteley  who  by  much     15 
intreaty  obteyned  license  to  playe  in  the  Common  hall  of  the  said  Towne 
ConditionaJlye  that  they  shoulde  not  playe  on  the  Saboth  daye,  wA/'ch 
neumhelesse  they  having  an  intent  to  doe  by  the  incouragemf^t  of  the  said 
Mathewe  Chubbe,  the  Bayliffe  (for  that  tyme  being)  sent  vnto  them  the  said 
players  for  the  Key  of  the  Towne  hall  wA/ch  they  refused  to  deliu<?r  but  carried    20 
the  Key  to  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  who  also  refused  to  deliueryt  to  the 
Bayliffe  the  same  being  by  them  required  of  him:  Whervpon  the  Bayliffe  and 
other  Burgesses  of  the  towne  being  assembled  and  hauing  consulted  about 
the  Contempt  &£  insolencye  offered  by  the  said  playeres  they  were  much 
laboured  by  the  said  Mathewe  Chubbe,  to  consent  that  they  might  playe  in     25 
the  Comon  Hall  that  daye,  wA/ch  they  vtterly  refusing  to  assent  vnto,  the 
said  Chubbe  thervpon  peremptorily  and  disdaynfullye  sent  them  word  in 
threatning  manner  that  he  would  be  eaven  w/th  them  and  in  dispight  of  the 
then  Magistrate  of  the  said  Towne  and  other  the  Burgesses  their  Assistantes 
w^zch  formerly  w/thstood  him  in  this  behalf  did  that  same  Evening  of  the        30 
said  Saboth  daye  him  self  being  a  Constable  of  the  said  Borough  at  that  tyme 
cause  and  procure  the  said  players  to  playe  at  An  Inne  in  the  same  towne  to 
the  heigh  Contempt  of  Almighty  God  and  his  Ma/'myes  proclamac/on  to 
the  Contrarye  made,  And  yowr  said  Subiects  are  also  the  rather  persuaded 
that  the  said  Mathewe  Chubbe  doth  knowe  who  was  the  auctor  and  penner    35 
of  the  said  Libells  because  he  the  said  Mathew  hath  diu^rs  tymes  affirmed 
that  the  said  Robert  Adynn  is  the  Aucthor  of  them,  wA/ch  happely  the  said 
Chubb  reporteth  but  in  policye  to  shadowe  the  discoiurye  of  the  very  aucthor 
of  them  in  deed  the  said  Robert  Adin  being  alreadye  in  so  deepe  punishm^wt 
that  much  more  can  not  be  inflicted  he  remayning  nowe  and  having  so  done    40 
of  longe  tyme  in  the  gaoll  of  Dorchester  for  recusancie  and  other  misdemeanours 
on  whom  the  said  Mathewe  Chubb  presumeth  to  fasten  such  a  report  and 

178  DORCHESTER  1608 

the  said  Robert  Adyn  shameth  not  to  take  yt  vppon  him  at  the  instance  of 
the  said  Chubbe  he  being  vsually  and  familiarly  conversant  with  him 
notwithstanding  he  knoweth  him  not  only  to  be  a  popish  recusante  convict 
but  also  to  be  verie  daungerous  to  the  state  mutinous  and  factious  in  his 
proffessiow,  And  knowing  that  the  said  Robert  Adyn  shortly  after  the  late        5 
Queenes  Ma/e-ityes  decease  offered  to  sell  the  sayd  Chubb  A  horse  to  be  paid 
for  the  same  when  there  should  be  a  masse  said  by  Aucthoritye  in  Ste  Peeters 
Church  in  Dorchester  and  that  the  said  Robert  Adyn  was  punished  for  the 
same  by  the  ludges  of  Assize:  Nowe  for  as  much  as  the  making  dispersing 
publishing  and  publicke  reading  of  such  sclanderous  reproachfull  false  and       10 
ignominious  Lybells  Wherby  yowr  said  subiect«  herin  mentioned  and  dium 
others  yo«r  Ma/«tyes  loving  subiect«  which  fforbeare  to  complayne  and 
their  good  and  honest  fame  Credditt  and  Reputac/ons  are  traduced  taxed 
sclaundered  and  drawne  in  questiow  and  therby  yo«r  said  subiect«  and  the 
Rest  left  as  publique  and  notorious  examples  of  disgrace  obloquie  and  15 

infamye  w/thout  iust  cause  given  are  contrarye  to  the  lawes  and  statutes  of 
this  Realme  and  contrarye  to  divers  proclamac/ons  heretofore  made  and 
proclaymed  for  the  better  suppressing  of  such  enormous  offences  and 
misdemeanors,  And  for  as  much  (.)s  dayly  experience  doth  witnesse  what 
great  evels  doe  spring  from  this  sedicious  and  divellish  Course  of  casting       20 
forth  Lybells  amongst  yowr  Ma/«tyes  subjects  and  howe  Daungerous  to  the 
quiett  estate  of  this  yowr  Ma/«tyes  peaceable  gouerment  yf  such  notorious 
offenders  and  malefactors  should  escape  vnpunished,  And  for  as  much  as 
the  makyng  and  publishing  of  the  said  pernicious  Lybells  by  the  persons 
before  named  and  all  other  the  offences  and  misdemeanors  afore  specified      25 
haue  bynn  perpetrated  and  comitted  since  any  generalle  pardon  w/;/ch 
pardoneth  such  offences  and  doe  not  only  depraue  yowr  said  subjects  and 
depriue  them  of  their  good  name  and  Reputac/on  wA/'ch  they  hold  and 
esteeme  as  pretious  as  their  lives  and  haue  enioyed  and  receyved  much  Comfort 
and  sweete  contentment  therin.  But  also  derrogate  from  gods  glorie  who  by    30 
such  abhorred  Courses  and  divellish  practises  is  infmitelye  dishonored  and 
noe  Remedye  can  be  given  or  Condigne  punishment  inflicted  on  the  said 
Offenders  and  malefactors  or  meanes  is  left  vnto  your  subiects  by  the  Comon 
lawes  of  this  Realme  for  the  repairing  of  their  Credits  fames  and  Reputac/ons 
so  steyned  and  blemished  as  aforesaid  nor  other  releifs  or  remedye  can  be       35 
found  or  given  but  by  and  from  yo«r  gracious  Maiesrye,  May  yt  therfore 
please  yowr  most  excellent  Mai«rye  to  graunt  vnto  your  said  humble  subiect« 
^  rnowe  complainant1  yo«r  Ma/«tyes  most  gracious  writts  of  Sub  pena  to  be 
directed  to  them  the  said  Mathew  Chubbe  and  Margarett  his  wiffe  and 
Robert  Adyn  comanding  them  &  euerye  of  them  by  yo«r  ma/'«tyes  said        40 
written  vpon  a  daye  and  vnder  a  certeyne  payne  (...)  to  be  limitted  and 
Compased  to  be  and  personallye  to  appeare  before  yowr  Ma/«tye  and  yowr 

DORCHESTER  1608  179 

heighnes  honorable  Counsell  in  yowr  heigh  Court  of  Starchamber  then  and 
there  to  answeare  the  premisses  and  further  to  stande  and  abide  such  further 
ordeO  and  censure  herein  as  yowr  Maiestyc  and  your  said  Councell  shall 
seeme  fitt  to  be  layd  and  inflicted  on  such  heinous  malefactors;  And  yowr  said 
humble  subjects  shall  euer  according  to  their  bounden  dewrye  pray  vnto  god     5 
for  the  Continewance  (...)  prosperous  and  Royall  reigne  oufr  vs. 

Exhibits  attached  to  the  Bill  of  Complaint  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al 

PRO:  STAC  8/94/1 7 

mbs  20-2*  10 

p  I  a 

Tall  sturdy  Puritan  knave  for  soe  rearmed  was  thy  name 

By  player«  whome  thou  tearmest  rogues  to  thy  face  spake  ye  same  15 

Thou  saiedst  by  the  statute  thou  woulds  affirme  thy  talle 

wA/ch  when  thou  hadst  brought  them  forth  thou  couldst  not  at  all 

Thie  mynd  is  high  thie  purse  is  small  god  knowes  it  to  be  trew 

ffor  were  it  not  for  otYier  mens  goodes  thy  state  were  of  bad  hue 

Yow  Puritans  count  yowr  selves  the  greatest  of  men  of  all  20 

But  I  trust  in  god  ere  longe  to  see  all  of  yow  to  fall/ 

Examples  two  already  haue  by  god  of  late  bynn  shewne 

By  some  of  yowr  greatest  secte  the  lyke  was  neufryet  knowen 

The  one  to  make  yow  the  more  playner  to  vndmtand  &  know 

is  one  Lawrence  of  Steepleton  whome  all  this  towne  doe  know  25 

who  made  himself  the  vprights  man  that  lived  now  a  daies 

&  Comended  much  your  deed  in  the  beating  downe  stage  playes 

He  has  to  fore  most  willing  byn  to  lead  a  quiet  lyfe 

That  now  the  divell  vrgeth  him  to  lye  w/th  Conditt«wife 

or  else  he  sayes  he  neu^r  shall  recoiurhis  disease  30 

She  heareinge  this  a  horse  did  take  &  rode  his  mynd  to  please 

Is  this  the  Puritans  lyef  that  all  of  yow  doe  professe 

Then  all  yowr  pure  lyves  are  nothing  but  dissemblinge  as  I  gesse 

our  savyour  Christ  foretold  that  false  profett«  should  arise 

that  should  make  shewe  of  godlines  but  denie  the  lor^Christe  35 

ffor  yowr  face  and  Contenance  doth  shewe  yow  dissemblars  are 

and  soe  much  doth  my  slender  wytt  of  yow  so  much  Compare 

I  pray  mr  lacke  pasty  take  it  not  in  greef  what  I  say 

But  rather  giue  me  thank«  yat  would  yow  haue  to  leave  yowr  bad  waies 

The  Schoolemaster  yat  was  one  of  them  yat  stood  on  yowr  side 

scaped  very  hard  that  he  had  not  bynn  forced  ye  foole  to  ride 

Some  of  yowr  sect  would  not  yat  ringinge  we  should  haue  and  vse 


180  DORCHESTER  1608 

but  other  some  more  better  then  they  will  yowr  word«  refuse/ 
And  that  soe  much  as  he  Rynginge  doth  so  lyke  &£  doth  so  loue 
we  wilbe  thankful!  vnto  him  as  it  doth  vs  behove 
O  god  prosper  longe  our  noble  Kinge  god  send  him  long  to  raigne 
And  not  to  trust  the  Puritans  nor  yet  the  king  of  Spayne 

Post  scriptuw  in  Pumbry  this  24th  of  lune  per  me  IA 
Adyn  yf  this  Come  to  thie  handes  behold  and  see 
do  thou  not  stand  against  stage  plaiers  nor  Yet  trew  melody 
ffor  yf  thou  doest  thou  shalt  be  calld  knave  and  foole 
and  so  shall  thy  sonne  in  lawe  chicke  ye  maister  of  the  schoole  I  10 

Yow  Puritans  all  wheresoeiuryow  dwell 

ymitateing  yowr  master  the  dyvell  of  hell  15 

leaue  of  your  devises  the  world  to  delude 

least  god  from  his  blisse  yoj/r  soules  do  exclude 

ffor  noe  ones  so  symple  that  on  yow  doth  looke 

but  knowes  yat  you  liue  contrary  to  your  booke 

yow  carry  your  bible  gods  word  to  expound  20 

and  yet  in  all  knavery  yow  dayly  abound 

ffor  envies  hatred  &:  malice  great  store 

in  noe  creatures  lyveinge  1  thinke  is  more 

as  daylie  by  experience  amongst  vs  we  fynd 

to  mischeef  and  hatred  none  more  enclynd  25 

yea  Covetousnes  letchery  and  lijnge  for  gayne 

amongst  yow  puritans  is  not  Counted  vayne 

but  first  w;th  pride  if  I  should  beginn 

because  it  is  knowne  for  a  principal!  synne 

a  question  being  asked  where  doth  it  abound  30 

then  in  the  pure  prelate  yizt  seemes  so  profound 

ffor  lardg  Cambricke  Ruffe  and  laceing  great  store 

bestowed  on  apparell  where  doe  we  see  more 

I  name  not  french  bodies  that  w/th  whales  bone  are  Made 

for  puritans  are  to  holy  to  meynteyne  that  trade  35 

And  many  things  more  I  could  now  haue  spoke 

but  yat  some  would  say  I  did  at  them  scoffe 

wA/ch  sure  I  doe  not  nor  meane  nothinge  soe 

yet  who  crosses  their  follyes  is  Counted  a  foe 

others  there  are  that  are  knowne  very  well  40 

which  for  purenes  of  lyfe  they  say  they  excel! 

yea  Sainctes  of  heaven  already  Chosen  they  bee 


to  iudge  the  good,  and  evill  of  tuery  degree 

yea  in  this  present  life  they  lett  not  to  maynteyne 

that  their  deere  frend«  are  damnd  for  lyueing  vaine 

And  for  theire  reward  hell  fire  they  haue  gained 

and  thus  Parkyns  hath  said  yai  his  father  hath  obteynd 

of  his  mother  he  stands  doubtfull  her  co  recall 

but  his  sister  he  is  sure  shee  will  neutr  fall 

But  yet  for  all  this  when  he  was  forth  gonne 

the  dyvell  found  his  body  at  play  all  alone 

and  taught  him  to  dance  the  dyvells  rownd  10 

I  could  wish  he  had  Parkyns  in  that  pownd 

But  what  a  Clowne  is  this  &  Rascall  Scismatike  knaue/ 

that  will  iudg  his  frends  such  vglie  torments  to  haue/ 

A  gratious  turne  were  yt  if  god  had  so  pleasde 

that  Cerberus  in  this  world  on  his  bones  had  ceasde  is 

ffor  example  to  others  such  Counterfaite  mates 

that  will  maynteyne  Religeon  w/th  lyinge  prates 

yea  this  Scismaticke  dogge  and  ympe  of  the  dyvell 

doth  maynteyne  that  god  is  the  author  of  evill 

Such  variety  of  Religeon  amongst  vs  is  vsed  20 

that  thus  is  the  mazmy  of  god  by  them  abused 

I  pray  god  in  mercy  forgyue  vs  our  synne 

and  roote  out  theis  presitions  yat  newe  Religeon  beginn 

That  flocke  themselues  in  Corners  both  early  and  late 

each  knaue  makeinge  choise  of  a  whoare  for  his  mate  25 

&:  thus  vnder  Coulor  and  cloake  of  good  purytie 

all  villany  is  Comitted  in  Corners  of  obscuritie 

In  the  Church  on  the  sabboth  what  attention  they  shew 

yf  the  henn  did  butt  see  yt,  it  would  make  the  cocke  crow 

when  their  ghoastlie  father  to  the  seat  doth  repayre  30 

after  him  they  flocke  as  it  weare  to  a  fayre 

And  in  such  sort  there  they  stand  &  witnes  doe  call 

that  crosse  in  Baptisme  he  makes  none  att  all 

but  if  it  soe  chance  out  of  towne  that  [yee]  'he1  bee 

then  at  devine  service  none  of  them  shall  yee  see  35 

but  after  him  they  runne  as  pigg«  after  a  sowe 

detesting  dyvine  service  appoynted  vs  now 

To  saie  they  be  traytors  I  hold  it  noe  reason 

because  traytors  are  they  that  Comwytt  treason 

But  Rebells  I  will  count  them  I  thinke  w/thout  blame  40 

bycause  in  disobeyinge  the  kynge  they  hold  it  no  shame 

for  what  our  kynge  Commands  that  doe  they  denye 

182  DORCHESTER  1608 

yea  praijnge  kneeling  &  standing,  all  theis  they  defy 

All  honest  recreac/ons  and  mirrymentw  they  blame 

and  are  not  theis  Puritans?  speake  truth  for  shame 

But  the  spiritt  doth  them  moue  their  professions  to  vse 

not  only  to  the  latten  but  the  kinge  to  abuse 

And  thus  doe  I  cease  their  follyes  to  vnfold 

and  leaue  them  to  their  master  which  makes  them  soe  bold 

To  the  execrable  Companie  [and  pack]  of  Puritans  and  the 
deepest  desemblinge  Anabaptistes  of  this  tyme  Enymies  |0 

to  the  kynge  and  state,  Lett  this  I  praie  thee  be 
Delyiured  w/'th  speed/  I 


To  the  Counterfait  Company  &  packe  of  Puritans/  15 

Haueinge  my  self  heard  a  Sermon  now  of  late 

preached  [by  a]  in  Church  by  a  puritan  Prelate 

I  Could  not  well  conteyne  nor  hold  my  penn  still 

least  I  should  participate  in  the  same  ill  20 

Though  much  absurd  doctrine  that  sect  hath  sowen 

which  in  all  former  adges  hath  bynn  vnknowne 

Yet  the  matter  handled  that  tyme  was  so  deepe 

as  the  falshood  of  yt  might  moue  men  to  weepe 

The  Saviowr  of  the  world  Christ  lesus  in  person/  25 

of  his  sacred  death  was  broughte  in  question 

How  that  he  was  not  the  Sauiour  of  vs  all 

But  of  the  elected  w^;ch  cann  neuer  fall 

And  how  he  suffred  &C  did  dy  for  none 

but  for  his  people  and  such  as  weare  his  owne  30 

O  wretch  and  silly  man  yf  white  be  thy  skynne 

yet  blacke  and  defiled  is  thy  soule  within 

noe  mortal!  man  but  the  dyvell  did  devise 

to  cutt  &  curtaile  Christw  passion  in  this  wise 

fTor  Christ  our  redeemfrw/thout  all  exception  35 

for  all  mankind  suffred  his  passion/ 

And  when  of  his  goodnes  he  dyed  on  the  tree 

his  bloud  then  extended  to  eufry  degree/ 

Such  was  his  Ma/«tie  love,  and  Chantie 

as  he  would  saue  those  that  did  him  Crucify  40 

1 1/   thcc:    th  corrected  over  y(.) 



yf  soe  he  suffred  to  saue  and  sett  all  free 

why  the  worlds  savyour  ought  he  not  to  be 

Though  all  be  not  saued  defect  is  not  his 

he  performed  his  loue  to  giue  vs  all  blisse 

who  therefore  shall  publish  or  holdeth  not  soe 

worketh  for  hell  fyre  &  is  our  lords  foe 

But  what  other  fruyt  may  there  be  expected 

ffrom  theis  Counterfaite  bretheren  elected 

who  wickedly  doe  hold  and  so  doe  professe 

that  god  is  the  Author  of  all  sinfullnes  10 

who  likewise  affirme  ya\.  whatsoeu^r  chance 

Christ  is  surely  theirs  and  he  will  them  advance/ 

gods  deere  children  holy  Saynct«  they  are  they  knowe  well 

&  heaven  is  their  heritage  where  they  shall  dwell 

As  for  all  other  Sayncvs  that  are  dead  &C  paste  15 

what  [they]  haue  they  to  do  w/th  them  or  for  them  to  faste 

Loe  this  they  will  presume  because  in  holy  wrytt 

they  find  some  authorities  for  their  purpose  fytt 

but  the  conditions  whereon  those  are  grownded 

neiurwill  they  learne  least  they  be  confownded  20 

Example  late  on  him  god  would  shew  noe  doubt 

Whose  fftnger  would  haue  stopt  faire  Conditc^i  spoute 

for  god  would  reveale  their  liues  &  manners  rude 

&  shew  wnh  what  falshood  the  world  they  delude 

yet  lyke  most  presumptuous  and  lyke  peevish  Elves  25 

In  all  their  misdeeds  they  lustefy  themselues 

and  whosoeu^ris  not  of  their  Sect  a  brother 

is  suer  cast  awaye  and  reckoned  for  none  other 

But  from  their  false  doctryne  god  keepe  me  &  myne 

and  that  to  such  errors  wee  neu^r  inclyne/  30 

Interrogatories  for  Defendants  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al 

PRO:  STAC  8/94/1 7 
mb   17*  (Before  7 May) 


Interrogatories  to  be  ministred  to  mathew  Chubbe,  and  margret  his  wyfe 
and  Robart  Adin  defendants,  to  ye  bill  of  Complaynt  and  inforwaoon  of 
lohn  Conditte  and  Elizabeth  his  wyfe  Complaynant«/ 

did  not  certayn  stage  players  -which  called  themselves  the  Lor<^  Barkleys 
servants  come  vnto  the  towne  of  dorchester  in  or  about  the  moneth  of 
Aprill  in  ye  yeare  of  our  Lor^god  1607.  weare  they  not  prohybyted  by  the 


184  DORCHESTER  1608 

BaylifFes  and  Magistrate  of  the  sayd  towne  to  play  on  the  Sabbath  day,  did 
not  you  pcrswade  ye  said  Bayliffes  and  magistrate  y<«  the  said  Stage  players 
might  be  licenced  or  permitted  to  play  in  the  common  hall  on  the  sabaoth 
day,  did  not  the  said  Bayliffs  or  magistraetew/thstand  you  therein,  did  not 
you  thervpON  send  word  to  ye  sayd  Bayliffs  officers  or  Magistrate  or  some       5 
of  them  that  you  would  be  even  wz'th  them,  or  some  other  message  to  such 
effect,  And  did  not  the  sayd  players  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  being  the 
Sabbaoth  day  by  your  meanes  or  procurement  play  an  enterlude  at  a  Cowmon 
Inne  in  the  sayd  towne  of  dorchester,  weare  not  you  present  at  such  Stageplay 
or  enterlude,  And  did  not  you  send  for  or  procure  other  Company  to  be  at      10 
the  same  enterlude  or  Stageplay,  &C  what  moved  you  so  to  doe,  weare  not 
you  then  or  late  before  an  officer  in  the  said  towne  of  Dorchester  and  what 
office  did  you  then  beare  or  supplie./ 


Answer  of  Matthew  and  Margaret  Chubbe,  Defendants  in  Condytt  et  al 
v.Chubbeetal     PRO:  STAC  8/94/17 
mb   18"  (2 June) 

The  ioynt  and  several!  aunsweres  of  Mathewe  Chub,  20 

Gentleman  and  Margaret  his  Wife,  two  of  the 
Defendantes,  To  the  byll  of  Complaynt  of  lohn  Condytt 

and  Elizabeth  his  Wife  Complaynaunte. 

The  said  defendants  by  protestac/on  say  That  they  take  the  said  Comp\aynant 
lohn  Condytt  not  to  be  a  man  of  any  specyall  Note,  office,  credytt  or  quality     25 
eyther  w/thin  the  Towne  of  dorchester  where  he  dwelleth  or  in  the  Cowmon 
wealth  such  as  showld  be  admytted  to  ympleade  and  seeke  redres  in  this 
high  &C  honorable  Cowrt  of  Starchamber  for  offence  of  such  kynde  as  are 
pretended  in  his  said  Byll/  Also  the  said  Complainant  lohn  Condytt  beinge 
by  his  trade  a  Taylor  is  not  of  honest  nor  iust  behavor  nor  carridge  in  his  trade   30 
of  Taylorship  as  theis  said  defendantes  haue  crediblye  heard  &C  do  not  dowbt 
but  will  make  good  &C  sufficyent  prof  therof.  Likewise  there  are  in  the  said 
byll  of  Complaynt  comprized  &£  set  furthe  divers  matters,  supposed  Libelle 
&  surmized  offence  which  concerne  not  the  CompLzyrawte  them  selues  but 
sowme  others  w/>/ch  do  not  complaine  as  theis  said  detendantes  do  take  ytl      35 
And  therfore  the  said  Complaynantes  are  not  to  be  receaued  to  presente  their 
Complaynt  for  or  concfrninge  those  pretended  offence,  but  they  are  rather 
to  be  taken  them  selues  to  be  offenders  in  producinge  &  divulginge  such 
matters  as  do  concmie  others,  beinge  men  of  estimac/on  and  quality  Who 
them  selues  would  willingly  haue  such  vnfittinge  matters  supprest  &  smothered    40 
as  theis  defendantes  do  take  ytl .  Moreoud-r  the  said  Complaynantes  did 
heretofore  prefer  /into  this  honorable  Cowrt1  one  other  byll  of  Complaynt 
contayninge  such  or  like  effect  against  theis  said  defendantes  and  against 

1 85 


Robme  Coker  gentleman  a  goldsmith  William  Longe  Lawrence  darby  & 
william  Palmer  &  others.  Therin  complayninge  of  &  settinge  furth  the  same 
supposed  Libellw  which  are  menc/oned  in  their  said  byll.  But  before  aunswere 
was  made  to  that  former  byll  by  any  of  the  said  defendants  he  the  said 
Comflaynant  lohn  Condyt  compownded  wrth  iiij  other  of  the  then  defendames     5 
namely  wnh  the  said  Robme  Coker  wilb^m  Longe,  Lawrence  darby  and 
william  Palmer,  and  he  did  take  of  them  (blank)  the  somwze  of  Twelue 
pound«  for  the  same  composition  And  in  considerac/on  therof  the  said 
Complaynantes  surceased  that  suite  &  obtayned  that  byll  to  be  wtthdrawen 
Synce  which  agreement  the  said  Complaynantes  haue  preferred  this  second        10 
Byll  into  this  Honorable  Cowrt  against  theis  said  defendantes  Therm 
alleadginge  That  they  theis  defendantes  w/th  some  other  vnknowen  persons 
haue  contrived  &£  published  the  said  supposed  Lybellw,  When  as  the  said 
Complaynant  lohn  Condyt  had  formerly  compownded  w;th  those  iiij  other 
before  named  Whom  they  the  said  Complaynantes  do  pretend  to  be  the         15 
vnknowen  pmons  As  theis  said  defendantes  do  take  yt./  And  likewise  the 
Comflaynant  lohn  Condyt  hath  caused  offer  to  be  made  vnto  this  said 
defendant  Mathewe  Chub  to  be  likewise  dischardged  of  this  newe  suite,  if 
they  the  said  defendants  would  but  acknolidge  that  the  said  defendames  had 
wronged  the  said  Complaynant  Elizabeth  Condyt  Which  to  doe  the  said         20 
deffndantes  vtterly  refused.  Whenn  the  said  Complaynantes  do  much  abuse 
the  worthynes  and  state  of  this  honorable  Cowrt  as  theis  said  deffndantes  do 
take  yt.  ffor  all  which  causes  they  theis  said  defendants  do  demur  in  Lawe 
&C  do  appleale  to  the  censure  of  this  honorable  Cowrt  Whether  the  said 
Complaynantes  shalbe  receaued,  or  admitted  to  any  farther  procedingw  in         25 
this  suite,  &  whether  theis  said  defendantes  shalbe  vrged  to  make  any  farther 
or  other  aunswere  to  the  same  suite  in  this  same  Honorable  Cowrt./  And 
yet  neumheles  if  this  honorable  Cowrt  shall  thinke  fitt  to  order  theis  said 
defendames  to  make  any  farther  or  other  aunswere  to  the  said  Complayn/zmw 
Byll  Then  &  not  otherwise  they  theis  deffndantes  (savinge  to  them  selues         30 
nowe  &C  at  all  tymes  hereafter  all  advantage  of  excepc/on  to  the  vncmenty 
&  insuffityencye  of  the  said  Complaynantes  byll  ffor  aunswere  they  say  That 
they  theis  defendantes  are  chardged  in  the  said  Complaynantes  Byll  to  be  the 
contryvers,  publishers,  or  causers  or  consenters  to  the  publishinge  of  three 
severall  infamows  Libellfi  menczoned  in  the  Byll  of  Complaint,  &  which  are    js 
annexed  to  the  same  Byll/.  ffor  aunswere  wherunto  they  say  ffirst  as  towchinge 
the  said  supposed  Libell  (beginninge  Tall,  sturdye  Purytan  knaue  &c)  That 
a  Younge  gentleman  Namely  lervice  Scroope  beinge  one  of  the  Schollers  of 
Robme  Chick  in  the  said  byll  named  of  thage  of  xj  yeares  or  therabowte, 

3/  which:  vi  corrected  over  another  letter  24/  appleale:  yorappeale 

117  Cowrt:   C  corrected  over  B  30-2/   (savinge  to  ..    byll:    closing  parenthesis  omitted  after  byll 

186  DORCHESTER  1608 

and  then  dyeted  or  tabled  in  this  defendants  howse  did  in  or  abowte  the 
moneth  of  lune  in  the  byll  menc/oned  bringe  or  deliuervnto  this  defendant 
Margaret  Chub  a  Paper  Wrytinge  contayninge  somwe  such  matter  or  the 
same  as  in  the  said  first  before  menc/oned  supposed  Libell  is  contayned  as  a 
thinge  which  he  then  said  he  had  of  a  Bowchers  boy  that  fownde  yt  in  the         5 
Towne  Whervpon  this  defendant  'margaret1  in  the  absence  of  her  said 
husband  not  readinge  yt  her  self  did  furthwnh  deliufrthe  same  paper  in  this 
defendantes  howse  vnto  one  Mr  Oliuer  Hayne  nowe  one  of  the  BaylifT«of 
dorchester  aforesaid  (Who  before  that  tyme  had  byn  in  the  like  office  there) 
she  Arsupposinge  that  eyther  the  said  Mr  Hayne  or  one  Mr  Henry  whitle         10 
who  weare  bothe  there  together  was  Deputy  Bayliff  to  the  said  defendaunt 
Mathew  Chub  in  his  absence.  And  also  she1  not  knowinge  whether  yt  were 
a  Libell  or  not,  Neyther  doeth  she  knowe  whether  Mr  Hayne  did  then  reade 
yt  or  not.  But  she  receauinge  yt  again,  did  ymmedyatly  afterwards  vpon  the 
cowminge  home  of  her  said  husband  deliuer  to  the  defendant  mathewe  Chub     is 
her  husband  (then  beinge  one  of  the  Bayliffoof  the  said  Towne)  the  said 
Paper  wrytinge.  At  which  tyme  also  the  said  defendant  mathewe  Chub 
together  wzth  his  fellowe  Bayliff,  and  some  other  of  the  chief  Burgesses  of 
the  said  Towne  had  a  privat  meetinge  at  the  howse  of  this  said  defendant 
mathewe  Chub  to  confer  of  the  ratinge  of  the  Subsidye  for  the  Townes  men    20 
of  dorchester/  And  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  did  then  w;th  a  loe  voyce 
read  yt,  or  part  therof  in  the  hearinge  of  his  said  fellowe  Baylif  and  Burgesses. 
Not  of  any  purpose  to  divulge  the  wrytinge  or  to  despite  or  defame  the 
persons  named  or  aymed  at  therm,  but  as  thinkinge  fit  to  see  the  contentw 
therof,  and  to  acquaint  his  said  fellowe  Officers  of  the  Towne  therw/th/          25 
Vpon  readinge  wherof  at  the  same  tyme  he  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub 
did  put  yt  into  his  pocket,  &c  did  neufrdeliuerany  copye  therof,  or  otherwise 
publishe  yt.  Neyther  did  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  to  his  remembraunce 
euer  sythence  (vntill  he  had  this  exhibited  Copye  out  of  this  Honorable 
Cowrt)  so  much  as  after  againe  read  yt  over.  Only  at  one  tyme  after  (beinge    30 
the  day  followinge)  Will/am  Willyams  Esquier,  sonne  &  heire  to  Sir  lohn 
Willyams  knight,  and  one  of  yowr  highnes  Iustic«of  the  Peace  dwellinge 
neere  to  the  said  Towne  beinge  at  this  defendantes  said  howse  did  vse  or 
speake  some  word«  (as  this  defendant  nowe  remembreth)  that  he  had  heard 
somwe  thinge  of  the  said  supposed  Libell,  &  did  desyer  (as  this  defendant      }•> 
nowe  thinketh)  to  see  yt  in  so  much  that  this  defendant  margaret  Chub 
(knowinge  the  said  William  willyams  to  be  a  gentleman  of  sort  &  place,  & 
not  likely  to  breede  any  scandal!  or  offence  therby)  did  w/thout  the  knolidge 
or  consent  of  the  said  Mathew  Chub  her  husband  fetch  the  said  supposed 
Libell  furth  of  this  defendantes  Chamber  in  which  yt  lay,  and  deliiurrd  yt  to      40 
the  said  willwm  willyams  thinkinge  he  would  then  furthw/th  haue  redeliuml 
yt  againe.  But  this  defendant  Mathewe  Chub  pmreavinge  the  said  Mr  Willyams 


to  haue  the  said  wrytinge  in  his  hand,  &  puttinge  yt  into  his  pocket  of 
purpose  to  carrye  yt  away  (as  yt  seemed)  the  same  not  beinge  then  read,  he 
this  defendant  mathewe  did  therfore  earnestly  require  the  said  mr  Willyams 
to  restore  yt  againe  WAzch  the  said  mr  Willyams  then  refused,  and  would  not. 
Whervpon  this  said  defendant  mathewe  Chub  then  chardged  him  in  yo«r 
highnes  name  to  deliud-ryt  to  the  said  Sir  lohn  willyams  his  ffather  to  examyn 
the  same,  he  beinge  a  lustice  of  peace  as  aforesaid/  And  theis  defendantes  do 
traverse  &  deny  That  they,  or  eyther  of  them  did  envye  or  repyne  at  the 
prosperity  or  good  fame  of  the  said  Comp\aynantes  or  of  the  said  lohn  White, 
Robme  Chick  or  lohn  Adyn  in  the  said  byll  named,  Or  of  any  other  honest    10 
persons  of  honest  or  good  behavor,  or  haue  to  their  knolidge  conspired,  or 
practized  to  foyle  extinguishe  or  take  away  their  honest  fame  or  good 
reputadon.  Or  that  they  theis  or  eyther  of  them  haue  made, 
wryten,  devised,  or  contrived  any  infamowes  scandalowes  or  ignominyous 
Libell,  or  haue  to  their  knolidge  published,  dispersed,  or  divulged  any  such      15 
supposed  Libell  as  in  the  said  byll  of  CompLzynt  is  slaunderously  surmized 
and  alleadged./  Only  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  did  once  in  privat  read  the 
before  menc/oned  wrytinge  at  the  presents  receyt  therof  as  aforesaid  And  the 
said  defendant  margaret  did  deliutryt  to  the  said  mr  Hayne  and  mr  Willyams 
Not  of  any  evell  purpose  /or1  to  publishe  yt  as  before  is  said.  And  without      20 
that  /That    theis  defendantes  or  eyther  of  them  haue  geven  Copyes  therof. 
And  wz'thout  that  That  this  defendant  margaret  (to  her  knolidge)  did  tell  or 
recownt  the  substaunce  of  the  said  wrytinge  vnto  other  persons  offeringe 
that  they  or  any  frind  of  theirs  should  haue  a  Copye  therof  Savinge  that  this 
defendant  margaret  to  her  nowe  remembraunce  tolde  a  mayd  s^rvaunt  of  the   25 
said  Complaynames  the  same  day  at  night.  That  there  was  a  Lettte  that  day 
fownd  wherin  mr  Lawrence  lightnes  in  his  late  sicknes,  &  her  dame  were 
named  In  which  wordes  this  defendant  Margaret  Chub,  meant  no  evell  to 
any  person/  And  w/'thout  that  That  this  defendant  Margaret  did  make  or 
contrive  the  said  supposed  Libell,  or  did  cause  or  was  consentinge  therunto,    30 
or  to  the  divulginge  or  publishinge  therof  As  in  the  said  byll  of  Comp\aynt 
is  surmized  &  alleadged  other  then  is  before  menc/oned/  And  towchinge  the 
Second  supposed  Libell  menc/oned  in  the  said  Complaynantes  Byll  which 
conc<rneth  mr  Perkins  nowe  deceased,  he  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  for 
aunswere  doeth  say  That  he  this  defendant  mathewe  in  or  abowte  the  moneth    ?s 
of  August  in  the  ffowerth  yeare  of  yo«r  highnes  raigne,  beinge  then  one  of 
the  Baylififo  of  the  said  Towne  of  dorchester  and  sittinge  at  the  doore  of  the 
howse  of  his  fellowe  Bayliffthe  forenamed  Richard  Blachford  (which  howse  was 
and  is  seated  neere  to  the  Crosse  there)  One  Thomas  ffoy  a  poore  Shoemaker 
dwellinge  w/'thin  the  same  Towne  did  repayer  vnto  this  said  defendant  40 

sittinge  as  aforesaid  with  his  said  fellowe  Bayliff,  &  did  deliuer  to  this  said 
defendant  mathewe  Chub  an  old  Tittered  pap<rleafe  contayninge  such  or 

188  DORCHESTER  1608 

the  like  effect  menc/oned  in  the  said  second  supposed  Libell  wryten  on  the 
outsyde  therof  You  Purytans  all  &c.  and  in  the  inside  likewise  beginninge 
You  Purytans  all  whersoeu^ryou  dwell  &c.  as  in  the  said  Byll  is  set  furth. 
v  which  foye  beinge  demaunded  then  where  he  had  yt  aunswered  that  he 
found  the  same   Whervpon  he  this  defendant  and  the  said  Mr  Blachford          5 
seinge  one  Mr  Barker  (beinge  then  likewise  one  of  the  Constables  of  the  said 
Towne)  in  the  streat,  before  they  opened  the  same  did  call  him  vnto  them 
to  heare,  &  see  what  the  contents  therof  was.  And  then  &:  there  at  the  said 
Mr  Blachford«  doore  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  did  read  that  wrytinge 
in  privat  betwene  them  selues  w/th  a  loe  voyce,  and  not  at  the  market  Crosse      10 
w/th  a  lowd  voyce  as  in  the  said  byll  is  surmized.  Neyther  did  this  defendant 
mathewe  Chub  knowe  or  ever  see  or  heare  of  (to  his  remembraunce)  the 
said  Perkins  menc/oned  in  the  same  supposed  Libell  before  that  tyme.  Nor 
did  vnderstand  who  was  meant  by  that  Perkyns  vntyll  abowte  vj  monethes 
after  that  tyme.  W/thout  that,  That  this  defendant  did  make  or  contrive        15 
the  same  supposed  Libell,  or  did  (to  his  remembraunce)  offer  copies  therof 
for  money  as  in  the  said  byll  is  likewise  surmized./  And  towchinge  the 
Third  supposed  Libell  menc/oned  in  the  said  Complaynantes  byll  beg/ninge 
w/th  this  sup^-rscripc/on  Vizt  To  the  Counterfeyt  Company  and  Pack  of 
Purytans  &c,  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  for  aunswere  sayth  That  such     20 
a  wrytinge  in  or  abowte  the  moneth  of  October  in  the  iiijth  yeare  of  your 
highnes  raigne  was  fownd  in  the  entrye  of  this  def<?Hd^Ht«dwellinge  howse 
at  dorchester  aforesaid,  at  such  tyme  as  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  was  at 
supper,  W/;/ch  writinge  was  folded  vp  in  the  manner  of  a  \ettre  sealed  and 
the  supfrscripc/on  was  (as  this  defendant  nowe  remembreth)  To  mr  mathewe     25 
Chub  be  theis  deliu/rd  WA/'ch  wrytinge  beinge  so  fownde  &  deliuml  to  this 
said  defendant  mathewe  Chub.  (And  this  defendant  beinge  then  also  one  of 
the  Constables  of  the  said  Towne  of  dorchester,  and  suspectinge  yt  might  be 
somwe  bad  matter  against  him  self  A  he    this  defendant  did  then  read  the 
same  or  part  therof  in  the  hearinge  of  mr  Richard  Blachford  his  fellowe        30 
Constable.  And  then  furthw/th  fyndinge  what  yt  was,  they  bothe  went 
therw/th  vnto  mr  lames  Gold  then  one  of  the  Bayliffeof  the  said  Towne  to 
acquaint  him  w/th  yt.  At  whose  cowminge  to  the  said  mr  Gold«  howse  he 
this  defendant  did  there  fmde  the  said  mr  lohn  White  in  the  Byll  menc/oned 
in  company  of  the  said  mr  Gold  w/th  others.  And  bycause  the  said  mr  Gold    35 
could  not  him  self  read  the  wrytinge,  he  this  defendant  did  read  yt  vnto  him 
in  presence  of  the  said  lohn  white  and  others.  And  before  or  after  this  defendant 
had  read  yt,  he  did  in  deede  say  to  the  said  mr  White,  that  he  this  defendant 
did  think  the  said  White  was  aymed  at  in  the  same  writinge  by  cause  yt  had 
in  yt  (if  White  be  thy  skyn  &c)  At  which  tyme  &  place  the  said  mr  White       40 

27-9/   (And  this  defendant  ...  against  him  self:   c  losing  pare  nthesu  omitted  after  self 

1  81 

desyred  to  have  the  same  wrytinge  W/?/ch  he  this  defendant  then  refused  to 
deliver,  sayinge  (as  he  nowe  remembreth)  that  he  beinge  an  Officer  would 
keepe  yt  for  his  owne  dischardge  And  afterwards  this  defendant  havinge 
hard  say  that  the  said  Robert  Adyn  one  of  the  said  defendants  was  the  doer 
therof,  he  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  demaunded  of  the  said  Robme 
Adyn  Whether  he  did  wryte  the  same,  and  whether  he  did  cast  yt  wuhin  the 
dores  of  this  defendant  To  whom  the  said  Robert  Adyn  willingly  aunswered 
that  yt  was  his  owne  wrytinge,  &  that  he  him  self  did  cast  yt  into  the  howse 
of  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  At  w/?/ch  tyme  also  this  defendant  did 
likewise  demaund  of  the  said  Robme  Adyn  Whether  he  had  not  formerly        10 
wryten  any  more,  Whervnto  the  said  Robm  Adyn  aunswered  that  he  had 
wryten  the  Purytans  Profession.  W^ch  Purytans  Profession  had  byn  browght 
oi  shewed  to  the  said  defendant  mathewe  Chub  as  he  remembreth  by  his 
said  fellowe  Constable  longe  before.  Whervpon  he  this  defendant  Mathewe 
Chub  did  make  yt  knowen  aswell  vnto  Sir  George  Trenchard  knight  in  the       is 
Byll  named,  beinge  then  one  of  the  next  Iustic«  of  peace  to  the  said  Towne, 
as  also  to  the  said  lohn  White  &  divers  others  as  this  defendant  remembreth. 
And  this  defendant  machewe  Chub  likwise  sayth  that  after  the  readinge  of 
the  same  supposed  Libell  to  the  said  mr  lames  Gold  and  mr  White  as 
aforesaid,  he  this  defendant  as  he  nowe  remembreth  did  neyther  read,  nor     20 
publishe  yt  Neyther  did  he  deliuer  Copye  therof  nor  shewe  yt  to  any  other 
person  Whatsoeuer,  vnlesse  yt  were  to  ffraunc«  Ashley  Esquier  a  Justice  of 
peace  dwellinge  in  the  same  Towne  of  Dorchester  (to  whom  this  defendant 
deliuered  or  Shewed1  the  same)  'as  he  thinketh  Vpon  the  longe  sithence 
report  of  the  said  mr  Ashley1  but  yet  not  of  any  malitious  purpose  towards     2^ 
the  Complaynantes  or  any  others.  And  this  defendant  mathewe  Chub  doeth 
traversse  &  deny  that  he  did  at  any  tyme  malitiously  or  vnlawfully  disperce 
or  cast  abroade,  or  consent  to  the  castinge  abroade  of  the  same  supposed 
Libell  in  sundry  plac«as  in  the  said  byll  of  CompUywt  is  likewise  slaunderously 
surmized  &  alleadged.  And  w/'thout  that  That  this  defendant  hath  geven  out   30 
any  Copyes  of  that  supposed  libell,  or  did  affirme  to  his  remembraunce  that 
the  matters  therin  contayned  are  trewe  Or  that  this  defendant  mathew 
Chubbe  to  his  remembraunce  hath  affirmed  that  the  matters  were  true,  wA/ch 
are  conteyned  in  the  said  supposed  libell  against  the  complaynantes  &  other 
persones  w/7/ch  now  complaine  not,  as  in  the  said  bill  of  complaint  is  also      35 
vntruelie  surmised/  "And  towchinge  the  surmise  of  the  said  bill,  that  this 
defendant  mathew  Chubbe  hath  byn  opposite  to  the  said  mr  White  &  to 
divers  other  prechers  his  predecessors  in  the  church  of  dorchester  And  that 
also  this  defendant  mathewe  Chubbe  hath  been  evermore  quarrellinge  with 
them  &  other  learned  prechers  &  mynisters  neere  the  said  towne  of  dorchester    40 
enveyenge  more  their  doctrine,  than  their  persones,  mayneteyninge  & 
defendinge  publiquelie  the  popish  doctrine  of  salvac/on  by  merits,  this 

190  DORCHESTER  1608 

defendant  mathew  Chubbe  for  aunswere  saeth  that  [h]  to  his  remembraunce 
hee  never  quarrelled  w/th  anie  such  pre-cher  or  mynister,  enveyenge  their 
doctrine,  more  than  ther  pmones,  neither  did  hee  (to  his  remembraunce) 
ever  mayneteyne  such  doctrine  of  salvac/on  by  meritwas  in  the  said  bill  is 
slaunderouslie  set  forth/  And  farder  saith  w/th  modestie,  as  beinge  provoked      5 
thervnto,  that  noe  one  w/thin  the  said  towne  of  dorchester  (as  this  defendant 
mathew  Chubbe  thinketh)  hath  by  manie  yeres  togither  now  last  past  given 
so  mych  yerelie  stipend  &  helpe  to  the  pr^chers  of  the  said  town  of  dorchester, 
as  this  defendant  hath  done,  And  likewise  when  divers  other  mynisters, 
dwellinge  neere  to  the  said  towne  have  come  at  divers  tymes  to  preach  there,    10 
this  defendant  hath  not  onlie  byn  vsuallie  present  at  their  sermons,  but  hee 
hath  also  vsuallie  enterteyned  them  at  dynner/  Also  this  defendant  abowt 
eight  yeeres  past  did  at  his  owne  charge,  build  a  convenient  dwellinge  howse 
w/thin  the  towne  of  dorchester,  for  the  stipendarie  pr<?chers  w/thin  the  same 
towne  to  dwell  in  rent  free  &C  the  same  howse  hath  been  accordinglie  so  vsed   15 
&  enioyed/  And  moreoucr  there  havinge  latelie  risen  some  difference  betwene 
the  said  mr  White  &  this  defendant  mathew,  they  the  said  mr  White  &  this 
defendant  mathew  have  sithence  mutuallie  released  either  to  other  all  acc/ons 
&C  demaund«/  By  all  which  it  may  appear  (as  this  defendant  conceiveth) 
that  hee  this  defendant  is  not  opposite  nor  an  adversary  to  the  prfchers  nor      20 
to  their  doctrine,  as  in  ye  said  bill  is  surmised,  &  likewise  are  the  said 
mathew  &  Robm  Chick  frind«  as  this  defendant  taketh  yt/  And  towching 
this  defendant  that  hee  is  mych  conversant  w/th  the  said  Robm  Adyn  the 
recusant,  hee  this  defendant  mathew  Chubbe  for  aunswere  saeth,  that  the 
said  Sir  John  Willwms,  togither  w/th  this  defendant  were  heertofore  put  in      2s 
trust,  by  lohn  Adyn,  (brother  of  the  said  Robm  Adyn)  deceassed,  &  likewise 
the  admynistrac/on  of  the  good«of  the  said  lohn  Adyn  hath  byn  comitted 
vnto  the  said  Sir  lohn  Will/rfms,  to  this  defendant  mathew  Chubbe  &  to  the 
said  Robm  Adyn,  for  wA/ch  cause  &  by  meanes  also  of  divers  suit«  in  law 
w/7/ch  the  said  Robm  Adyn  now  hath  &C  have  had  in  the  towne  cowrt  of       30 
dorchester,  where  the  said  defendant  mathew  Chubbe  is  Stewarde  vnder  the 
said  Sir  George  Trenchard,  hee  the  said  [Sir  George  Tren]  Robm  Adyn  hath 
divers  tymes  resorted  vnto  the  said  defendant  mathew  Chubbes  A  howse    to 
confer  of  the  same  busynesses  Also  towching  ye  opinion  of  the  said  Robme 
Adyn  in  manie  matters  of  religion  this  defendant  doth  vtterlie  condempne       35 
it/  &  this  defendant  mathew  was  one  of  the  cheife  which  principallie  gave 
evidence  against  hym  before  the  Iudg«  of  Assize  there  concerninge  the  masse 
mencz'oned  in  the  said  comp\aynantesbi\\,  And  towching  the  stage  plaiers 
menc/oned  in  the  said  comp\aynantes  bill  this  defendant  mathew  Chubbe 
for  aunswer  saeth  that  some  of  the  same  stage  plaiers,  as  this  defendant         w 
remembreth  did  at  or  abowt  ye  tyme  in  ye  said  bill  menc/oned  ask  leave  of 


this  defendant  beinge  an  officer,  to  plaie,  w/thin  ye  said  towne  to  whome 
this  defendant  made  aunswere,  that  hee  for  his  part  was  contented  they  should 
play/  also  that  this  defendant  to  accompanie  one  S/r  Adrian  Scrope  Knighc 
this  defendant  being  his  tenant,  did  goe  to  a  play  at  ye  In  mena'oned  in  ye 
said  complaynantes  bill  where  the  said  knight  lodged,  but  at  other  tymes  this     5 
defendant  hath  verie  seldome  frequented  anie  plaies,  nor  favored  plaieres 
more  than  some  others  of  his  place  have  done  for  this  defendant  for  his  pan 
hath  had  of  late  yeers  littel  delight  to  bee  present  at  plaies  withowt  that  A  rThat 
this  defendant  to  his  remembrance  did  send  word  in  thretning  maivr  to  ye 
bailives  or  burgesses  of  ye  said  towne  that  hee  would  bee  even  wzth  them,  or    10 
that  this  defendant  did  /in1  dispite  procure  the  plaiers  to  plaie  in  ye  said  In, 
as  in  ye  said  bill  of  comp(aynt  is  surmised  &C  aleged  And  theis  defendantes 
mathew  Chub  &  nruzrgaret  for  further  aunswere  doe  saie,  &  ech  of  them  for 
hym  &  her  selfe  say  yat  as  vnto  &:  consuming  all  &  singuler  the  conspiracies 
^  r  confederates    cowbinacons,  contriving  &C  writing  of  libels,  dispfrcing,        15 
divulging  &  publishing  of  libels  &  all  other  ye  misdemenors  &C  offenc« 
menc/oned  &  set  forthe  in  ye  said  bill  of  cowplaint,  to  have  byn  done, 
comitted  or  procured  by  theis  said  defendantes,  or  either  of  them,  &  which 
are  examinable  in  this  honorable  cowrtt  (other  than  those  &  in  such  manner 
as  theis  said  defendantes  have  before  acknoledged  in  cheis  their  said  aunsweres)    20 
they  theis  defendantes  &  everie  of  them  for  hym  &  her  selfe  severaJlie  saith 
that  they  are  not  guiltie  thereof,  nor  of  anie  pan  thereof,  in  such  manner  & 
forme  as  in  the  said  bill  of  cowplaint  is  surmised  &  alleged,  All  w/;/ch  matters 
they  theis  defendantes  &  ech  of  them  for  so  mych  as  concerneth  hym  or  her 
selfe,  are  &  wilbee  readie  to  aver  &:  prove,  as  this  honorable  court  shall  award,     25 
And  humblie  pray  to  bee  dismissed  the  same  cowrt  with  their  resonable 
costes  &  charge  in  this  beehaulfe  susteyned/./° 
(signed)  per  me  Mathew 

Chubbe  sigwttw  Margarete  M  Chubb 


Supradicu  defendentes  lurat;  fuerunt  apud 
dorchester  in  Comitatu  Dorset  Secundo  die 
lunij  1608.  Ad  Signuw  Le  George  ibidem 

coram  (signed)  Thoma  Barnes  John  Arnold  &  lohanne  Geare  commissioner///     35 
1608  Strode 

14/  conspiracies,  for  conspiracies 

15/  cowbinacons:  for  combinations,  abbreviation  mark  missing 

291  M:  Chubbe  has  signed  with  herfini  initial 

192  DORCHESTER  1608-1608/9 

Examination  of  Matthew  Chubbe,  Defendant  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  etal 

PRO:  STAC  8/94/1 7 
mb    16  (2  June) 

The  Deposiczon  and  examynadon  of  Mathew  Chubbe  of  dorchester      5 
in  the  Countye  of  dorset  gentleman  taken  att  dorchester  aforesaid 
the  Seconde  daye  of  lune  In  the  yere  of  the  reigne  of  our  sou^reigne 
Lord  lames  by  the  grace  of  god  of  Englande  Scotlande  ffraunce  and 
Irelande  Kinge  defender  of  the  faythe  &c  (That  is  to  saye)  of  England 
ffraunce  and  Irelande  the  Sixthe  and  of  Scotlande  the  one  and  10 

fforryeth.  Before  Thomas  Barnes  lohn  Arnolde  and  lohn  Geare 
gentlemen  Commyssioners  by  vertue  of  his  Ma/«D«  Commission  out 
of  his  highnes  honorable  Courte  of  Starr  Chamber  to  them  and  to  one 
George  pope  gentleman  directed,  vpon  the  Interrogatoryes  herevnto 
annexed  mynystred  on  the  p^rte  and  behalfe  of  lohn  Condytt  and      15 
other  Complaynrtnt«  agaynst  the  said  Mathewe  and  Margarett  his 
wife  defendrt«t«  videlicet.  The  said  Mathewe  Chubbe  beinge  sworne 
and  examyned/ 


mb    15 

12  To  the  xij[h  Interrogatorie  this  deponent  sayth  That  to  his  remembrance  the 

players  mencyoned  in  the  same  Interrogatorie  did  not  playe  in  the  evenynge 
of  the  same  day  therein  menc/oned  by  the  only  means  or  procurement  of        25 
this  deponent  in  the  said  cowmon  Inne  in  the  said  towne  Neither  doeth  this 
deponent  remember  that  hee  did  send  or  procure  other  company  to  bee  att 
the  same  enterlude,  att  which  A  tyme    this  deponente  was  one  of  constables 
of  the  said  towne  And  touchinge  the  rest  of  the  same  Intertogatorie  this 
Deponente  taketh  it,  That  he  hath  alredy  Aunswered  in  his  said  Aunswere       30 
[and]  A  to  the  bill  &C    Interrogatories./ 


Interrogatories  for  Defendants'  Witnesses  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al  35 

PRO:   STAC  8/94/1 7 

mb   2*  (Before  13  February) 

Interrogatoryes  to  be  mynystred  vnto  certeyne  Wytnesses 

produced  on  the  pane  and  behalfe  of  Mathewe  Chubb  and  40 

28/  of  constables:  for  of  the  constables  (?) 


Margarett  his  wife  defendants  To  the  bill  of  Complaynte  of 
lohn  Cunditt  and  Elizabeth  his  wyfe  Complaynantesl 

,7  Ice-m  do  you  remember  the  tyme  when  the  lord  Barkleys  players  were  at 

dorchester  in  or  about  Aprill  last  desiringe  to  playe  in  the  Towne  there  did 
the  defendant  Mathewe  Chub  farther  and  helpe  them  to  playe  there  on  the 
Sabboath  day,  dyd  he  not  rather  keepe  from  them  the  key  of  the  Towne  hall 
dyd  he  att  that  tyme  goe  to  accompany  S;r  Adrian  Scroope  his  landlord  and 
att  his  request,  deliu^r  the  circuwstancsof  that  which  ye  knowe  or  have 
credibly  hearde  and  by  what  occasion  touchinge  this  Interrogatorye.l  10 

Interrogatories  far  Complainants'  Witnesses  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al 

PRO:  STAC  8/94/1 7 

mb  7*  (Before  13  February)  15 

Interrogatories  to  be  ministred  to  witnesses  produced  on  the 
p<me  and  behalfe  of  lohn  Conditte  and  Elizabeth  his  wife 
Comp\aynantes  against  mathew  Chub  &:  margret  his  wife 
defend/zwts/  20 

4./  did  not  the  defend/z«t  mathew  Chub  or  margret  his  wife  say  vnto  Lawrence 

Evans  or  to  any  other  person  to  your  knowledge  that  mr  lohn  white  was 
aymed  at  in  one  place  of  the  said  first  Libell  which  beginneth  w/'th  Tall 
Sturdie  Puritan  knave  &x./  and  that  they  or  one  of  them  Could  yf  he  list        25 
fmde  out  the  lybeller  /or  aucthor  therof ]  wuh  a  wette  finger  or  that  they  or 
one  of  them  vsed  words  to  like  effect  eyther  to  ye  said  Lawrence  Evans  or  to 
some  other  pmon,  or  did  you  not  heare  ye  said  Lawrence  Evans  say  or  report 
yat  the  said  mathew  Chub  or  margret  his  wife  vsed  such  words  vnto  him 
and  did  not  the  said  Lawrence  Evans  say  yat  he  would  depose  ye  same  to  be     30 
true  yf  he  weare  there  vnro  Lawfully  Called,  did  not  mr  Chub  or  margret 
his  wife  or  some  other  person  in  yo«r  hearing  say  or  report  yat  a  song  was  to 
be  made  of  this  first  Libell./ 


mb  8* 

2i./  did  not  the  defendant  mathew  Chub  in  or  about  the  moneth  of  Aprill  Anno 

.1607.  desire  or  pmwade  ye  magistrates  of  the  Towne  of  dorchester  yat 
certaine  Stage  players  which  called  themselues  ye  Lord  BarkJeighs  servants      40 

26/    'or  aucthof  therof ':    inttrlmtiitton  hegtnt  in  the  left  margin 

194  DORCHESTER  1608/9-1609 

might  be  permitted  to  play  in  ye  Comon  hall  of  ye  said  Towne  on  ye  Sabbath 
day  when  the  said  magistrates  had  formerly  forbidden  them,  did  not  ye 
Bayliffes  or  magistrates  w/thstand  his  requeste,  did  he  not  therevpon  send 
them  word  yat  he  would  be  eaven  w/th  them  or  such  other  thretning  message, 
did  not  ye  said  mathew  Chub  procure  ye  said  players  in  ye  evening  of  ye  same 
day  to  play  at  a  common  Inne  in  the  Towne,  was  not  ye  said  Chub  present 
at  ye  play  himselfe  &  sent  for  &  procured  others  also  to  be  at  ye  same  play, 
and  was  not  ye  said  Chub  an  officer  of  the  said  towne  at  that  time,  what 
office  did  he  then  beare./ 



Examination  of  Defendants'  Witnesses  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  at 

PRO:   STAC  8/94/1  7 

mb   3*  (26  April)  „ 

Deposyc/ons  taken  at  Dorchester  in  the  Countye  of  Dorset 

the  Six  and  Twentyth  daye  of  Aprill  in  the  yeres  of  the  Reigne 

of  our  soiKreigne  Lord  lames  by  the  grace  of  god  Kinge  of 

England  Scotland  ffraunce  &  Ireland  defender  of  the  fayth  &c  20 

That  is  to  saye  of  England  ffraunce  &  Ireland  the  Seaventh 

and  of  Scotland  the  Twooe  &  ffortyeth  before  lames  fframpton 

&  lohn  Notley  gentlemen  by  vertue  of  the  King«  majesties 

Comyssyon  to  them  lohn  Childe  &  ffrancw  Hardey  gentlemen 

directed  out  of  his  majesties  most  honorable  Courte  of  Starre  25 

Chamber  ffor  the  examynynge  of  wytnesses  asweil  on  the 

pane  &C  behalfe  of  lohn  Cunditt  Complaynante  as  alsoe  on 

the  p^rte  &  behalfe  of  Mathewe  Chubbe  gentlfman  &  others 



Thomas  Buckler  serva«nt  &  kynsman  to  the  sayd  defendant  mr  Chubbe 
aged  Twentye  &  three  yeres  or  thereabouts  produced  to  the  xii)t'1  xvij1*1  & 
Interrogate/ryes  onelye  and  therevppon  sworne  &  examyned./ 

To  the  xvijth  Interrogatory  he  sayeth  that  he  Remembreth  that  the  Lord         35 
Barkeleys  players  in  the  \nterrogatory  mencyoned  were  at  dorchester  about 
the  tyme  in  the  Interrogatory  mencyoned  vppon  the  saboth  daye  and  did 
then  playe  there  But  whether  his  master  the  sayd  defendant  did  further  their 
playenge  there  this  depon^wt  knoweth  not  But  sayeth  that  Sir  Adryan  Scroope 
Knight  in  the  Interrogatory  named  beynge  desyrous  to  see  them  playe  40 

4/   thretning:    4  minimi  in  MS  V  evening:    4  minims  in  MS 


Requested  the  sayd  defends  mr  Chubbe  to  accompanye  him  thithet  which 
he  did  to  satysfye  the  Request  of  the  sayd  Sir  Adryan  Scroope  And  more  to 
this  Interrogatory  he  doch  not  depose. 

mb  4* 

Hughe  haggarde  of  Dorchester  in  the  Countye  of  Dorset  Butcher  aged 
ffyftye  &  ffyve  yeres  or  thereabouts  produced  to  the  xiijth  xvijth  and  xviijth 
Interwgatoryes  onlye  and  therevppon  sworne  &C  examyned./  10 

To  the  xvijth  Interrogatory  he  sayeth  that  he  Remembreth  that  the  Lord 
Barkeleys  players  were  at  Dorchester  and  as  this  depon^-wt  harde  they  did 
desyre  to  playe  in  the  Towne  hall  of  Dorchester  but  the  magistrate  of  the 
towne  woulde  not  geve  them  leave  wherevppon  S/r  Adryan  Scroope  Knight      15 
beynge  at  the  defendant  mr  Chubbes  howse  at  supper  offered  that  the  sayd 
players  should  playe  in  his  Chamber  in  an  Inne  after  supper  and  Requested 
the  sayd  defendawt  mr  Chubbe  to  goe  thither  with  him  which  he  did 
accordinglye  And  more  to  this  Interrogatory  he  doth  not  depose./ 


Answer  of  Robert  Adyn,  Defendant  in  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  at 

PRO:   STAC  8/94/1 7 
mb  9  (29  June) 


luratus  vicesimo  nono  lunij  Anno  Septimo  Iaco£/  Regis 
(signal)  The  Aunswere  of  Robert  Adyn  defendant  to  the  Byll  of 

EdwWIoncs  Complaynt  of  lohn  Cundytt  and  Elizabeth  his  Wife 


The  said  defendant  by  protestac;on  sayth  That  the  said  Comp\aynant  lohn       30 
Condytt  is  a  man  knowen  not  to  be  of  any  spdriall  note,  office,  credyt,  or 
quality  eyther  wnhin  the  Towne  of  dorchester  where  he  dwelleth  or  in  the 
commonwealth  suche  as  should  be  admitted  to  impleade  and  seeke  redresse 
in  this  high  and  honorable  Court  of  Star  Chamber  for  offenc«  of  such  kynde 
as  are  pretended  in  his  said  byll./  Also  the  said  defendant  sayth  That  as  he       35 
taketh  yt  the  said  three  severall  matters  or  supposed  Libellw  filed  to  the 
Complaynantes  Bill  of  compldfy/zt  are  not  properly  to  be  tearmed  or  taken 
for  Libells  but  are  rather  Pamphelettw  or  Invectiues  against  malefactors  and 
reputed  enemyes  to  the  state  such  as  are  the  Purytans  or  Brownistw./  In  which 
three  severall  Matters  or  Pamphelett«  the  said  lohn  Condytt  is  neyther         40 
named,  Nor  any  wise  covertlye  decifered  or  aymed  at  wherby  to  fynde  him 
self  aggreved,  but  to  all  the  said  matters  (which  tend  principally  against 

196  DORCHESTER  1609 

Puritanizme  and  Purytans)  he  the  said  lohn  Condytt  intrudethe  impugneth, 
and  maketh  him  self  both  a  p^rtie,  and  a  Champion  for  others  (who  complaine 
not)  for  defence  of  that  cause  as  more  at  lardge  here  under  shalbe  made 
manifest./  Moreover  the  said  lohn  Condytt  beinge  by  his  trade  a  Taylor,  and 
a  man  of  very  meane  reputaczon  and  wealth  hath  before  this  tyme  (as  this        5 
defendant  dowbteth  not  well  to  proue)  browght  into  this  honorable  Court 
by  vertue  of  Subpena  iiij  other  severaJl  men  of  the  said  borowghe  of  Dorchester 
that  is  to  say  Robme  Coker  william  Longe  william  Palmer  and  Lawrence 
darbye)  and  by  his  byll  of  Complaynt  then  exhibited  aswell  against  this 
defendant  as  against  them,  hath  chardged  both  this  defendant  and  them  w/th     10 
the  said  supposed  Libell«  specified  in  this  published  byll  of  Comp\aynt,  but 
before  any  aunswere  eyther  by  this  defendant  or  by  them  was  therunto  made, 
he  the  said  lohn  Condytt  compounded  w/th  the  forenamed  iiij  othet  persons, 
and  for  the  sowme  of  xij  li.  by  them  geven  vnto  him,  procured  the  said  first 
byll  of  CompLzywt  to  be  w/thdrawen  and  cancelled  and  the  said  Ar4  recited      15 
persons1  [parties]  to  be  dismissed.  Makinge  therby  this  honorable  Court  an 
instrument  for  his  vnlawfull  purchase  therby  to  enhable  him  self  to  vex  and 
prosecute  farther  suites  against  A  this  defendant  and    others,  WA/ch  declareth 
as  this  defendant  thinketh  his  vexac/on  rather  to  precede  of  meere  covetousnes 
to  gayne,  then  for  any  iust  cause  of  offence  or  grief./  ffor  all  wA/ch  causes  he    20 
this  defendant  doeth  demurr  in  Lawe,  and  doth  appeale  to  the  graue  censure 
of  this  honorable  Cowrt  whether  the  said  Comp\aynantes  shalbe  admitted  to 
any  farther  preceding^  in  this  suite,  and  whether  this  defendant  shalbe  vrged 
to  make  any  farther  or  other  aunswere  to  the  same  suite  in  this  honorable 
Cowrt  And  yet  neumhelesse  if  this  honorable  Cowrt  shall  think  fit  to  order    25 
this  defendant  to  make  any  farther  or  other  aunswere  to  the  said  Complaynantes 
byll,  then  and  not  otherwise  he  this  defendant,  savinge  to  him  self  nowe  and 
at  all  tymes  hereafter  all  advantage  of  excepc/on  to  the  vncmenty  and 
insufficyencye  of  the  said  Complaynantes  byll  for  aunswere  therunto,  and 
to  the  said  three  several!  matters  or  supposed  Libell«  in  the  same  sayth  to       30 
euery  of  them  particularly  as  followeth  vizt  To  the  first  pr«rtended  matter  or 
supposed  Libell  begininge  Tall  sturdye  Purytan  &c  and  to  all  the  supposed 
offenc«  menc/oned  or  contayned  in  the  same  first  supposed  Libell  or  any  of 
them  supposed  to  be  committed  or  don  by  this  defendant,  he  this  defendant 
aunswereth  that  he  is  not  giltye  therof  nor  of  any  p^rt  or  parcell  therof/  To     35 
the  second  pretended  matter  or  supposed  Libell  begininge  thus,  you  Purytans 
all  whersoeu^ryou  dwell  &c  and  to  all  the  supposed  offenc«  menc/oned  or 
contayned  in  the  same  second  supposed  Libell,  or  any  of  them  supposed  to 
be  committed  or  don  by  this  defendant,  he  this  defendant  likewise  aunswereth 
that  he  is  not  giltye  therof  nor  of  any  pan  or  p/zrcell  therof/  Adding  hereunto    w 

8-9/   that  is  ...  darbye):   open  ing  pare  nthesis  omitted  befort  that 


that  the  said  Complaynantes  as  this  defendant  taketh  yt,  haue  herein  very 
apparantly  discovered  them  selues  what  they  are  in  the  profession  of  their 
religion,  in  that  this  said  second  supposed  Libell  beinge  dedicated  and 
entituled  To  the  execrable  company  of  Puryians  and  the  deepest  desemblinge 
Anabaptistw  of  this  tyme  enemyes  to  the  Kinge  and  state  &c  and  beinge  in 
substaunce  an  Invectiue  against  Purytans  and  Innovators  of  Religion  only  as 
this  defendant  taketh  yt,  and  neyther  of  the  said  complaynantes  therin  spoken 
of,  nor  so  much  as  by  any  one  word  figuratiuely  towched  or  aymed  at,  yet 
they  the  said  Complaynantes  do  complayne,  repyne  and  take  stomake  therat 
affirminge  yt  to  be  an  execrable  Libell  against  such  as  professe  the  trueth  of      10 
doctryne  aucthorized  by  the  Church  of  England,  and  such  as  endevor  to  live 
religiouslye  and  w/thout  scandall,  and  that  the  same  contayneth  many  false, 
and  accursed  invectiues  and  raylinge  tearmes  against  the  said  Complaynantes, 
as  also  that  the  same  is  very  infamowes,  damnable,  and  slaunderowes  against 
them  the  said  Complayiiames,  Wheras  in  very  trewthe  the  said  Complaynantes    is 
are  in  the  said  second  supposed  Libell  neyther  spoken  of,  nor  any  wayes 
aymed  at  as  aforesaid,  nor  the  Religion  aucthorized  by  the  Church  of  England 
in  any  sort  oppugned  but  mayntayned  and  defended  to  the  vnderstandinge 
of  this  defendant./  And  to  the  third  matter  or  supposed  Libell  contayned  in 
the  said  byll,  begininge  thus  To  the  counterfeyt  Company  and  pack  of          20 
Purytans  &c  he  this  defendant  for  truethe  therunto  aunswereth  That  vpon  a 
Sermon  preached  as  this  defendant  was  credibly  enformed,  and  dowbteth 
not  but  he  shalbe  well  able  to  proue)  by  Mr  lohn  white  in  the  said  byll  of 
Complaym  named,  that  Christ  was  not  the  Savyor  of  the  whole  world,  nor 
did  dye  for  the  synnes  of  the  whole  world,  but  for  his  elected  and  chosen         25 
people  only,  and  that  our  said  Savyor  Christ  hath  not  his  fatherly  care  over 
any  more  then  his  elected,  shewinge  the  same  by  a  familyar  example  that  as 
every  Shepherd  taketh  care  and  chardge  over  his  owne  fflock  and  no  more, 
so  hath  Christ  ouerhis  elected  and  chosen  people  and  no  more,  he  this 
defendant,  (not  for  any  privat  quarell,  grudge  or  splyne  vnto  the  persons        30 
named  in  the  said  byll  of  Comp\aynt  Nor  to  any  other  particular  person 
whatsoeurT,  but  only  in  defence  of  the  most  meritorious  passion  of  Christ  (as 
this  defendaunt  in  his  vnderstandinge  was  pmwaded)  did  make  the  said  last 
or  third  matter  entituled  To  the  counterfeit  company  and  pack  of  Purytans, 
shewinge  therby  that  Christ  was  the  Savyor  and  Redemer  of  all  mankynde       35 
without  all  excepci'on  and  that  no  defect  of  salvacion  was  in  his  said 
meritorious  passyon.  And  the  said  matter  so  by  this  defendant  framed  and 
made,  he  this  defendant  dispersed  and  sent  furthe  three  or  iiij  othet  copyes 
therof  to  men  of  good  callinge  and  reputaa'on  the  better  to  consider  of  suche 

22-3/  enformed,  and  ...  prouc):    comma  used  as  opening  parenthesis 
30-2/   (not  for  any    . .  whatsoeurr,:    comma  used  as  closing  parenthesis 

198  DORCHESTER  1609-15 

doctryne,  sealinge  the  same  with  severall  directions  and  superscriptions  in 
forme  of  Lettres  to  the  said  parties,  Amongst  which  mr  mathewe  Chubbe 
had  one  copye  (he  this  defendant  confessinge  that  with  the  said  mr  Chubbe 
for  good  and  Lawfull  causes  he  hath  byn  familyarly  conversaunt)  And  aswell 
to  the  said  parties  which  had  those  copyes  as  to  the  said  mr  White  the  5 

preacher  he  this  defendant  acknolidged  that  he  did  make  the  same  Arwherof 
this  defendant  as  he  thinketh  shall  neede  to  make  no  prouf  forasmuch  as  the 
Compiaynantes  themselues  in  their  byll  do  affirme  the  same    sayinge  that 
this  defendant  shameth  not  to  take  yt  vpon  him.  ffor  which  his  so  doinge 
beinge  don  to  no  other  intent  or  purpose  he  this  defendant  submitteth  him     10 
self  to  the  graue  and  favorable  censure  of  this  honorable  Cowrt.  W/thout 
that,  that  he  this  defendant  to  his  knolidge  hath  in  any  open  or  covert  tearmes, 
slaundered,  or  geven  cause  of  offence  eyther  to  the  said  lohn  Condytt,  or 
Elizabeth  his  wife,  or  taxed  her  of  incontynencye,  or  other  levvde  demenor. 
Or  that  this  defendant  hath  in  any  sort  depraved  the  religion  established  in      is 
this  Realme  of  England,  or  mayntayned  popishe  doctryne  and  opinyons 
contrary  to  the  said  Religion  professed  as  in  the  said  byll  of  Complaynt  is 
alleadged/  And  as  to  all  other  the  offencw  and  misdemeanors  in  the  said  byll 
of  Comp[aynt  menc/owed,  supposed  to  haue  byn  don  A  and  committed,    by 
this  defendant  which  are  examinable  in  this  honorable-  Cowrt,  concerninge       20 
this  defendant,  and  not  herein  aunswered,  confessed  traversed  or  denyed,  he 
this  defendant  sayth  that  he  is  not  giltye  therof,  nor  of  any  part  therof  in  such 
manner  and  forme  as  in  the  said  byll  of  Complaynt  is  surmized  and  alleadged./ 
All  which  matters  this  defendant  is,  and  will  be  readye  to  aver  and  proue  as 
this  honorable  Cowrt  shall  award.  And  humblye  prayeth  to  be  dismissed  the    2s 
same  w;th  his  reasonable  cost«  and  damag«  in  this  behaulf  sustayned  ././ 

(signed)  Mere. 


Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:    Harley  MS.  6715  30 

f  6v*  (15  July) 

"Gilbert  Reason      Memorandum  quod  .  1 5.  die  lulij  .1615.  I  Comitted  to  ye  gaole  Gilbm  Reason, 
who  came  in  ye  name  of  one  of  ye  Princes  Players,  &  for  saying  to  Mr  lohn 
Gould  ye  Chief  Bailiff,  that  he  was  little  better  then  a  traitowr  for  refusing  to  35 
look  on  his  Comiss/on:  And  for  daring  me  often  to  laye  him  by  ye  heeles 
with  other  fowle  language  he  was  punished  w/thin  prisone  2  dayes  &  2  nights 
&  then  vpon  his  submission  was  enlargid. 

10-1 1/   this  defendant  submitteth  him  self    written  in  left  margin  and  market! for  insertion  here 
38/   submission:   parti  of  letters  lost  by  cropping 


DORCHESTER  1623-30 


William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:   Egerton  MS.  784 

f  34*  (4 -27  September) 

This  day  we  went  to  London,  and  returned  23  dales  after,  hauing  staid  in 
London  16  daies.  during  our  abode  there,  Mr  Edward  Prichard  died,  there 
came  newes  of  the  Prince  his  arriuall  at  Portesmouth  &  ballads  were  made 
of  it,  but  it  prooued  false,  the  balladsingers  were  sent  to  prison.... 

f  35  *  (5  October)  10 

Dr  Wright  our  new  Bishop  kept  his  visitac/on  here  this  yeare  in  September, 
Mr  cheeke  acted  two  comedies  at  the  sheerehall  for  his  comming,  by  his 
schollers.  '5 


Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 

f  33*  (31  March)  20 

Examinations  taken  before  Mayor  Richard  Blatchford  and  William  Jolliffe 

Evan  Lewes          who  sayth  he  came  out  of  Swanzey  wnh  a  passe  from  the  Portrive  ther  to 

travail  into  England  to  get  him  service  ...  &  cam  the  next  day  to  this  Town     25 
of  dorchester    monday  &  stayed  ther  mo«day  tuesday  &  [wensday  morning] 
lodged  [th]  at  goodman  lefferis  house  &  spent  a  shilling  or  two  ther  &  sayth 
he  was  not  in  any  house  in  the  Town  but  at  Cristopher  lenkens  &  met  with 
a  fidler  of  his  acquay«tance  wzch  a  purpose  to  go  to  set  Cristophers  but  left 
the  fidler  &  went  the  wensday  morning  to  Pudlton  accompanied  w;th  30 

goodman  lefferis  the  Tayler  &  his  two  daghters... 

f  40  (5  May) 

Examinations  taken  before  William  Jolliffe  and  William  Whiteway,  Sr  35 

lone  Norris  daughter  of  Thomas  norris  miller  of  this  Borough  saith  that  on 
sonday  last  at  night  dorathie  Allin  Georg  Gill  Thomas  the  Gardner  Sit  ffrancis 
Ashleigh  his  men  &  Thomas  Norris  her  brother  were  in  the  house  of  her 

24/   Swanzey:    Swansea.  Glamorganshire:  Wales  30/   Pudlton:   j  minims  for  u  in  MS 

271  house:    corrected  over  another  word 

200  DORCHESTER  1630-1 

fFather  w/thin  this  Borough  and  they  had  there  two  Iugg«of  beere  which 
Thomas  Norris  fher  brother1  sent  and  paid  for  and  she  seyth  that  Georg 
Gill  had  an  instrunvwr  there  but  there  was  no  dauncing  at  all  this  was  about 
9  of  the  clok  at  night,  dismissed  w;th  Admonic/on./ 

William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:   Egerton  MS.  784 
f  79v*  (5 July) 

This  day  the  puppet  players  craued  leaue  to  play  here  in  this  towne,  &  had      10 
a  warrant  vnder  the  Kings  hand,  yet  were  refused. 


Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 


Cases  heard  before  the  mayor  and  bailiffs 

Edward  Hill  of  this  Borough  blacksmith  xl  li. 

lohn  Bayland  of  the  same  G\ouer  in  xx  li. 

Thomas  Buckler  of  the  same  tayler  in  xx  li. 


Cognouit  that  Edward  Hill  shall  appere  at  proximas 

Sessiones  pro  Burgo  &c  and  to  be  of  the  good 
behauier  toward  [th]  all  his  Ma/'«tis  25 

leige  people  &c 

Edu'WHill          for  going  out  of  his  parish  Churche  one  saboth  daye  last  in  the  midell  of 
seruices  to  maye 


f  96v  (28  October) 

Richard  King        Swareth  the  name  of  god  blasfemously  /last  night1  by  his  owne  Confessing. 

paid  since  promised  to  pay  it  1 5  days  henceforth;  35 

Song  a  fythy  song  that  she  should  lay  her  leggw  two  yardes  asonder  (...)  hit 
being  at  1 1  of  the  clock  at  night,  in  corse  of  Anthony  edwards:  &  Robm 
griffin  &  his  wiffe  &  liddia  griffin. 

I/  rwo:  followed  by  tuv  horizontal Imet,  apparently  filltr          34 -8/  Swareth  ..    griffin.:   text  eancelltd administratively 
19m,  28m/  Eduun/Hill:  in  display  script  and  underlined        36/  fythyr 
23/  Cognouit:    underlined 


Richard  King  of  this  Borough  Shoemaker  in  x  li. 

Henry  King  of  the  same  father  to  Rychard  king  in  v  li. 
Cognouit  that  Rychard  King  shall  apper  at  the  next  Sessions  pro  Burgo  to 
Answer  for  his  lewd  song«  &  vnrewrem  spech  to  Authorite 

ff  97-7v*  (31  October) 

Examinations  taken  before  Mayor  William  Whiteway,  Sr,  and  Richard  Blatchford, 
bailiff  10 

William  Hutchins  whoe  saith  that  about  the  21th  of  September  1631  that 
lohn  Lie  he  being  a  watchman  about  10  of  the  clocke  in  the  night  herd  a  drumw 

beaten  in  the  street  as  he  conceyveth  about  the  fryery  wherevpow  this 
examinat  w/th  Thomas  Grudham  and  lohn  Chaffey  watchmen  also  15 

A  went  that  way    and  saw  Henry  Bridg  at  his  dore  in  his  shirt  [wh]  of  whom 
this  examinat  enquired  who  beat  the  drumw  and  he  sayd  yt  was  some 
downe  in  the  lane  [vp]  &  this  examtnat  went  to  lohn  Lie  &  his  dore  being 
shut  knockd  at  the  [dore]    windoe    w/th  his  finger  and  askd  who  beate 
the  droomw  and  lohn  Lye  Awnsu/erv?d  yt  was  he  and  this  examinat  replyd    20 
&  said  yt  was  not  fit  to  beate  a  dromw  in  the  night  &  he  would  be 
questioned  for  yt  &  so  this  examinat  &  the  others  departed 

lohn  Robm«  constable  at  that  time  now  exam/we'd  sayth  the  same  night 
lohn  Lie  before  being  in  his  owne  house  after  the  watch  was  chargd  william  Hutchins  25 

&  other  of  the  watch  came  to  acquaint  him  that  ther  was  a  dromw 
beaten  in  the  fryery  lane  by  lohn  Lie  and  shewd  this  examinat  that  they 
had  bene  w/th  lohn  lye  &  told  him  of  yt  and  that  wlliam  Hutchins  told 
him  also  that  lye  would  beat  [him]  the  dromw  agane  wh<?rvpo«  this 
examinat  went  downe  &  knockd  at  lyes  dore  and  requird  him  to  opm  his        30 
dore  for  he  was  a  constable  to  whow  Lye  Awnswtrd  that  wer  he  constaMl 
or  els  yf  he  came  [he]  to  them  he  woulde  sut  hem  farther  and  this  examinat 
dep^rtid  afar  the  consta/dl  then  Richard  williams  &  this  examinat  went 
downe  I  againe  &C  when  we  came,  we  both  found  him  rayling  &:  outragious 
saying  the  constables  (&  naing  [I  myself]  lohn  Roberta  and  Thomas         35 
hyet)  were  a  company  of  beggarly  base  fellows  at  w/?/ch  time  the  said  lohn 
lye  sware  2  oathes  blasphemousely  by  the  name  of  god  [as  y]  and  by  the 

3/  Cognouit:    underlined  in  MS  25/   before:  for  before  mentioned  (?) 

16/   [whl:   possibly  ws  33/  constairll:   \\writtenoverotherletten 

I8/   [vp]:  poisiblywh  357  najng:  y^r  naming  ("; 
20/   Lye:  y  written  over  another  teller,  probably  c 

202  DORCHESTER  1631-3 

blod  of  god  as  yt  was  afterward  presents  at  the  Lawe  day  and  mor  he 
sayth  not-trur  is  order  given  to  tak  [ytdi]  r[br]]  by  distres 

lohn  Lie  of  this  Borough  in  the  some  of  x  li. 

Thomas  Pouncey  Butcher    1 

,    1      D  T     i  v  ''-  separattm 

lohn  Kunney  lucker 

Cognouit  That  lohn  Lie  shall  appere  at  the  next  Sessions  pro 
burgo  to  Awnsre  his  abuse  for  beating  a  dromme  in  the  night 
&  abusing  the  constabls  &C  swear/«g2  oathes  as  aboue 



William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:    Egerton  MS.  784 

f  87*  (1  April) 


This  day  Dr  Buts  Vicechancellour  of  Cambridge  hanged  himselfe  in  his 
chamber  with  a  Towell:  it  is  said,  out  of  discontent,  because  the  king  shewed 
much  dislike  at  a  play,  w/;/ch  he  had  caused  lately  to  be  acted  before  him  in 
Cambridge,  full  of  scurrility  against  the  grauest  ministers  of  the  Kingdom, 
whome  they  call  Puritans —  20 


William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:    Egerton  MS.  784 

f  91*  (30 January)  25 

. .  .Mr  Prin  a  Counsellor  was  sent  to  the  Tower  for  writing  a  booke  against 
Stag  plaies  &  dancing,  which  the  Queene  tooke  to  hart,  because  about  the 
same  time  that  his  booke  came  forth,  she  acted  her  part  in  a  Comedy  before   30 
the  King. 


Borough  Court  Book     DRO:    DC/DOB:  8/1  35 

f  177  (29  May) 

Examinations  taken  before  Mayor  William  Jolliffe  and  William  Whiteway,  Sr 

2  Constables         whoe  say  that  on  on  the  one  &  twentieth  day  of  this  instant  may  [being] 

examind  about      comjng  [about]  'betwen  x  &1  Eleven  of  the  clock  at  night  into  the  George 

40/  on  on:   Jtttografhy  41/  coming:    4  minims  in  MS 



&  going  vp  in  the  stayers  on  the  back  chamber  they  heard  musick  &  going 
into  the  Roome  pmxyvid  one  standing  thet  in  the  dark  [thet]  one  of  thease 
examinates  enquird  what  he  was  &  2.  or  3.  tims  the  fellow  mad  Awnswer 
here  was  one  [a  Towne]  one  of  the  Towne  and  pressing  him  to  tell  his  name 
he  sayd  his  name  was  Gold  &  one  of  these  cxaminaw  askd  which  Gold  &: 
he  Awnswfrd  his  name  was  Gold  but  discou^red  no  more  then  before  and 
[Imediately  after  these  examinates] 

And  constable  Bushrod  now  farther  sayth  that  this  Gold  sayd  Imediacly  after 
pal  he  had  heard  of  vs  hertofore  but  now  he  p«xeyvid  what  he  herd  was  true. 
WhcrvpoH  this  examinat  Bushrod  /askd1  wheather  he  had  heard  of  any         10 
dishonestie  by  [vs]  'them1  wh^rvnto  he  Awnswerd  [he  ment  not  mee]  I 
meane  not  you  Mr  Constable  and  this  e\ammai  verely  beleu^th  th/zt  that  y^t 
which  he  spake  [m]  he  ment  yt  by  his  partner  constibl  Symondw 

(signed)  lohn  Bushrod 

Stephen  Gold  servant  to  Rychard  Churchill  of  this  Borgh  x  li.     is 

lohn  Condit  de  ead<?w  Tayler  in  v  li. 

George  Panchard  de  eadew  Tyler  v  li.  separaum 

cogwverunt  that  Stephen  Gold  shall  appeare  ad  pro\imam 

Sessionem  pro  Burgo  ad  Kspon&endum  for  his 
carig  toward  the  constabls  20 

William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:   Egerton  MS.  784 
f  94*  (22  June) 


whitsonales  &  May  games  were  this  yeare  much  countenanced  by  special! 
order  from  the  Court  in  which  S/r  Rob^rr  Philips  &  Sir  Charles  Barkley  of 
Somersetshire  were  very  forward.  But  S/r  Arthur  Hopton  got  a  petition 
subscribed  with  the  hands  of  36.  Justices  of  that  County,  to  the  which  the  2. 
Knights  aforesaid,  &  Dr.  Godwin  refused  to  subscribe:  This  petition  he         30 
presented  to  the  King  at  Woodstocke,  where  the  King  conferred  with  him 
about  it  in  priuat,  &  gaue  him  such  satisfaction,  that  at  his  returne  he  bound 
ouer  .120.  of  the  Reuellers  unto  the  Assises.  The  Sum  of  the  petition  was  to 
set  out  the  dangerous  consequents  of  whitsonales,  in  which  seuerall  murthers 
had  beene  this  yeare  comwitted  in  that  same  county.  35 

f  96*  (15  October) 

This  day  lames  Duke  of  Yorke  was  borne:  &:  baptised  the  .24.  Nouember. 
vpon  his  birth  Mr  Prin  was  released  out  of  the  Tower  after  .9.  moneths  40 

4/   one...  one:   Autography  \2t   thtft  that:    ditlography 

9/  |MI:   in  a  blacker  ink;  apparently  a  later  addition  \7I  Tyler.  yirTayler 

204  DORCHESTER  1633-33/4 

imprisonment  for  writing  a  booke  against  playes  and  maskes,  at  which  the 
Queene  found  herselfe  agreeued. 

(18  October)  , 

The  King  set  forth  a  booke,  to  giue  libetty  vnto  sports  &  pastimes  upon 
Sunday  after  Euening  praier  in  confirmation  of  the  like  liberty  granted  to 
Lancashiremen  in  his  rerurne  out  of  Scotland  .  161 7.  &  required  aJI  ministers 
to  publish  it  in  the  Church,  which  diuerse  in  conscience  refused  to  do,  &       10 
many  after  they  had  read  it  shewd  that  it  was  against  the  word  of  God. 


William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:    Egerton  MS.  784 

ff  98v-9*  (3  February)  15 

This  day  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Ins  of  Court  namely  the  4.  cheife  houses, 
Inner  &  midd(. .)  Temple,  lincolnes  &  Grayes  in,  danced  a  maske  before 
the  King  and  Queene  in  the  Banquetting  house  at  Whitehall.  Each  house 
set  forth  4.  Revelles,  &  .25.  Gentlemen  Riders,  who  rode  in  great  magnificence    20 
from  Hatton  house  through  the  Strand.  This  maske  cost  the  actors  .17.  M. 
pound(.)  and  did  so  please  the  King,  that  he  invited  himselfe,  the  Queene 
&  Maskers  to  sup  at  the  Lord  Maiors,  SIT  Ralph  fremant  the  13.  february. 
where  the  Lore/  Maior  spent  3000  s.  to  entetaine  them,  in  pulling  downe 
diuers  houses  betwen  his  house  &  Marchan tailors  Hall,  &  maki(. .)  a  gallery  25 
for  the  King  to  pass  through.  The  King  invited  himself  to  the  Lord  Maiors, 
to  make  him  amends,  for  the  sharp  words  he  had  lately  giuen  him,  calling 
him  old  foole,  for  speaking  in  the  behalfe  of  the  Sopeboilers  &  Laundresses 
of  London:  which  troubled  him  so  that  he  kept  his  bed  a  whole  moneth 
after  it,  &C  was  like  to  dy,  had  not  the  Kings  message  reuiued  him.  The  Queene    30 
dancing  at  the  Lord  Maiors,  strained  hir  footO  &  was  like  to  haue  taken  much 
hurt.  This  maske  should  haue  beene  danced  on  Candlemas  day  which  was 
Sunday,  to  countenance  the  Kings  booke,  I  but  at  the  request  of  the  Gentlemen 
of  the  Ins  of  Court,  as  it  was  thought,  it  was  put  off  till  Monday.  The  same 
night  the  K/nggaue  a  bankett  unto  all  the  Maskers,  &  he  &  the  Queene        35 
began  to  eate  first  &C  they  would  not  let  any  of  the  lords  or  ladies  tast  it,  till 
the  Maskers  had  done.  In  this  maske  the  Lady  Pie  had  a  foule  affront  put 
upon  her,  being  turned  out  by  the  Lord'Chamberlaine,  because  her  husband 
refused  to  let  his  son  be  one  of  the  Maskers  to  saue  charges. 

241  cntetaine:  ^irentcrtaine  37/   Lady  Pic:    wife  of  Sir  Walter  Pye.  attorney  of  the  Court  o 

30/  The:   corrected  from  T\>e  and  chief  justice  for  Glamorgan,  Brecon,  and  Radnor 

DORCHESTER  1633/4-4  ditto. 

Mr  william  Prin  Counsellor  of  law,  hauing  beene  long  imprisoned  for  a  booke 
which  he  wrote  against  dancing,  &C  masks  &  enteludes,  was  now  censured  in 
the  Star  chamber,  fined  .5000  li.  to  the  King,  to  stand  in  pillory,  loose  his 
cares,  to  plead  nor  write  no  more.  The  aggrauation  of  his  offences,  which  the 
Atturney  insisted  upon  was,  that  he  had  let  fall  some  passages,  which  cast  an 
aspersion  upon  the  Queene. 



Borough  Court  Book     DRO.   DC/DOB.  8/1 

f  210*  (28  March) 

Examinations  taken  before  Mayor  Bernard  Toup  and  William  Derby  15 

The  informac/on  of  Elizabeth  Membry  wife  of  George  Membry  of  this 
Borough  Brewer. 

who  saith  that  on  Sabothday  last  at  night  about  viij  ror  ix1  of  the  clock  [this 
ext]  waiter  Hagge( .  . )  lodging  in  her  husbands  hows  &  being  gone  to  bed,      20 
and  this  examinaies  husband  this  exammat  was  also  going  to  bed.  and  then 
there  came  into  the  [(.)]  hous  Richard  Wale  &£  his  wife  &  John  Wyer  &  his 
wife  &:  Anthony  Penny  &  one  Buck  of  ffordingtow  &  all  went  into  the  said 
Haggards  chamber  who  rose  out  of  his  bedd.  &  the  said  Buck  daunced 
about  the  chamber  &  the  said  Haggard  willed  the  said  Buck  to  daunce          25 
promising  him  a  halfe  penny  loaf  &  willed  him  to  shew  forth  his  privy 
members  to  the  women  then  in  the  chamber  which  the  said  Buck  did  then 
the  said  Wyers  wife  took  a  candle  and  lighted  to  the  said  Buckes  members 
[bu]  that  they  might  be  scene  but  this  examinat  saw  her  not  hold  the  candle 
soe  neere  to  hurt  hiw  nor  did  she  know  that  he  was  hurt  there  nor  did  she        30 
hear  him  then  complayne  of  any  harme. 

William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:   Egerton  MS.  784 

f  102v*  (13  May)  35 

At  Glastonbury,  while  the  people  were  busy  setting  up  of  a  Maypole,  it  fell 
on  th(.)  head  of  a  son  of  one  of  the  most  forward  as  he  ran  out  the  streete, 
&  beate  out  his  braines. 

4/   enteludes:  forcmer\u&es  2\l   this':  for  and  this  (?) 

19/  Sabothday  lase:   23  March  1633/4  24 -5/   Buck  daunced  ...  cKe  said:    underlined  in  MS 

206  DORCHESTER  1634-34/5 

William  Whiteway's  Commonplace  Book     CUL:   Dd.11.73 
f  148*  (28  August) 


While  this  Comedy  was  acting  before  King  lames  in  Cambridge,  the  inventors    5 
(to  make  the  King  an  actor  in  it)  caused  a  post  to  come  gaJlopping  into  the 
Towne,  &  When  he  came  upon  the  Stage,  he  commanded  the  Comedians 
to  forbeare,  for  that  My  Lord  cheif  Justice  Was  enformed  that  they  had  made 
a  knavish  peice  of  worke  to  disgrace  the  Lawyers,  &  would  haue  them  appeare 
befor  him  to  answere  it.  The  Actors  gaue  ouer,  as  if  they  had  not  dared  to       10 
proceed.  Whereupon  King  lames  ros  out  of  his  chaire,  &:  beckened  to  them 
With  his  hand,  &:  saying-Goe  on  Goe  on,  I  Will  beare  you  out.  August  28. 

William  Whiteway's  Diary     BL:   Egerton  MS.  784 
f  110*  (5  December) 

Here  came  a  french  woman  that  had  no  hands,  but  could  write,  sow,  wash, 
&  do  many  other  things  with  her  feet:  She  had  a  commission  vnder  the  scale    20 
of  the  Master  of  the  Reuelles.  not  allowed  here. 


Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 

f  252v  (2  January)  21 

Examinations  taken  before  the  mayor,  the  bailiffs,  and  William  Jolliffe 

John  Hoskins  servant  to  lohn  Standish  confesseth  that  he  was  at  church  on 
A  warrant  the  28th  day  of  december  1634  and  went  out  before  pry  prayers  and        30 

isgraunr  sermon  wer  done    in  morning    &  went  to  William  Churl«  house  to  warme 

himself  being  wet  and  cold  &  stayd  ther  half  an  houre  ther  being  present 
William  Clarke*  wife  &t  [her  children]  rGrace  Butler1  and  [at]  the  same 
afternoone  he  sayth  he  went  to  broad  close  to  serve  cattlell  and  met  w/th 
Edward  Tewxbury  &  Rychard  Oldish  and  he  sayth  th#t  ther  was  a  bull  in  35 
the  ground  &  he  &  the  other  2  before  namd  and  a  shepherd  boy  of  lohn 
Standish  put  the  bull  in  pound  &  set  a  dog  at  him  and  baytid  him  in  the 
pound  &  then  he  sayth  he  returnd  home  &  went  all  three  togather  into 
Church  at  evening  pryer  time  the  sermow  being  begun  &  continud  thear 

8/   My  Lord  cheiflusticc:    Sir  ILdward  Coke  34/  cattlell: 

30/   pry  prayers:  partial  Jittography  39/   prycr:  for  prayer 

DORCHESTER  1634/5-36 

all  time  of  [pryer]  &  smnon  and  prayer  he  is  ordered  to  pay  [12  d.]  for 
his  absence  from  church  [2  s.)  1  s.  w/thin  senight  or  otherwise  to  be  delt 


Chronology  of  Dennis  Bond     DRO.   D/BOC.  Box  22 

f  13*  (Inventory) 

The  Contend  of  Souch  houshold  10 

stufe  I  haue  Att  lutton.  waymoth 

in  my  now  Dwelling  house  in  Dorchester 

li.      s.        d. 
Imprimis  att  lutton  in  ye  Halle  is 

1  pair  of  virginall  .2      10      00 

1636  20 

Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 
f  312v*  (1 4  October) 

Willzarw  Gosling,  coming  to  this  Towne  with  a  license  vnder  the  hand  of  the 
Master  of  the  Revelles  signed  Henry  Herbert  &  sealed  with  the  scale  of        25 
the  office  of  Revelles  w/th  a  Cinqwe  foyle  authorizing  the  said  Gosling  to 
shew  the  portraiture  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  dated  15  lune  xij  Caroli  & 
denied  to  make  his  shew  heere  by  reason  of  the  dangerous  tyme  of  sicknes. 


f  313*  (19  October) 

Cases  heard  before  Dennis  Bond 

Gorge  Meder  wever  of  Triny  p^rishe  [doth  being]  'giuing1  the  last  night      35 
entertaynment  vnto  lohn  Wood«  &  La«slet  Gilbert  apprentises  to  Simow 
Haslebor  &  making  Wood«  drunk:  singing  of  song«. 

10-12/  The  ...  Dofchattr.   in  display  icnfi  111   15  lunc  xij  Caroli:    15 June  1636 

15/   Halle:   in  display  serif  I  35/  Triny:  forTrinity, abbreviation  mark  missing 

208  DORCHESTER  1636/7-40 


Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 

f  33  lv  (8  March) 

Cases  heard  before  Dennis  Bond  and  Henry  Maber 

Anthony  Penny  sware  5  oathes  by  the  name  of  God  on  Friday  night  last  about 
2  or  3  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  in  lohn  Durayes  howse  in  Trin/>y 
parish  ex  aKirmatione  \o\\anriis  Mory  WilWwi  Parke 
&  that  [the]  at  that  tyme  were  pr«fnte  there  Robme  Bellett  hellier  lohn 
Gray  hellier  &  Anthony  Penny  and  there  they  had  beere  &  were  drinking. 
And  that  the  same  night  there  was  disorder  art  lohn  Brines  dauncing  all 
night  long,  where  there  was  the  paviers  maide  and  Duback  and  diu^rs 
others  of  [the]  some  that  were  not  of  the  town 



Borough  Court  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  8/1 

f  335v  (10 May) 


Cases  heard  before  Mayor  Dennis  Bond  and  Henry  Maber 

Sarah  Vren  alias  Moore  did  danse  in  ye  Gaol  ye  Ester  monday  &  had  a  fidler 

in  the  Gaole. 
Abigal  Serrell  the  seruant  of  Mrs:  wat«  for  that  shee  was  dansing  att  the  Gaole   25 

is  ordered  (blank) 

Borough  Court  Book     DRO.    DC/DOB.  8/1 
f  337*  (31  May) 

Robert  Powncy  maketh  oath  that  Thomas  Powncy  the  younger  this  weeke 
being  at  bulbayting  did  breake  the  bul  kepx-rs  head  wrth  his  cudgill./ 


Borough  Court  Minute  Book     DRO:   DC/DOB:  16/4 

f  [18v]*  (2  October) 

Thomas  desiring  to  be  allowed  6  s.  4  d.  paid  the  Clerke  of  the  assise  for  hes  [ch] 

Gnndham  discharge  about  imprisoning  the  fidlers.  &  ftis  ordered  the  Steward  shall         40 

for  his  charges 

71  Friday  nighc  lasc:   3  March  1 636/7  23-4/  &  had  ...  Gaole:   writing  cramped  btcausr  insufficient 

23/   ye  Ester  monJay:    10  April  1617  if  ace  left  between  Vren 's  and  Serrell's  names 

DORCHESTER  1  640  /  FORDINGTON   1617-35 

pay  &  Grindham  is  ordered1  to  demaund  the  12  s.  which  he  paid  the  keper 
&  yf  that  he  cannot  recover  that  the  company  will  take  other  course  for  that 
mony  also 



Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:   Harley  MS.  671 5 

f  22v*  (5  August)  (Cases  heard  at  Bridport  sessions)  10 

for  ye  seurral  misdemeanors  p^rticularlie  expressed. 

Memorandum  yat  Nicholas  Heyman  alias  Hellier  of  ffordington  was  this 

daye  Comitted  till  he  find  suertyes  for  his  good  behaviowr  for  keepinge 

disorderlie  typlinge  by  a  long  space  w/thout  licence:  et  presertim  iustified  by    15 

the  Constable  that  on  whitsonday  last  had  .6.  at  least  drinckinge  &  dancinge 

in  his  howse./  And  since  the  pretended  tyme  of  his  licence  hath  harboured 

Mr.  Cheekes  scholers  videlicet  Mi  ffrancis  sonne  ofWeymouth  &  Mr  Harbyns 

sonne,  who  have  ben  twice  there,  by  their  owne  Confession,  &  spent  12  d. 

at  a  tyme,  Heymaw  him  selfe  being  then  at  home;  who  would  excuse  it  for        20 

that  they  came  w;th  Joseph  Parkins  of  dorchester  having  before  denyed  yat 

ever  anie  townesman  was  in  his  howse 

And  Mr  Pele  the  Preacher  of  ffordington  enformes  that  on  the  Saboth  day 

last  viz.  vhima  Augusti,  there  were  halfe  a  dozen  drinking  there. 

Et  I  punisht  before  Crome  &  Prower  (.  .)  drunken  in  his  howse  25 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:   D5/28/35,  item  57 

single  sheet  (24  September)  30 

Item  wee  present  Julian  ffacy  for  intertaining  flfidlers  til  three  or  fowre  of  the 
clocke  on  Sunday  morning  to  the  greate  disturbance  of  the  neighbors  &  the 
great  vnfitting  al  that  were  present  for  the  service  of  God          contrary  to 
artidf-7.8.25  35 

1 3/   Nichoia  . . .  Hellier:    underlined  in  MS 

25/  (..)  drunken:    Ittten  and  parts  of  letters  Ion  by  cropping 

210  HALSTOCK  1634  /  HINTON  MARTELL  1629 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/34,  item  41  , 

f  [Iv]  (16 July) 


4.5.  All  is  well  saumg  that 


3  Ther  haue  bin  some  games  or  playes  vsed  in  the  Churchyard  which  now 
vppon  admonicion  ar  now  left  of 




Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/10,  item  62 

single  sheet*  (2  December)  20 

Memorandum  to  call  Anne  vincent  the  wiffe  of  ...  vincent  of  Castleton  to 
answere  certaine  articles,  for  that  she  did  one  the  first  daie  of  December  Anno 
domim  1605  in  derision  putt  one  a  surplice  one  her  back  wrth  a  booke  in  her 
hand  &  a  paire  of  spectacles  one  her  nose  &C  mett  mr.  border  vicar  of  Hadon    25 
&:  one  Richard  knight  &  Edeth  whood  comeinge  from  the  Church,  beinge 
then  married,  by  mr.  border 

(signed)  By  me  lohn  Horner 



Quarter  Sessions  Orders     DRO:  QSM:  1/1 

f  1 99v*  (7-8  July)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  next  assize)  35 

Taken  at  the  Shaftesbury  sessions  before  Sir  John  Croke,  judge  of  King's  Bench; 
Nathaniel  Napier,  knight;  Gerard  Wood,  DD;  John  Whetcombe,  DD;  and  Arthur 
Radford  and  William  Whtttaker,  esquires 

221   ...:  Jots  used  by  clrrk  to  indicate  omission  of  name,  no  editorial  excerption  in  transcriftion 
24/    1605:  underlined  in  MS 

H1NTON  MARTELL  1629  /  UYME  REGIS  C  1544-9  21  1 


Ad  Kspondendum  hijs 

WilWwus  Scott  de  Hinton  Martell  in  Comitatu  Dorsrtt  fidler  tenrt«rd<?w/no 
Regi  in  xx  li.  Will<f/wus  Goddard  de  Toller  Ryall  in  Comitatu  Wilts'  generosus 
in  x  li.  &  Thomas  ffrye  de  Ashgroue  in  Comitatu  Dorset  predicto  generosus      5 
tenetur  eidem  domino  Regi  in  x  li. 

pro  Comparencia  d/cri  WilWwi  Scott  ad  pro\imas  Assizes  et  generalem 
Gaole  delibfraobwem  in  Comitatu  predicto  tenend/wad  respondendww 



c  1544-5 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G 1/2  15 

P  81* 

Item  to  my  lordf«]  admyrals  pleers  v  s.  viij  d. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/2 

P  23* 

C      Itfm  payde  at  Rycherd  Leonardo  towarde  the  scote  when  my  25 

Lorde  admyrall  s^rvant«  was  here  with  stockland  men  iiij  d. 

p   24* 


C  Itmi  payd  for  bread  &  beere  for  the  men  of  stockJand  when  they 

were  here  iiij  J. 

C  Itmi  payd  at  Rycherd  Leonard«  house  toward  my  Lord  AdmyraJlw 

players  by  Master  mayorw  Cowmaundement  xii  d. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/2,  item  17 
f  [1]*  (Allowances) 

hem  to  my  lord  protectors  playors  iiij  s.  ji 

212  LYME  REGIS  f  1552-61 

c  1552-3 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:Gl/2 
p  91 

Item  payd  to  the  kynges  plears  the  xxiij  daye  of  maye  v  s.  ij  d. 

Cobb  Wardens' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G7/3 
f  [76]* 

Item  payd  vnto  the  erle  of  wynswordw  players  to  the  merere  howsse       iiij  s. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G 1/2  15 

p    152  (25  March- 23  June)  (Expenses) 

Item  to  the  quenes  ma( .  >estys  playeres  yat  playd  In  the  Chvrche        iiij  s.  v  d. 
Item  for  wyne  at  Crystyn  whytt«  at  theyr  Comyng  x  d. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR.  G 1/2 

p    1 67  (25  March  -  23  June) 


Item  first  I  payd  to  the  yeryells  of  oxfords  plyyeres  3  s.  10  d. 

more  where  whasse  spend  a  pone  theme  20  d.  v  s.  vj  d.  [1  s.  8  d.] 

1560-1  30 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/2 
p  211*  (29  September- 24  December) 

paid  the  iiijth  daie  of  November  for  a  Dyner  for  Mr  pole  & 

other  beyng  at  my  house  v  s.  viij  d.    35 

paid  the  same  daie  by  the  advise  of  Rogere  garland  Richard 

hunt  John  perot  &  other  to  the  Duches  of  Suthfolkw  plaier« 

over  &  aboue  that  was  gatherid  i)  s- 

III  vs.  vj  d.:   v  of  vs.  corrected  from  another  letter  35/  my:   the  mayor's.  Richard  Buckford 

LYME  REGIS   1567-70 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:Gl/2 

p    140*  (29  September- 24  December)  (Payments) 

17th  of  desember  paid  to  sherborn  players  in  the  churche  2  s.  8  d.      5 

p    141  (25  December-  24  March) 

to  S/'r  thomes  neve\\es  players  gave  2  s.  2  d.     10 

p  262c  (24June-28  September) 

paid  the  4'h  awgust  to  therle  of  worsetors  players  2s.  Id.     15 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/3,  item  2 

f  [Iv]  (29  September --24  March)  (Expenses)  20 

hem  paid  to  hughe  of  bristowe  the  9th  of  rruzrche  for  playeing 

in  the  Churche  &  at  my  house  xvij  d. 


f  [3]  (25  March-23  June) 

hem  to  my  L  Mont  loyes  players  iiij  s.  iiij  d. 


f  [6]  (24June-28  September) 

Item  to  the  Quenes  players  the  xth  of  lulye  vj  s.  viij  d. 



Mayors'  Accounts     DRO:  DC/LR:  Gl/2 

p  220  (29  September-24  December) 

hem  paid  to  the  poppit  players  xv  d.     40 

23/  my:    the  mayor's,  Robert  Davey  28/   L:  for  Lord,  abbreviation  mark  missing 

214  LYME  REGIS   1569-78 

p  222  (25  March -23  June) 

Itrni  to  my  L  of  lessetters  players  viij  s.  xj  d. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:Gl/2 

p  271  (24  June -28  September) 

paid  my  lord  montioys  playrs  4  s.  8  d.    10 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  6*  (29  September -24  December) 

paid  the  pleyers  my  L  of  essetters  men  00     02     08 

tab  10  (25  December-  24  March)  20 

paid  my  lord  mont  lois  pleyers  00     01         1 

paid  the  quyns  pleyers  00     05        8 

gevyn  the  quyns  Jester  00     03 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  13  (Payments)  30 

Item  to  my  L  of  Leicesters  players  the  17:  octobre  vij  s. 

Item  to  my  Lord  monloyes  players  13.  decembre  [xii]  ij  s.  vj  d. 


3/   L:  for  \*ord;  abbreviation  mark  ruining 

1 71   L:  for  \,ord:  abbreviation  mark  mining 

111  essetters:  for  lessetters  (?) 

221    I1:    corrected  over  % 

32/   L:  for  \~ord',  abbreviation  mark  ruining 

34/   monloyes:    I  corrected  over  t 

LVME  REGIS  1577-85 

tab  14 

Item  20  Aprill  to  certen  players  ''')  s- 


tab  15 

Item  6.  September,  to  my  L  of  Sheffeldw  players  iij  s. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/2,  item  51 
f  [Iv]  (Expenses) 

li.       s.       d.    15 

Item  geven  to  my  Lord  bartletw  players  the  17th  of  lanuarye 
heare  at  Lim  the  Som  of 


f  [2] 

li.       s.       d. 

hem  geven  to  the  earle  of  oxfordw  men  beinge  heare  the  4:h  25 

ofmayeys  ...      .3       .6 


Mayors'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2  jo 

tabs  23-4*  (Payments) 

li.       s.       d. 

hem  there  whas  geven  to  my  L  of  Sesyck«  pleeyeres  the  35 

26  daye  of  febyary  the  Some  of  00     03     04 


paid  the  25  daye  of  Maye  vnto  my  L  of  oxssefords 
men  the  Sume  of  00     03      10 

8,  35,  38/   L:  for  Lord;  ahbreviation  mark  missing 

216  LYME  REGIS   1586-9 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  32  (Payments) 

the  4th  of  aprell  to  my  L  of  lessettm  players  5  s. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:    DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  38  (Expenses)  )0 

li.       s.       d. 

It*m  the  28ch  of  Aprell  geuen  to  my  l<Whygh  steward 

his  players  the  some  of  00     06     0  d.     15 

tab  39 

Itmi  the  iijth  of  lune  geven  to  the  Queenes  playeres  by  20 

Consent  of  my  Bretheren  00     08     0  d. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2  25 

tab  47*  (Expenses) 

paid  my  L  exsexe  players  026 

paid  the  quynes  tomlers  for  playe  066 


tab  49 

...  < 

paid  the  quyenes  players  Last  0       10       0 


5/   L:  forward;  abbreviation  mark  missing 
28/   L:  forward;  abbreviation  mark  missing 

LYME  REGIS  1589-95 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/2,  item  58 

f  [4]  (Expenses) 

more  paid  vnto  players  wA/ch  is  come  to  mynd  sythens 

counteng  00     06       8 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2  10 

tab  55* 

U.        s. 


Item  the  9th  of  decemfcxr  gaue  the  Erie  of  worsters  plaiers  15 

5  s.  4  d.  to  furnish  4  s.  8  d.  geuen  00     05     04 

hem  deliuered  the  queenes  plaiers  the  duttons  12  s.  6  d. 

vnto  7  s.  6  d.  gatherde  00      12     06 


tabs   56-7 

Item  the  26C^  of  may  gaue  by  consent  to  my  Lord 

mountelyes  players  00     05     4  d.  25 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  62  (Payments)  30 

hem  the  16th  of  October  to  my  lord  admeras  players  00     05     00 

1594-5  35 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 
tab  73 

15  aprill  gave  the  quyenes  players  15  s.  4 

32/  admeris:  /flradmerals 

218  LYME  REGIS  1594-1609 

tab  74 

paid  the  IS1'1  awgust  to  my  Lord  egle  players  1  s. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tabs  82-3  (Payments) 

Item  geven  to  my  Lord  Stafford«  players  iij  s.  iiij  d. 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/9,  item  24  15 

single  sheet*  (20  April) 

Item  we  present  the  maior  ffor  giving  Leaue  vnto  Certaine  Enterlude  players 
to  playe  in  a  scoole  howse  adioyninge  vnto  the  Church/  being  within  the 
Compasse  of  the  Church  yerd.  20 


Bill  of  Complaint  in  Salter  v.  Cowper  et  al     PRO:   STAC  8/258/1 5 

single  mb*  (1 7  November)  2s 

To  the  kings  most  excellent  Ma/«tie 

Humbly  Complayning  sheweth  and  Informeth  to  yowr  highnes,  yo«r  true 
and  faithful!  Subiect  Robert  Salter  of yo«r  majesties  Towne  of  Lyme  Regis  in 
yo«r  highnes  County  of  dorsett  gentleman  one  of  the  Officers  of  yo«r  30 

majesties  ffarmors  of  your  highnes  great  Customes  of  England,  That  wheras 
yowr  said  Sub/m:  being  lawfully  appointed  and  ymployed  as  one  of  the  said 
officers  vnder  yowr  majesties  said  ffarmors,  hath  dureing  all  the  tyme  of  his 
said  ymployment  for  the  space  of  diners  yeares  past,  most  diligently  and 
honestlie  performed  his  best  seruices  therin,  and  for  the  same  hath  benn       3s 
very  well  liked  and  Comended  by  yowr  ma/«t/«  said  ffarmors,  Soe  it  is  (yf  it 
may  please  yowr  highnes)  That  Beniamin  Couper,  Richard  Harvey,  and 
Edward  Rotheram  Inhabitants  w/'thin  yo«r  Majesties  said  Towne  of  Lyme 
Regis  and  officers  also  vnder  yowr  Majesties  said  ffarmorw,  greatlie  maligning 
and  envying  the  faithful!  demeanor  and  Carriage  of  yo«r  said  Sub/ert  in  his     40 

3/  egle:  for  ogle 

LYME  REGIS  1608-9 

said  place  and  function  the  rather  for  the  said  good  opinion  and  liking  which 
your  said  ffarmorw  iustlie  Conceiued  of  him,  haue  of  late  very  maliciouslie 
and  often  times  secretlie  and  vnder  hand  detracted  slandered  and  reported 
verie  ill  and  Contrary  vnto  truth  of  yowr  Sub/fft«  said  laborw  and  endeauourw 
in  his  said  office,  w/'th  a  full  w< . . .  >  and  vppon  setled  purpose  and  resolua'on 
therby  to  bring  yowr  said  Sub/>rt  into  great  dislike  discredit,  and  disgrace 
not  onelie  amongest  yowr  mawt/wsaid  ffarmors  (vnder  whom  he  long  hath 
and  still  doth  faithfully  bestow  his  best  seruice)  but  also  amongest  his 
neighbors,  frends,  and  acquaintance  to  noe  small  blott  and  blemishe  of  his 
reputac/on  and  Credit  yf  yowr  Sub/fa  had  not  ben  the  better  knowen  vnto       10 
them  for  the  integritie  and  sinceritie  of  his  life  and  Conversac/on  Synce  which 
tyme  the  said  Beniamin  Coup^r,  Richard  Harvey,  and  Edward  Rotheram 
pm:eaving  that  those  their  derracc/ons,  slaunders,  and  reprochfull  reports 
Could  not  prmaile  to  effect  soe  much  in  mischeefe  against  yowr  said  Sub/m 
as  they  intended  and  thervppon  increasing  their  malice  and  purpose  to          15 
discredit  and  defame  yowr  said  Sub/«r,  neither  regarding  yowr  highnes  lawes 
against  slaunderous  Libellers  and  publishers  of  Infamous  Libells  nor  the  happie 
peace  and  Concord  of  this  yowr  m<. )»'««'«  kingdome  which  by  such  libells  ys 
often  infringed,  but  vnlawfully  Combyning,  Conspiring  and  Confederating 
with  diu^rs  and  sondry  other  lewd  and  yll  disposed  persons  and  namelie  one  20 
Susan  Harvye  wife  of  the  said  Richard  Harvey,  Milicent  Tompson,  Robert 
Hassard  thelder,  John  Hassard,  and  Ann  Hassard  his  wife,  Elizabeth  Tasen 
alias  Tusen  spinster,  and  lohn  Viney  all  Inhabitants  within  yowr  ma/fttzrt  said 
Towne,  and  with  diu^rs  others  of  like  disposic/on  and  qualitie  to  yowr  saide 
Suhiect  as  yet  vnknowne  (whose  names  he  humbly  prayeth  may  be  inserted     25 
into  this  bill  soe  soone  as  he  shall  pfrfectlie  knowe  them)  did  for  the  same 
end  and  purpose,  and  according  to  their  Combinac/on  and  Confederacy 
aforesaid,  of  late  since  the  first  day  of  Marche  in  rhe  ffifth  yeare  of  yowr  highnes 
raigne  of  this  yowr  Realme  of  England  most  maliciouslie,  despightfully,  and 
vnlawfully,  devise,  make,  Contriue,  and  putt  into  writting,  or  Cause  and        30 
procure  to  be  made,  Contriued,  and  putt  into  writting  against  yowr  said 
SubzVct  (vtterlie  to  ouerthrow  his  Creditt  fame,  and  reputackm)  one  most 
Infamous,  false,  slaunderous,  scurrill  and  obscene  Libell  here  following: 
That  is  to  saye.  Lyme  Regis  1607:  The  first  pane  of  Robert  Salter  hunting 
the  Cunney  and  doo,  and  shortlie  I  will  the  second  p^rte  shew.  Give  eare  a      35 
while,  and  listen  vnto  this  newes  I  shall  you  tell,  of  a  long  meeching  fellow 
which  in  the  Towne  of  Lyme  doth  dwell,  his  name  in  breeffl  will  you  tell, 
with  two  syllables  you  may  it  spell.  A  rope  and  a  halter  spells  Robin  Salter, 
he  is  so  expert  in  hunting,  in  broking,  in  Cuning  matchiuell  feates,  in 
holding  his  purse  from  the  poore,  in  studying  how  to  deceiue  his  neighbor      40 
or  frend,  to  make  his  frend  sweare  his  selfe  to  the  diuell  to  serue  his  turne, 
and  then  he  will  geue  him  a  shake,  as  the  masty  Curr  doth  ouer  the  litle 

220  LYME  REGIS  1608-9 

dogg  till  he  quake  ffor  hunting  the  hayre  he  did  excell,  in  dorsettshire  his 
fellow  did  not  dwell,  as  his  wife  more  playnelie  Can  tell,  w/th  his  grayhound 
he  oftentimes  walked  abroad  about  Portland  Castle  and  diu^rs  other  places 
Eastward  he  made  his  abode  so  that  he  so  feircelie  did  hunt  till  his  firrett 
gott  vnder  a  tuff  very  ruff  into  a  burro  called  a  (""Ij  But  now  this  meeching        5 
hunter  in  Lyme  doth  dwell,  for  polling  and  for  baldery  he  onelie  beares  the 
bell,  as  manie  Cann  tell,  he  firreted  so  long  he  made  the  Cunney  about  the 
knee  to  swell;  she  boulted  at  potecary  ley,  then  by  Salthouse  she  fledd  away, 
his  firret  so  cruelly  was  bent,  the  Cunney  vppon  the  foote  to  hunt  by  the 
sent,  To  a  good  harbowr  w/thin  two  miles  of  Exmouth  this  cunney  did  hye,       10 
but  this  firret  did  hunt  after  vppon  the  foote  out  of  all  Crye,  and  there  would 
not  suffer  the  poore  Cunney  to  lye,  but  into  the  burro  the  firrett  did  goe, 
and  made  the  poore  Cunney  to  boult  the  second  tyme  also.  Then  the  Cunney 
to  Bridgewater  went  and  ouer  into  walls  she  had  an  intent,  but  the  firret  did 
pursue  her  soe  fast,  that  she  made  a  double  and  Came  backe  againe  in  hast;     15 
Then  throughe  manie  Coppses  and  villages  this  firret  hunted  her  so  fast,  that 
her  great  belly  she  was  faine  to  Cast;  And  after  soe  done,  then  this  Cunney 
Could  skipp  and  runne.  If  this  firret  can  hunt  so  well,  through  brambles  and 
briers  through  bushes  and  thornes,  then  Potecary  Ball  and  other  Craftsmen 
take  heed  of  the  homes  And  after  she  had  fetchd  this  long  race,  she  was  glad  20 
to  returne  for  succor  into  her  old  place,  but  yet  the  firret  now  and  then  doth 
the  Cunney  espie  neere  to  burro  where  she  doth  lye;  At  potecary  ley  the 
other  day  at  eleven  a  Clocke  at  night  this  firret  was  scene  a  scratching  the 
Cunney  as  I  heare  say  her  buttockes  betweene,  But  now  Potecary  ley  ys  well 
you  doe  watche;  this  firret  and  Cunney  together  you  may  Catche;  ffor  yf       25 
this  firret  be  suffred  vpon  your  ground  still  for  to  hunt,  he  will  make  the 
Conney  swell  againe  about  the    P^™    for  thereabouts  he  will  scratch,  till 
harme  he  doth  Catche.  you  officers  which  take  this  hunting  no  scorne,  keepe 
well  this  Conney  out  of  yo«r  Come,  but  specially  frend  Sampford  take  heed 
of  the  home,  yowr  fences  and  marces  stopp  w;th  some  force  for  the  firret  will    30 
in  at  the  porche;  But  now  He  tell  you  a  wonder  yf  it  be  soe;  I  heare  this 
Conney  is  turned  into  a  fatt  doo,  for  heare  she  goes  tripping  vp  and  downe 
vpon  the  toe,  the  truth  it  is  soe,  but  neuer  a  strang  dogg  that  will  her  Chase 
nor  once  to  looke  her  in  the  face;  but  when  Salters  grayhound  doth  her  espye, 
then  she  ys  throughlie  chast  or  else  manie  doe  lye,  and  yf  his  firret  haue  any    35 
mind  to  hunt,  he  will  not  be  quiet  till  he  haue  scratcht  her  by  the  Cunt.  But 
if  this  Conney  or  doo,  to  Salisbury  chaunce  to  goe,  the  firret  will  hunt  after 
the  truth  it  is  soe,  but  yf  by  the  way  they  chaunce  to  be  spent  a  Can  will  be 
prouided  thus  ys  the  intent.  But  gentleman  Hassard  I  hold  you  in  scorne, 
that  will  suffer  the  Cunney  to  Continew  in  yo«r  neighbors  Corne,  and  in      40 
spending  yowr  money  so  foolishlie  in  vaine  for  now  the  Cunney  ys  Come 
hither  in  spight  of  you  againe.  weele  send  into  walles  for  some  pretty  wretch, 

LYME  REGIS  1608-9  221 

that  Cuningly  this  Cunney  he  may  Catche,  and  so  away  her  fetche,  for  this 
firret  and  Cunney  are  growen  in  such  fame,  that  I  feare  they  will  be  trobled 
w/th  game;  But  yf  Salters  firret  be  so  exceeding  hott  in  hunting  the  Cunney 
and  doo  soe  fatt  weele  send  newes  to  London  what  thinke  you  of  that,  that 
he  may  haue  hunting  in  some  other  platt,  for  this  Towne  of  Lyme  ys  too  hott     s 
for  him  to  dwell,  here  Cannot  a  Conney  stay  for  to  sell,  but  Salters  firret  will 
Catche  her  by  the  tayle,  before  she  cann  Come  to  anie  saile.  finis.  I  would 
haue  sett  forth  some  pane  of  Salters  matcheuill  feates  Conning  trickes  and 
false  dealing  with  manie  other  vile  partes,  but  that  paper  is  somewhat  scant, 
but  that  you  shall  haue  in  the  second  parte  w/th  manie  trickes  and  villaynes     10 
per  me:  A.B.C.D.  And  having  thus  wickedlie,  maliciously,  and  vnlawfully 
devised,  Contriued,  and  putt  in  writting  the  said  despightfull,  slaunderous, 
and  reprochfull  Libell  against  your  said  Sub/m  w/th  a  setled  resoluc;on, 
intent,  and  purpose  as  aforesaid  to  defame  and  disgrace  him  as  well  among 
your  Mmestifs  said  ffarmors  vnder  whom  he  serued  as  also  amongest  others      15 
his  frends,  neighbors,  and  acquaintance,  and  vtterlie  to  oufrthrow  his  Creditt, 
reputac/on,  and  whole  estate  by  publishing  and  diuulging  the  said  Libell 
abroad,  The  said  Edward  Rotheram,  Beniamin  Cooper,  Richard  Harvye,  and 
the  rest  of  their  Confederats  and  Conspirators  aforesaid  as  wtell  knowne  as 
vnknowne,  in  or  about  the  sixth  day  of  marche  in  the  said  ffifth  yeare  of  yowr     20 
highnes  said  raigne  (being  then  a  markett  day  holden  in  yowr  Ma/V;t/«said 
Towne)  did  most  lewdlie  and  vnlawfully  sett  vpp,  fixe,  and  fasten  the  same 
Libell,  or  Cause  and  procure  the  same  to  be  so  sett  vpp  fixed  and  fastened 
openlie  vppon  a  boord  vnder  the  Pillory  then  and  yet  standing  in  the  most 
eminent.  Conspicuous  and  open  markett  place  of  your  Towne  aforesaid  to     25 
such  end  and  purpose  as  all  sorts  of  people  might  then  and  there  publiquelie 
and  openly  behould,  read,  and  peruse  the  same,  And  not  so  Contented  the 
said  Edward  Rotheram,  Richard  Harvye,  Beniamin  Cooper  and  their  said 
other  Confederats  both  knowne  and  A  vn  knowne  did  w/th  the  like  intent 
and  purpose  at  dium  tymes  sithence  the  said  ffirst  and  sixt  day  of  marche,       30 
and  in  sondry  plac«as  well  within  your  ma/«t/«said  County  of  dorsett  as 
elsewhere  w/thin  your  highnes  said  Realme  of  England  in  like  vnlawfull  maner 
publishe,  diuulge,  and  spread  abroad  the  said  infamous  Libell  /as  well '  by 
reading  and  singing  the  same,  and  geving  forth  Coppies  therof,  as  alsoe  by 
secret  Casting  and  priuate  Convaying  of  the  same  Coppies  into  the  dwelling  35 
howses  of  diners  and  sondry  persons  in  yowr  said  Towne,  as  likewise  by  folding 
and  wrapping  vpp  dium  Coppies  therof  in  the  forme  and  liknes  of  letters 
sent  into  yowr  Citty  of  London  and  other  places  some  w/th  sup^rscripcions 
and  indorsements  vnto  Certayne  of  yowr  majesties  said  ffarmors,  and  some 
other  w/th  like  supmcripc/ons  vnto  diutrs  other  pmonns  of  great  worth  and    40 

ll/  per  me:  A.B.C.D.:   written  in  italic  display  script 

LYME  REGIS  1608-9 

Creditt  who  otherwise  held  a  good  opinion  of yo«r  sub/Vet  of  intent  vtterlie 
to  impayre  and  ouerthrow  yo«r  said  Subiectes  Credit,  reputac/on,  and  estate 
w/7/ch  hitherto  he  hath  in  very  honest  and  good  sort  vpheld  and  mayntayned. 
In  tender  Consideraaon  wherof  and  for  as  much  as  the  devising,  makeing, 
Contriving,  writting,  reading,  and  publishing  of  such  lewd,  slaunderous  and     5 
wicked  Libells  doe  directlie  tend  to  the  sowing  and  encreasing  of  debates, 
strifes,  and  hatred  betwixt  neighbors]  and  neighbor,  to  the  breach  of yowr 
highnes  peace  and  to  the  vtter  vndoeing  of  your  said  Sub/m,  and  doe 
therefore  Condignely  deserue  to  be  severlie  punished,  and  hath  bin  ail  done 
and  Comitted  since  your  majesties  last  general!  pardon.  It  may  therefore  please    10 
your  highnes  to  graunt  vnto  yowr  said  Sub/en  your  majesties  most  gracious 
writts  of  Subpena  to  be  directed  vnto  the  said  Edward  Rotheram,  Beniamin 
Cooper,  Richard  Harvye,  Susan  Harvye,  Milicent  Tompson,  Robert  Hassard 
thelder,  lohn  Hassard,  Ann  Hassard,  lohn  Craudley,  Margarett  Craudley 
his  wife,  Elizabeth  Tasen  alias  Tusen,  lohn  viney,  and  to  the  rest  of  the  said      is 
Libelling  persons  so  soone  as  their  names  shalbe  knowen  to  your  said  Sub/eft 
Comaunding  them  and  euery  of  them  therby  at  a  day  Certaine  and  vnder  a 
Certayne  payne  therin  to  be  limitted  personally  to  be  and  appeare  before  yowr 
mazVjtie  and  the  Right  honorable  the  Lords  of  yowr  majesties mosi  honorable 
priuy  Councell  in  yowr  highnes  Court  of  Starr  Chamber,  then  and  there  to      20 
Answere  the  premisses  and  to  stand  to  and  abide  suche  further  order  and 
direcaon  on  that  behalf  as  to  yoz<r  majestic  and  the  said  Right  honorable  Lords 
shall  seeme  to  be  most  agreable  to  Law  and  Justice.  And  yowr  said  Sub/ea 
shall  (according  to  his  moste  bounden  duty)  dailie  pray  vnto  god  for  the 
preseruac/on  of  yo«r  majestic  long  to  raigne  most  happilie  ouer  vs://  25 

(signed)  Thomas  Hughes 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:   D5/28/11,  item  24  30 

f  [lv]* 

Presentments  made  before  William  Wilkinson,  LLD,  dean's  official 

29.45  none  saue  only  playing  at  Cytels  in  the  Church  yarde  by  the  cob  wardinge*      35 


f  [2v] 


dominus  peremptorie  imwixit  inhsbitantes  \\)idem  provt  patet  apud  act(.)| 
X48  wee  know  no  such  but  that  which  hath  bin  presented  in  the  29      artycle 

LYME  REGIS  1609-25 

sauing  that  ther  is  a  yearly  vse  and  Costom  in  the  toun  of  chusing  kob 
wardens  on  Easter  day  and  going  forth  w/th  a  drom  Ancient  &  flag  and 
Musycall  Instruments  on  whit  Sunday  in  the  mornyng  to  fetch  in  bowes 
and  so  to  go  the  cob  howes  to  breckfast  befor  morning  prayer  which  wee 
tacke  to  bee  a  A' profane  vse1  [proffan  yous]  Contrary  to  the  Ryght  sanctify       5 
of  the  lordwday 


Mayors'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/1  10 

p  242 

Given  to  the  Players  not  to  play  heer  vj  s.  viiij  d. 


Mayors'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/1 

p  252* 

given  to  one  lohn  lones  whoe  had  a  licence  to  shew  feates  20 

of  actiuity  to  depart  the  Towne  by  consent  of  the  Company  ij  s. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR-.  Gl/1  25 

p  256 

Given  to  a  messenger  sent  to  Bridport  for  a  Copy  of  the  \etne 

to  proclayme  [the]  King  Charles  [vj  d.]  viij  d. 

Given  to  the  2  druwmers  at  the  proclayming  of  the  king  xvj  d.     30 

p  257 

Given  to  the  Lady  Elizabeths  Players  to  depart  the  Towne 
w;'thout  playing 

5/  sanctify:  ify  written  over  other  letters;  for  sanctifying  (') 

29/  to  proclaymc  ...  Chatles:    Charlet  I  acceded  on  27  March  1625 

224  LYME  REGIS  1633-5 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:    DC/LR:Gl/l 

p  298 

Given  vnto  staige  players  for  sendinge  them  out  of  towne          00     05     00 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/35,  item  73  ,o 

ff  [4v-5]*  (22  September)  (Answers  to  articles  about  the  laity) 

8.9.  Manie  here  have  on  Sundayes  or  other  holydaies  made  greate  bond  ffyres 
for  the  Christnmge  of  Apples  as  they  call  it  causmge  thereby  greate  concurse 
of  people  as  aJlso  one  William  AJlford  the  yonger  makinge  or  callinge  himself     15 
a  Captaine  did  on  Assention  day  last  duringe  the  tyme  of  [mor]  mourninge 
prayer  &  Exposytion  detaine  &  keepe  with  him  from  the  Church  in  a  place 
called  the  Millgreene  a  greate  mulltitude  of  men  and  youthes  there  keepinge 
Gunninge  and  drumminge  and  shootinge  &:  thereby  much  disturbinge  the 
minister  in  divine  service  &  in  his  Exposytyon  or  Sermon  the  saide  place        20 
beinge  neigh  vnto  the  Church  &  the  sounde  of  the  drumbe  &  Gunnes  both 
theire  in  the  sayde  place  &:  in  theire  marches  to  and  from  the  sayde  place 
out  of  &  into  the  Towne  makinge  a  lowde  sounde  into  the  Church  which 
aJlso  they  continued  to  doe  after  notice  given  them  by  the  Churchwardens 
and  Constables  the  divine  service  was  disturbed  in  the  midest  i  thereof,]  I  And    25 
likely  to  be  broken  ofe  in  regarde  of  the  greatnes  of  the  disturbance  which 
was  continued  norwithstandinge  earnest  Admonitions  given  them  by  the  saide 
officers  to  decist  and  William  Allford  the  Elder  ffather  of  the  saide  William 
AJlford  the  yonger  beinge  a  Justice  of  Peace  of  Lyme  Regis  aforesaide  and  beinge 
himselfe  present  in  the  Church  at  divine  service  &  hearinge  the  aforesaide       30 
disturbance  and  requested  by  the  Mmester  &C  preacher  by  his  authoritie  to 
appease  &  suppres  the  saide  tumult  did  (as  we  have  hearde)  for  we  our  seules 
were  then  gone  forth  to  doe  our  indeavor  to  appease  the  aforesaide  disorder 
in  steede  of  his  so  doinge  vnreverently  then  &  there  in  the  time  of  divine 
service  or  Exposition  speake  with  an  audible  voyce  and  say  what  a  Stirr  or      35 
what  a  talkinge  or  what  a  pratinge  he  meaninge  or  was  &  is  conceived  the 
Preacher  &  Minister  Mr  lohn  Geire  (who  then  was  in  his  ExposytA  i  on 
maketh  he  about  nothinge  (or  vsed  other  words  to  the  like  effect 

32/  seules:  ^rselues 

37,  38/  (who  then  ...  Exposyt.'i  'on,  (or  vsed  ...  effect:   closing  parentheses  omitted 




Bill  of  Complaint  in  Gordon  et  al  v.  Auncell  et  al     PRO:   STAC  8/ 1 53/29 

mb  3*  (Before  29  November) 

To  the  kingw  most  Excellent  MazVstie 

Humbly  Complayning  showeth  and  informeth  vnto  yo«r  moste  Excellent 
Ma/'«tie  yowr  Highnes  true  loyall  faithfull  and  obedient  subiecmlohn  Gordon 
of  Melbury  Osmond  in  yowr  highnes  Countye  of  Dorset  Clark  and  Edward     10 
ffraunces  of  Melbury  Osmond  aforesaid  yeoman  That  whereas  yo«r  said 
subiect  John  Gordon  beinge  a  gen ileman  descended  of  an  antient  house  and 
beinge  educated  accordinge  to  his  birth  and  quality  vntill  he  went  to  the 
Vniumitye  of  Abergene  A[in  Scotland1  where  he  was  Maintayned  by  his 
parents  and  ffrendw  in  the  Studye  of  the  Artes  and  good  learninge  vntill  he      15 
was  Master  of  Art«  and  after  tooke  on  him  the  ffunction  of  a  Minister  and 
Precher  /of  the  word  of  god1  in  w/?/ch  Callinge  he  your  said  subwte  hath 
painefully  and  Carefully  laboured  to  teach  and  instructe  all  such  as  were  vnder 
his  Cure  and  Charge  (aswell  by  example  of  Religious  and  godlye  life  as  by 
doctrine)  in  the  feare  of  God  and  obedience  to  yowr  Mawties  Lawes  and        20 
disciplyne  of  this  Church  of  England  and  in  all  things  lyved  as  befitting  his 
Callinge  in  love  and  Amitye  w/th  all  men  And  whereas  also  yowr  said  Subiecte 
Edward  ffraunces  hath  in  the  whole  Course  of  /his1  lif  lyved  in  very  good 
Creditt  and  estimac/on  in  all  places  wher  he  hath  fformerly  lyved  and  also  in 
the  place  A  where    he  doth  now  lyve  and  hath  ever  bene  of  good  ffame  and      25 
reputac/on  and  honest  Conu^rsac/on  lyvinge  in  peace  and  vnitye  amongest 
his  neighbours  w/thout  gyving  the  least  /iust1  offence  or  Cause  of  scandall 
to  any  man  whatsoever/  and  thereby  gayned  vnto  him  self  the  love  and  good 
opinion  of  all  his  neighbours  and  of  the  whole  Country  where  he  lyved  and 
is  knowne  to  his  great  Comfort  &  Content  yet  Nevertheles  Soe  it  is  may  it      30 
please  yo«r  most  Excellent  mawtie  that  Christopher  Auncell  of  Wimburne 
in  yo«r  ma/«ties  said  Countye  of  Dorset  Tanner  Robert  Child«  loan  Owen 
the  wif  of  Thomas  Owen  the  elder  Thomas  Owen  the  younger  and  Margarett 
Abbott  the  wif  of  Humfrye  Abbott  all  of  Melburye  Osmond  aforesaid  beinge 
people  of  very  malicious  disposic/ons  and  of  lewde  and  wicked  behaviour       35 
addicted  to  the  sowing  of  discord  and  stirringe  of  Quarries  and  debate  amongst 
their  neighbours  and  to  other  disorderly  and  wicked  Courses  havinge 
Conceyved  Causeles  and  secrett  malice  and  displeasure  against  yoz<r  said 
subfVftes  A  and  Elizabeth  the  wif  of  your  said  subiecte  ffraunces1  and  much 
envyinge  their  quiet  and  peaceable  estates,  and  out  of  the  same  their  malice     40 

14/  Abergene:  /ir  Abcrdene 

226  MELBURY  OSMUND  1622 

vnlawfully  seeking  plotting  devising  and  resolvinge  w/th  them  selues  by 
some  meanes  or  other  to  bring  yo«r  said  sub/Vrtes  /and  the  said  Elizabeth1 
into  obloquie  and  disgrace  amongst  their  neighbours  and  others  in  the 
Countrye  where  they  lyve  And  to  that  end  and  purpose  They  the  said 
Christopher  AunceU  Robme  Childe  loan  Owen  Thomas  Owen  /the  younger1     5 
and  Margarett  Abbott  did  most  wickedly  and  vnlawfully  Confederat  and 
Combyne  them  selues  to  and  w/th  dyvers  and  Sundry  other  like  lewde  and 
malicious  people  whose  names  to  yo«r  sub/Vrtes  are  yet  vnknowen  and  whose 
names  yo«r  sub/Vctes  humbly  prayeth  may  be  incerted  into  this  Bill  as  they 
shalbe  heareafter  [be]  discovered.  Amongst  whom  it  was  most  wickedly  and    10 
maliciously  Conspired  plotted  practized  Concluded  resolued  and  agreed  that 
they  the  said  Confederate  should  and  would  by  raising  and  publishinge 
false  and  scandalous  and  libellous  worde  and  slaundero«s  speeches  and 
infamous  Libells  in  writting  against  yowr  said  sub/>rtes  /and  against  the  said 
Elizabeth    to  wound  your  said  sub/Vrtes  in  their  Creditte  and  reputac/ons        15 
and  to  bringe  them  into  Contempt  and  disgrace  amongst  their  neighbours 
and  in  the  whole  Countrye  where  they  lyve  and  also  to  breed  and  stirre  vpp 
strif  and  Contention  amongst  them  selues  and  Quarries  and  debate  between 
them  and  their  quiet  and  peaceable  neighbours  and  others  inhabitinge  w/thin 
the  said  Countye  of  Dorset.  And  for  the  effectinge  of  their  said  wicked  and      20 
mallicious  plotte  practizes  and  devises  They  the  said  Christopher  Auncell 
Robme  Childe  loan  Owen  Thomas  Owen  the  younger  Margarett  Abbott 
and  the  said  other  vnknowen  Confederate  by  the  Confederacye  and 
Combinac/on  aforesaid  did  in  or  about  the  monethes  of  December  and 
January  now  last  past  in  the  xixc^  year  of  yowr  Ma/eties  Raigne  most  wickedly  25 
maliciously  and  vnlawfully  devise  Contryve  make  fframe  and  writt  or  cause 
to  be  devised  Contryved  made  framed  and  putt  into  writting  one  most  false 
scandalous  and  infamous  Libell  in  most  scurrulous  Rymes  or  Verses  against 
yo«r  said  sub/>rte  Edward  ffraunces  and  Elizabeth  his  wif  particularly  by 
name  wA/'ch  said  false  scandalous  and  infamous  Libell  ffollowdth  vizt  ffraunces     30 
Nedd  w/th  Acteons  head  doth  square  vpp  [and]  and  downe  his  head  beinge 
hye  he  doth  stye  to  maister  all  the  Towne  and  Bes  the  beare  doth  swell  and 
swer  she  will  maister  be  of  all  the  wyves  for  hye  degree/  And  well  she  may  I 
tell  you  trues  be  Maistres  in  London  of  the  Stues/  ffor  pompe  and  pride  she 
beares  the  bell  Shee  is  as  proud  as  the  devill  of  Hell  But  her  husband  I  might  35 
be  I  would  make  her  leave  her  veneree  The  Country  speech  doth  geather  the 
sole  must  hold  w/th  the  over  leather  And  birdeof  a  vether  will  hold  together. 
In  and  by  which  said  false  slaunderous  scurrulous  Rymes  and  Libell  they  the 
said  Confederate  in  the  ffirst  twoe  verses  thereof  vizt  ffraunces  Nedd  w/th 
Acteons  head  doth  square  vpp  and  downe  his  head  beinge  hye  he  doth  stye  40 
to  Master  all  the  Towne  They  the  said  Confederate  most  maliciously  and 
scandalously  would  intimate  and  publish  that  yowr  sub/Vrte  was  and  is  a 
Cuccold  and  had  Acteons  head  and  by  the  latter  part  of  the  said  Libell  that 


yowr  subieaes  /said1  wif  was  or  is  an  infamous  woman  and  fitt  to  kepe  a 
Stues  or  brochrell  house  which  said  false  scandalous  slaunderous  and  infamous 
libell  beinge  so  devised  Contryved  made  and  written  as  aforesaid  They  the 
said  Confederate  the  more  to  wound  /and  disgrace1  yo«r  said  sub/Vrte 
Edward  /ffraunces1  and  his  wif  did  maliciously  publish  divulge  and  disperce     5 
abrode  the  same  in  dyvers  and  sundrye  places  w/thin  yowr  said  Countye  of 
Dorset  and  in  sundry  other  places  w/thin  this  yowr  highnes  kingdom  of 
England  to  dyvers  and  sundry  of  yo«r  Ma>eties  sub/>rtes  and  did  A  deliuer 
disperce  and  Cast  abrode  dyvers  and  sundrye  Coppies  and  transcripts 
thereof  and  did  also  read  singe  repeat  and  publish  the  same  in  dyvers  and        10 
sundrye  Inns  Alehouses  Taverns  in  markettes  Townes  and  other  places  w/thin 
yo«r  said  Countye  of  Dors<rt  and  else  where  w/thin  this  yo«r  highnes  Realme 
of  England  to  the  great  disgrace  discredit!  and  scandal!  of yo«r  said  sub/me 
Edward  ffraunces  and  his  said  wif.  And  the  said  Confederate  not  hearew/th 
satisfied  but  still  pmistinge  in  their  wicked  and  malicious  Courses  to  wound     15 
and  disgrace  yo«r  said  sub/Vaes  in  their  reputac/ons  and  CreditteThey  the 
said  Christopher  Auncell  Robme  Childe  loane  Owen  Thomas  Owen  the 
younger  Margarett  Abbott  and  the  said  other  Confederate  did  in  the  like 
malicious  and  vnlawfull  manner  in  or  about  the  monethes  of  luly  and  Auguste 
last  past  in  this  present  Twentieth  year  of yowr  ma/eties'Raigne  of  England       20 
devise  Contryve  fframe  make  writt  and  publish  and  caused  to  be  devised 
Contryved  framed  made  written  and  published  one  other  false  infamous 
and  scandalous  Libell  in  scurrulous  Rymes  against  all  yo«r  said  sub/>rtes 
particularly  by  name  and  therein  /also1  scandalously  taxinge  dyvers  and 
sundrye  other  of  youi  Ma/eties  sub/mes  of  good  Creditt  and  estimac/on      25 
wA/'ch  said  infamous  and  scurrulous  Libell  ffollow^th  in  theis  worde  vizt  A 
badye  knott  ther  be  god  wott  in  Melbury  Towne  doth  dwell/  If  wee  tread  the 
pathes  that  they  doe  lead  it  will  bringe  vs  all  to  Hell.  If  you  would  know  who 
they  be  Look  a  little  further  and  ther  you  shall  see/  The  Parson  and  his  Nurse 
Will/am  Allen  and  his  purse  Nedd  ffraunces  and  his  beares  Mr  Gordon  and     30 
his  whores  wA/ch  said  last  mencioned  Libell  beinge  so  maliciously  made 
Contryved  and  written  as  aforesaid  they  the  said  Confederate  before  named 
and  the  other  yet  vnknowerz  did  in  or  about  the  said  monethes  of  [Aug]  luly 
and  August  and  at  dyvers  tymes  sithens  publish  dyvulge  disperce  and  spred 
abroad  aswell  in  the  said  Towne  of  Melbury  as  in  dyvers  and  sundrye  other    35 
places  w/thin  this  yo«r  Realme  /of  England1  and  did  write  or  cause  to  be 
written  dyvers  and  sundry  Coppies  and  transcrippte  thereof  and  did  Cast 
scatter  disperce  and  deliucr  the  said  Coppyes  to  dyvers  and  sundrye  pfrsons 
aswell  in  yowr  majesties  said  Countye  of  Dorset  as  in  dyvers  other  Countrye 
and  places  w/thin  this  Realme  and  did  also  read  rehearse  repeat  and  interpret    40 
the  said  last  mencioned  Libell  in  dyvers  and  sundrye  publicke  places  as  ffaires 

1 1/  Taverns:  for  and  Taverns  (?) 

228  MELBURY  OSMUND  1622 

and  Marketer  and  in  the  streete*  Tavernes  Alehouses  and  Inns  in  publicke 
assemblyes  in  dyvers  and  sundry  Townes  and  other  places  of  yo«r  highnes 
Realme  as  aforesaid  and  thereby  did  in  most  scandalous  and  Libellous  manner 
traduce  and  deprave  all  yowr  said  sub/ertes  w/'th  knitting  them  selues  together 
in  Bauderye  and  especially  yo«r  said  sub/'erte  John  Gordon  beinge  a  minister    5 
and  precher  of  godes  word  as  aforesaid  to  be  a  whore  master  or  whore  hunter 
to  the  great  scandall  of  his  profession  Callinge  and  ministrye  and  to  his  great 
disgrace  discreditt  and  disreputac/on  and  to  the  stirringe  vpp  of  strif 
Contentions  quarries  and  debates  betwixt  yo«r  sub/mes  and  other  their 
neighbours  and  ffriend«  wher  they  lyve  And  the  said  Thomas  Owen  the       10 
younger  hath  not  onlye  vttered  and  declared  the  malicious  Venome  of  his 
lewde  dispositiow  in  p/zrtakinge  w/'th  the  other  said  evill  disposed  persons  in 
the  vniust  scandalizing  and  traducing  of  your  Majesties  said  sub/enes  by 
scurrulous  Rymes  and  odious  libells  as  aforesaid  but  to  make  vpp  the  full 
measure  of  his  wickednes  he  hath  also  vttered  most  vnseemlye  base  and         15 
dishonorable  worde*  Concerning  yowr  ma/e*ties  brod  or  great  Scale  of  England 
in  this  manner  ffollowing  vizt  He  the  said  Thomas  Owen  the  younger 
Came  to  the  lodging  or  Chamber  of  one  lohn  Weekes  of  Melbury  aforesaid 
labourer  and  ther  the  said  „  Thomas    Owen  holding  fourth  w/th  his  hand  a 
foul  pair  of  a  beaste*  homes  towarde*  the  said  lohn  Weekes  said  vnto  him  I       20 
doe  heare  serve  thee  w/th  the  kinge*  broad  Scale  and  doe  require  thee  by  vertue 
thereof  to  appeare  at  the  Gunpowder  Mill  that  I  may  there  make  powder 
of  thy  bones  In  tender  Considerac/on  whereof  and  forasmuch  as  the  said 
cowspiracyes  confederacies  cowbynac/ons  plotte*  practices  making  cowtryving 
and  publishing  of  libells  to  the  scandale  and  disgrace  ofyo«r  Ma/'e*ties          25 
sub/ertes  and  all  other  the  offences  &C  misdemeanors  aforesaid  ar  cowtrarye 
and  repugnant  to  the  good  and  wholsom  Lawes  and  statute*  of  this  yo«r 
highnes  Realme  of  England  and  were  all  of  them  committed  perpetrated  & 
done  since  yo«r  Ma/'e*ties  last  most  gracious  general!  &  free  pardon  &  are 
not  pardoned  &  deserve  to  be  most  sharplye  &  seuerely  punished  in  exawple   30 
to  other  like  lewde  &  ill  disposed  persons  to  cowmitt  the  like  or  greater 
offence*  if  thes  offenders  shall  escape  w/'th  impunitye  May  it  therefore  please 
yowr  ma/e*tie  to  grant  vnto  your  said  subzeaes  yowr  highnes  gracious  writt  of 
subpena  to  be  directed  vnto  them  the  said  chr/*topher  Auncel  Robert  Childes 
Thomas  Owen  the  younger  loan  Owen  Margarett  Abbot  &  the  said  other      35 
vnknowen  persons  Cowmauwiinge  them  &  every  of  them  thereby  at  a  cmayne 
day  and  vnder  a  cmeyne  payne  therein  to  be  lymited  personally  to  be  & 
appear  before  yowr  highnes  in  yo«r  ma/emes  high  Court  of  Starr  chawber 
then  &  there  to  make  particular  and  direct  aunswer  to  the  premisses  &  farther 
to  stand  to  &  abyde  such  order  &  Judgment  cowceming  the  same  offence*  as  w 
to  the  grave  Councell  of  yoz<r  highnes  said  Court  shalbe  thought  meet  &C  are 
by  the  Lawes  statute*  &  ordinauwces  of  this  yo«r  highnes  Realme  to  be 
inflicted  on  them  &  every  of  them  for  their  said  offence  or  offence*  And  yo«r 


said  sub/Vaes  as  neverthelesse  in  all  dutye  they  are  bound  shall  daylye  pray 
vnto  god  for  the  preservation  of  your  highnes  in  helth  and  happines  longe  to 

lyve  and  Raigne  over  vs. 

(signed)  Thomas  Cole 


Answer  of  Christopher  Auncell,  Defendant,  in  Gordon  et  al  v.  Auncell  et  al 

PRO:  STAC  8/1 53/29 
mb   1  (29  November) 

Thomas  May  10 

The  seufraJl  Answers  of  Christopher  Auncell 

one  of  the  defendantes  to  the  Bill  of  Informac/on 

of  lohn  Gordon  and  Edward  Franc«  Complainantes 

All  advantage  of  excepc/on  to  thincerteinty  and  insufficiency  of  the  said  Bill 
of  Informac/on  to  this  defendant  now  &  at  all  tymes  hereafter  saved  for         15 
answere  vnto  so  much  thereof  as  anie  wayes  Concerneth  him,  he  sayth  that 
he  this  defendant  was  heretofore  Servant  vnto  one  Thomas  Cowper  of  Melbery 
Osmond  in  the  County  of  Dorset  Tanner,  w/th  whome  he  served  out  an 
apprenticehood  of  seaven  years  at  the  said  trade  of  a  Tanner  And  this  defendant 
hath  by  the  space  of  these  six  yeares  now  last  past  lived  in  Wymborne  Mynster     20 
in  the  said  County  and  exercised  his  trade  there  for  himself  as  a  freeman 
And  about  the  moneth  of  August  last  this  defendant  having  some  occac/on 
of  busines  vnto  the  said  Thomas  Cowperwent  to  Melbery  Osmond  w/th 
intent  to  speake  w/th  him  Concerning  the  same  But  the  said  Cowpdr  being 
from  home  at  the  ryme  of  this  defendantes  Comwing  thithfr  he  this  defendant   25 
stayed  at  his  howse  expecting  his  retorne  In  which  tyme  of  his  stay  this 
defendant  going  towards  the  said  Cowp^rs  A'Crowting  howse  or    Barkehowse 
did  Casually  espy  and  find  on  the  ground  in  the  backsyde  a  Certen  written 
pap<Tw/;/ch  this  defendant  took  vp  and  went  into  the  said  Barkehowse,  and 
there  then  being  in  the  said  Barkehowse  A[or  Crowting  house1  one  Will/Wm     30 
Rookes  (a  Servant  of  the  howse)  [(...)],  this  defendant  told  /him1  [(...)] 
that  he  had  found  a  writing  in  [the  backsyde]  there  Backsyde,  and  then  read 
the  same  vnto  [them]  A  him  and  others  ,  which  paper  writing  conteyned  in 
substance  the  matter  of  the  second  Lybell  menc/oned  in  the  Bill  beginning 
w/th  these  word«  viz  a  bawdy  knot  there  is  God  wot  &:c  And  this  defendant    3s 
having  so  read  the  same  asked  the  said  Rookes  what  person  the  said  Gordon 
the  Complainant  was  who  told  him  that  he  was  a  minister  wherevpon  this 
defendant  answered  to  this  purpose  that  it  was  a  fowle  peice  of  worke  And 
that  he  would  not  haue  ben  the  Contriver  of  it  for  forty  poundw  And  this 
defendant  having  made  two  nights  stay  at  the  howse  of  the  said  Cowpfr  to       40 
have  spoken  with  him,  who  not  retorning  home  in  that  tyme  this  defendant 
hoped  to  meet  w/th  him  at  a  ffayre  which  was  shortly  after  to  be  holden  at 
Wodbery  Hill  in  the  said  County  of  Dorset,  and  so  departed  from  Melbery 

230  MELBURY  OSMUND  1622  /  NETHERBURY  1566-75 

Osmand  &  retorned  home  to  his  owne  howse  in  Wimborne  Mynster  Carying 
the  said  paper  w/th  him  in  his  pocket  w/?zch  this  defendant  did  doe  ignorantly 
not  knowing  that  anie  danger  or  troble  might  ensue  vnto  him  thereby, 
especially  for  that  by  his  said  reading  of  the  said  paper,  this  defendant  had 
no  intent  or  purpose  to  scandalize  defame  or  anie  wayes  traduce  the  5 

plainantes  or  eyther  of  them  A  the  said  Gordon  not  being  then  knowen  vnto 
this  defendant    but  rather  desyred  to  haue  the  Libellers  &  Contrivers  knowne 
and  punished  for  their  offence  In  which  respect  [and  also  for  that]  this  defendant 
hopeth  that  this  honorable  Court  will  not  Censure  him  as  a  delinquent  in 
this  behalf  And  as  to  all  or  anie  the  said  Conspiracyes  Confederacyes  10 

Combinac/ons  plot«  practise;  making  Contriving  &  publishing  of  libells  & 
all  other  the  offence*  &  misdemeanors  aforesaid  this  defendant  sayth  that  he 
is  of  the  same  &  of  euery  or  anie  of  them  not  guilty  in  Arsuch  maner  &  forme 
as  by  the  bill  of  Compleint  is  enformed1  [other  manner  then  in  this  his 
Answere  he  hath  before  Confessed]  w/thout  that  that  anie  other  matter  or      15 
thing  in  the  said  Bill  of  Informac/'on  conteyned  material!  for  this  defendant 
to  make  answere  vnto  &  not  herein  Confessed  &C  avoyded  trauersed  or  denied 
is  trew  to  the  knowledge  of  this  defendant  All  wA/ch  this  defendant  is  & 
wilbe  ready  to  aver  &  proue  as  this  honorable  Court  shall  Award  &  humbly 
prayeth  to  be  dismissed  from  the  same  w/th  his  reasonable  Costes  &c  Charge*  20 
in  that  behalf  wrongfully  susteyned./ 

(signed)  Francis  Ashley 




AC      Notes  from  St  Mary's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   D/KAT:  7623 
f  [17v]* 

In  the  yeare  1566  the  plage  was  in  neitherbury.  and  then  the  years  folloing    30 
viz.  1 567. &.  1 568  .&.  they  keept  their  Church  [alls]  ale[s]  at  Whit  sundy 
and  had  their  Robert  hoode  and  Littell  lohn  &  the  gentle  men  of  the  said 
parish  the  cheef  acters  in  it  a  [Oood]  requitalle  for  gods  merscys 

c  1568-75 
AC      Notes  from  St  Mary's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:    D/KAT:  7623 

f  [18]* 

memorandum  that  they  keept  their  al[l]e  white  Sunday  and  the  other  sundayes 
fowleing  as  well  as  on  the  weecke  dayes  40 

NETHERBURY  1609  /  OVER  COM PTON   1617/18 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/ll,item31 

single  sheet 


Item  we  presente  lohn  Tolly  'comp/ww't1  for  keepinge  of  [Church]  A  Clerks 
ale  vppon  the  whiison  holydaies  wherby  he  causeth  much  disorder  by 
bulbaytinge  &  other  vnlawful  sports: 




Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:   D5/28/12,  item  20  "5 

single  sheet* 

hem  we  presents  william  masters/  Nicholas  Arnold  lohn  dier  Robert  Beaton 
lohn  Arnold.  Nicholas  vincent  Bartho/mew  Michell  Thomas  Michell.  Junior 
j^omas  Michell  senior  ffrauncis  Michell  lames  Ham.  Henry  Gillett  Giles       20 
Beaton  Thomas  Benton  Ralph  Bicknell:  Samuell  dowdaJl  ffrancis  Beare 
Thowaj  Beare:  Bartholmew  Eston:  lohn  Bicknell  [Nicholas]  for  playeinge 
at  vnlawfull  sportes  and  playes  in  the  Churcheyard: 



Bill  of  Complaint  in  Abington  v.  Beaton  et  al     PRO:  STAC  8/42/1 4 

mb  9  (19  February) 

To  the  Kinges  most  Excellent  Ma/atie/  30 

In  most  humble  manner  Complayninge  Shewethe  and  informethe  vnto  your 
most  Excellent  Ma/Vnie  your  LoyaJl  faythefull  and  obedient  Subiect  Andrew 
Abington  of  Over  Compton  in  your  Highnes  County  of  Dorsett  Esquier 
That  whereas  your  said  Subiect  nowe  is  and  so  for  many  yeares  now  last  past  35 
hathe  ben  and  before  him  his  Auncestors  by  the  space  of  ffower  score  yeares 
and  vpward«  seised  in  his  and  there  demesne  as  of  (fee  of  and  in  the  Manner 
of  Over  Compton  aforesaid  w/th  the  Right  Members  and  Appurten^ncw 
therevnto  belonginge  w/chin  whiche  manner  thier  now  ar  and  tyme  whereof  the 
Memorye  of  man  is  not  to  the  Contrarye  there  haue  ben  diuerse  Coppyhold«    w 

23/  sportes  and  playes:  written  over  erasure 

232  OVER  COMPTON   1617/18 

Tenements  demised  and  demisable  by  Coppye  of  Court  Rolle  according  to 
the  custome  of  the  said  Manner  for  one  life  in  possession  and  one  life  in 
Reucrsion  at  the  will  of  the  Lord  of  the  same  Mannor  for  the  tyme  beinge, 
And  allso  diuerse  other  Tenements  demised  and  demisable  by  leases  for  life 
and  lives  wrthin  the  said  Mannor,  And  your  said  Subiect  and  his  Auncestors     5 
being  so  seysed  of  the  said  Mannor  and  premisses  There  haue  ben  during  the 
tyme  aforesaid  by  vertue  of  Certayne  Orders  made  by  the  Tennantwof  the 
said  Mannor  Att  seu^rall  Court  Barons  there  holden  sundrye  exchaunges  of 
land  Meadow  and  Pasture  made  aswell  by  and  Betweene  the  Tennant«of  the 
said  Mannor  one  with  the  other  as  allso  Betweene  the  same  Tennantw  And       10 
your  said  Subiects  Auncestors  Lord«of  the  said  Mannor  And  liclcwiese  betweene 
the  Tennantwof  the  said  Mannor  and  your  said  Subiect  And  namely  whereas 
one  ffrancis  Beaton  one  of  your  said  Subiectes  Tennant«  about  the  Sixteene 
yeares  last  past  made  an  exchaunge  w/tAyour  said  Subiect  for  one  Acre  and 
halfe  of  Arable  Land«  lyeng  at  Cole  Easton  within  the  said  Mannor  of  Over    15 
Compton  for  the  which  your  said  Subiect  had  of  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton 
"valuable  land«°  lyenge  at  (blank)  °a.nA°  (blank)  within  the  said  manner  And 
the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  exchaunged  with  your  said  Subiect  one  Close  of 
Meadowe  called  dorneford  Conteyning  by  Estimadon  ffower  Acres  and  a  halfe 
and  one  close  of  Pasture  called  middle  Easton  Conteyning  by  Estimadon        20 
(Tower  Acres  And  had  for  the  same  of  your  said  Subiect  one  Close  of  Meadowe 
Called  Compton  Mill  Close  Conteyning  by  Estimadon  seaven  Acres  within 
the  said  Mannor  of  Over  Comp< . . .  >  aforesaid  All  which  said  exchaunges 
haue  ben  from  tyme  to  tyme  quietly  and  peaceablely  inioyed  by  your  said 
Subiect  and  his  Auncestors  And  the  Tennant«of  the  said  manner  for  the       25 
tyme  beinge  as  to  the  benefitt  Comwoditie  and  good  Contentment  of  all 
parties  bothe  lord  and  Tennant«  Vntill  ffower  yeares  now  last  past,  About 
which  Tyme  Soe  it  is  (May  it  please  your  most  Excellent  Ma/«tie)  That  one 
ffrancis  Beaton  Robert  Beaton  his  brother  and  Henrye  lellett  all  of  Over 
Compton  aforesaid  Husbandmen  Three  of  your  Subiectes  Tennantwof  his      30 
said  Mannor  being  men  of  most  malicious  and  perverse  disposidons  well 
p^rceavinge  that  your  said  Subiect  had  bestowed  diufrse  great  somes  of  money 
in  incloseinge  dyking  fencinge  planting  and  manuring  of  the  land  Meadow 
and  Pasture  grounds  which  had  ben  taken  and  Receaued  in  exchaunge  by 
your  said  Subiect  and  his  Auncestors  from  the  said  Tennantw  And  by  his        35 
great  care  industrye  and  Charge  had  muche  improued  the  same  The  said 
Henry  lellett  ffrancis  and  Robert  Beaton  Envyeng  and  Repining  thereat  And 
Conceauing  som  Causelese  malice  against  your  said  Subiect  being  thier 
Landlord  as  aforesaid  did  most  Maliciouslye  and  vnlawfully  in  or  about  the 
Monethe  of  August  in  the  Eleventhe  yeare  of  your  Ma/«tie  Raigne  of  this      40 
your  Realme  of  England  practize  Combyne  and  Confederate  together  howe 

40/   Muauc:  for  Maiestics 


OVER  COM PTON   1617/18 

to  defeat  frustrate  and  oumhrowe  all  the  said  Exchaunges  that  formerly  had 
ben  made  within  the  same  Manner  during  the  tyme  aforesaid  Betweene  your 
Subiect  and  his  Auncestors  and  thier  Tennantwof  the  said  Manner  vnder 
the  pretence  diat  the  exchaunges  were  not  good  in  Regard  they  had  Exchaunged 
Coppyehold  land  for  parcel!  of  the  demeasne  Landes  of  the  said  Mannor 
But  being  vnable  of  themsealues  and  by  thier  owne  meanes  to  Effect  the 
same  vWt/raut  the  Assistance  and  [Col]  Contribuc/on  of  the  Rest  of  the  said 
Tennantw  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  Robert  Beaton  and  Henrye  lellett  to  thend 
they  might  Causlesslye  incense  and  stirr  vpp  the  hartes  of  the  Rest  of  your 
said  Subiectes  Tennantw  against  hime  and  sett  them  all  at  discord  and  variance     10 
w/'tA  theire  Landlord  did  most  falsely  and  feynedly  bruit  abroad  and  giue 
forthe  in  speaches  amongst  the  said  TennanwThat  your  said  Subiect 
intended  to  take  from  them  Certayne  Comwon  which  they  had  in  ffower 
Closes  within  the  said  manner  Called  Rockeleaze  and  Somerleaze  whereas  in 
truthe  your  said  Subiect  neuer  intended  any  suche  thinge  By  meanes  of  which     15 
said  feyned  Report  the  said  Confederates  did  most  indirectly  drawe  and 
seduce  all  or  most  of  the  said  Tennantw  being  simple  vnlearned  people  to 
yeald  and  Condiscend  vnto  thier  Vnlawfull  plott«  and  and  to  make 
a  generaJl  Collection  and  Contribuc/on  of  monies  amongst  themsealues  to 
defend  and  mayneteyne  as  was  pretended  there  Right  and  interest  in  and  to     20 
the  said  Comwon  w;t/?in  the  said  ffower  grounds  Called  Rockeleaze  and 
Somerleaze  thoughe  mdeade  wholely  to  be  imployed  in  suites  of  lawe  aswell 
for  the  oumhrowinge  of  the  said  exchaunges  which  your  said  Subiect 
peaceablely  inioyed  as  allso  for  the  Vexing  and  oppressinge  of  your  said 
Subiect  and  the  vnlawfull  maynteyninge  of  suche  suites  as  should  be  iustly       25 
Commenced  against  them  or  any  of  them  by  your  said  Subiect  ffor  the 
better  accomplishment  whereof  the  said  Henrye  lellett  ffrancis  and  Robert 
Beaton  did  most  vnlawfully  plott  practize  and  Combyne  to  and  wztAone 
John  Dier  Nicholas  Clarke  alias  Kellwaye  leffery  Ham  lames  Ham  George 
Bicknell  ffrancis  Beere  Thomas  Michell  lohn  Seward  alws  Clarke  Richard        30 
Myntorne  Zacharye  Bicknell  lohn  Arnold  thelder  /Thomas  Beaton1  and  to 
and  with  diuers  others  all  Tennantw  of  the  said  manner  whoese  names  ar 
yett  vnknowne  vnto  your  said  Subiect  he  humblye  prayethe  may  be  inserted 
into  this  informac/on  soe  soone  as  they  shaJbe  known  not  only  to  wyne  all 
thier  forces  and  meanes  together  to  Compasse  and  effect  the  dissolvinge  of      35 
the  said  exchaunges  from  your  said  Subiect  [br]  but  allso  to  ensnare  and 
drawe  the  Rest  of  the  said  Tennantw  to  be  Contributorye  to  them  and  to 
enter  into  severall  bondwand  obligac/ons  not  only  to  Contribute  vnto  them 
for  the  space  of  seauen  yeares  after  vnder  Color  of  maynteyning  thier  Common 
in  the  said  grounds  (beinge  a  thinge  never  questioned)  but  allso  never  to         40 
release  vnto  your  said  Subiect  nor  do  any  act  or  thinge  w/'t/;out  the  consent 
of  the  said  Confederate,  According  to  which  said  practize  and  Combinac/on 
the  said  Confederate  did  frame  Contrive  and  put  into  writtinge  seutrall 

234  OVER  COM PTON  1617/18 

bondwor  writting«obligatorye  w/t/>  Condic/ons  to  the  effect  and  purpose 
aforesaid  And  amongste  others  one  bond  or  writting  obligatorye  dated  the 
ffifth  day  of  August  in  the  said  Eleventhe  yeare  Wherein  the  said  ffrancis 
Beaton  together  with  George  Bicknell  Richard  Mynterne  Zacharye  Bicknell 
ffrancis  Beaton  lohn  Clark  alias  Shewer  and  lohn  Arnold  did  becom  bound      s 
vnto  the  said  Robert  Beaton  and  Henry  lellett  and  vnto  one  lohn  Carter  and 
Nicholas  Clarke  in  the  som  of  Twentye  poundes  with  Condic/on  indorsed 
therevppon  that  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  George  Bicknell  and  the  other  parties 
to  the  same  bond  should  be  at  equale  Charges  with  the  said  Robert  Beaton 
Henry  lellett  lohn  Carter  and  Nicholas  Clarke  in  the  triall  of  Comwon  of       10 
pasture  in  the  said  grounds  Called  Rockeleaze  and  Somerleaze  for  seauen 
yeares  then  next  ensuinge  the  date  of  the  same  obligac/on  And  allso  one  other 
bonde  wherein  the  said  lohn  Carter  Robert  Beaton  Nicholas  Clarke  and 
Henrye  lellett  did  becom  bound  vnto  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  George  Bickenell 
ffrancill  Beere  lohn  Clarke  al/as  Shewer  Zacharye  Bicknell  Richard  Mynterne     15 
and  lohn  Arnold  in  the  som  of  Twentye  pound«w/t/7  Condic/on  recitinge 
the  said  former  bond  and  further  purportinge  That  yf  the  said  lohn  Carter 
Robert  Beaton  Nicholas  Clarke  and  Henry  lellett  or  eyther  of  them  should 
doe  or  suffer  to  be  done  any  act  thing  or  thinges  vnto  your  said  Subiect  whoe 
as  by  the  said  Condic/'on  was  pretended,  made  title  vnto  the  said  Conwzon      20 
•without  the  consent  of  the  foresaid  ffrancis  Beaton  George  Bicknell  Richard 
Mynterne  Zacharye  Bicknell  ffrancis  Beere  lohn  Clarke  al/as  Shewer  and 
lohn  Arnold  therein  first  had  and  obteyned  That  then  the  same  obligac/on 
to  be  in  his  full  force  or  to  the  same  intent  which  said  seufrall  obligac/ons 
were  by  the  practize  and  procurement  of  the  said  Confederate  seald  and         25 
delinked  by  the  parties  therein  cache  to  other  accordingly  And  the  said 
Robert  Beaton  ffrancis  Beaton  Henry  lellett  and  the  Rest  of  thier  Adherents 
not  therew/'th  Contented  for  the  further  Strengthening  of  thier  said 
Confederacye  and  Combinac/on  did  about  the  same  tyme  most  vnlawfully 
Contrive  and  make  other  bond«  and  obligac/ons  to  the  same  effect  and        30 
purpose  And  namely  one  other  bond  or  obligac/on  wherein  the  said  Richard 
Mynterne  George  Bicknell  lohn  Shewer  alias  Clarke  and  others  of  the  said 
Tennantw  to  the  number  of  Six  and  Twentye  or  thereabouts  did  becom  bound 
vnto  the  said  Robert  Beaton  ffrancis  Beaton  and  others  in  a  great  som  of 
Money  with  Condic/on  that  they  should  be  at  equalle  charges  and  Contribute    35 
in  the  triall  of  the  said  patented  Comwon  of  Pasture  and  other  thing« 
Conteyned  in  the  said  Condic/on  as  yet  vnknowen  vnto  your  said  Subiect 
which  said  bond  was  lickwiese  (thoughe  in  most  seacret  manner  seald  and 
deliudred  by  all  the  said  parties  therein  menc/oned  by  the  only  abuse  practize 

15/   ffrancill:  for  ffrancis  38/   manner:   closing  parenthesis  omitted  after  this  word 

36/   pwented:  for  pretended  (?) 

OVER  COM  PTON  1617/18 

and  procurement  of  the  said  Confederate  which  said  bondes  being  so  sealed 
as  aforesaid  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  and  Robert  Beaton  by  and  throughe  the 
practice  and  Confederacye  aforesaid  for  the  further  effecting  of  thier  said 
Conspiracye  did  in  or  about  the  monethe  of  October  in  the  Tewluethe  yeare 
of  your  Highnes  Raigne  Enter  vppon  and  make  Clayme  vnto  som  of  the 
grounds  which  they  had  formerly  exchaunged  vnto  your  said  Subiect  and  did 
most  vnlawfully  disturbe  your  Subiectes  quiet  possession  thereof,  Wherevppon 
your  said  Subiect  about  the  Tearme  of  Easter  in  the  Thirteenthe  yeare  of 
your  highnes  Raigne  brought  Several!  acctions  of  trespasse  A  in  yo«r  majst/e 
court  of  Comon  Pleas  at  Westm/w^r1  against  the  said  ffrancis  Beaton  Thomas    10 
Beaton  his  Sonne  and  Robert  Beaton  for  entering  in  and  vppon  the  same 
grounds  which  they  had  exchaunged  formerly  w/tAyour  said  Subiect  as 
aforesaid  Vnto  which  said  acc/ons  they  all  of  them  appeared  and  pleaded  ye 
generall  issue  of  not  guilty  Whervpon  a  pevfecte  issue  being  ioyned  Twoe  of 
ye  said  acaons  wherin  ye  said  Thomas  &  Robert  Beaton  were  defendants    15 
came  to  bee  tryed  by  severail  wrytte  of  Nisi  prius  at  ye  assizes  holden  at 
Dorchester  in  &  for  yowr  said  County  of  Dorsett  in  sormwer  then  following 
when  &  where  ye  said  acc/on  against  ye  said  Robme  Beaton  vpon  deliberat 
hearing  therof  before  ye  \\onorab\e.  the  now  lo/Wcheeff  Baron  then  one  of 
yo«r  ma/et/e  lustics  of  assize  for  yat  Circuite  was  found  for  yowr  said  sub/Vrte     20 
whervpon  ye  said  other  acc/on  was  thought  fytt  to  bee  stayd  in  respecte  yo«r 
said  Sub/erte  was  loathe  to  vse  any  Courses  of  rigor  &  extremity  against  them, 
All  which  said  seuerall  acc/ons  the  said  confederate  by  ye  practize  aforesaid 
&  by  their  generall  stock  colleczon  &  contribuc/on  amongste  them  aswell 
in  the  termes  at  london  as  at  ye  said  assizes  did  most  vnlawfully  by  way  of      25 
vnlawfull  maintenance  defend  &  mainteyne  And  did  lay  out  disburse  &  pay 
All  ffees  charges  &  dueties  whatsoeutv  to  Counsellors  Attorneys  solicitors 
and  officers  for  &£  about  ye  vnlawfull  maintenance  of  ye  said  acc/ons  And 
the  said  Confederate  not  hearew/th  satisfied  but  further  plotting  and  Castinge 
about  how  by  Scandalous  and  infamous  Libells  to  bring  your  said  Subiect        30 
his  wiefe  and  Children  into  publicke  disgrace  and  infamye  the  said  Thomas 
Beaton  ffrancis  Beaton  /Richard  haim  Richard  Byshop  &  lohn  clenche1 
and  the  Rest  of  thier  said  Malicious  Adherents  about  Three  yeares  now  last 
past  most  wickedly  and  vnlawfully  did  frame  Contrive  and  putt  into  writting 
the  forme  of  a  Scandalous  Libellous  and  Reprochefull  letter  in  the  name  of     35 

4/  Tewluethe:  ^rTwelueche 

8/   Easter:    whiten  over  erasure  with  line  filler  following 

I3-28/  Vnto  which  said       maintenance  of  ye  said  accions:  3  lines  of  text  written  in  greatly  reduced  size, 

possibly  by  the  same  hand 
16/  Nisi  prius:    written  in  dupiay  sc np\ 
19/  one:    written  over  of 

236  OVER  COM PTON   1617/18 

one  Thomas  loyce  a  person  never  hard  of  before  and  supposed  to  be  by  him 
written  vnto  your  said  Subiect,  whiche  said  letter  followethe  in  these  wordes, 
Mr  Abington  seeing  you  will  not  bestowe  any  thing  vppon  me  for  god«sake 
I  pray  keepe  it  and  bestowe  it  vppon  your  Children  and  teache  them  a  little 
more  manner  for  it  seemeth  thoughe  you  ar  a  gentleman  yow  bring  them        5 
vpp  licke  a  sort  of  vnruly  Rigges  and  vnnurtured  squaJls  who  ar  better  fedd 
then  taught  a  great  deale  I  haue  scene  manye  mens  Children  of  good  Acount 
yet  did  I  never  see  the  licke  vnruly  and  ill  mannered  Children  of  a  gentlemans 
Children  as  yow  ar/  I  pray  god  yow  be  not  so  spareing  of  your  money  that 
yow  send  your  sealfe  and  your  Children  to  the  devill  for  the  loue  of  it;  And      10 
even  so  geuing  yow  as  manye  thankes  as  your  Curtesie  Comethe  vnto  I  leaue 
off  to  be  further  troblesome  to  my  sealfe  at  this  tyme  Committing  you  to 
the  tuic/on  of  your  Temptor  and  Rest  your«  in  what  I  please  Thomas  loyce 
And  vppon  the  backsid  of  the  said  scandalous  letter  or  writtinge  the  said 
Confederate  did  most  vnlawfully  in  further  disgrace  of  your  said  subiect  writt    15 
and  indorse  these  worde  following  viz:  I  haue  scene  Epethapthes  written 
ouer  the  doores  entering  into  gentlemens  howses  yt  may  be  yow  would  haue 
one  written  over  youres  yf  yow  will  I  pray  writt  this  which  followethe  for  it 
is  good  to  putt  yow  m  mynd/  ambitiosus  honos  opes  turpisqwi?  voluptas  Haec 
tria  pro  trina  numine  mundus  habet  To  his  very  worthye  ffrind  Mr  Abinton    20 
at  Compton  be  these  deliu^red  I  pray;  which  said  libellous  and  scandalous 
letter  the  said  Thomas  Beaton  and  the  Rest  of  the  said  Confederate  with 
full  purpose  to  spread  abroad  and  divulge  the  Contents  thereof  to  your 
Subiectes  great  disgrace  did  by  the  practize  aforesaid  lett  the  same  fall  in  the 
vpfeild  at  Compton  aforesaid  whereby  yt  was  afterward«  bruited  and  published    25 
abroad/  And  the  said  Confederate  themseaJues  did  lickwiese  aswell  at  thier 
private  meetinges  as  allso  at  publicke  meetings  in  over  Compton  aforesaid 
and  other  places  most  maliciouslye  and  with  intent  to  make  your  said  Subiect 
hatefull  and  Contemptuous  recite  repeat  and  publishe  the  said  libellious  and 
Reproachefull  writting  And  not  Restinge  there  but  still  pmistinge  in  thier       30 
Leawd  and  wicked  Courses  the  said  John  dier  ffrancis  Beaton  /Richard  haim 
Richard  Byshop  John  Clench1  and  the  Rest  of  thier  Complices  in  or  about 
the  monethe  of  August  in  the  ffowerteenthe  yeare  of  your  Majesties  said 
Raigne  for  the  further  vilifienge  of  your  said  Subiect  and  his  Reputac/'on  did 
most  Maliciously  and  vnlawfully  by  the  Combynac/on  aforesaid  frame  devise   35 
and  putt  into  writting  One  other  most  infamous  Libell  which  they  most 
prophanely  and  wickedly  stiled  and  intitled  your  Subiects  Comwaundementes, 

9/  yow':  for  youres 

I3/  Thomas  loyce:   written  in  display  serif  1 

19-20/  ambitiosus  honos     .  mundus  habct:    'Ambitious  honour,  wealth  and  vilt pltasure:  the  world  holds 
these  three  at  a  three-fold  divinity '.  written  in  display  script 

OVER  COM PTON    1617/18 

said  stile  and  Libell  followethe  in  these  wordes  Viz.  Heere  be  Andrew 
Abingtons  Comwaundementes  Thou  shale  do  no  Right  Nor  thou  shah  take 
no  wronge  Thou  shah  Catche  what  thou  canst  that  thou  shalt  paie  no  man 
Thou  shalt  Comwitt  Adulterye  thou  shalt  beare  false  wittnes  against  thy 
neyghbor  Thou  shalt  Covett  thy  neighbors  wiefe  thou  shalt  sell  a  hundred       5 
of  sheepe  to  Henrye  Hopkines  after  thou  shalt  drawe  the  best  of  them  thou 
shalt  sell  thy  oxen  twice  thou  shalt  denye  thye  owne  hand  which  said  wicked 
false  and  Scandalous  libell  the  said  Confederate  by  the  and  throughe  the 
practize  aforesaid  and  to  thend  and  purpose  to  make  your  said  Subiect  odious 
to  all  his  Tennante  Neighbors  and  frinde  by  bruiting  abroad  the  said  10 

ignominious  Libell  did  most  vnlawfully  fix  and  fasten  the  said  Libell  vppon 
the  Churche  gate  at  Trent  in  your  highnes  County  of  Sommett  being  one 
Mile  from  your  said  Subiects  howse  And  not  therewith  satisfied  the  said 
ffrancis  Beaton  and  the  Rest  of  the  said  Adherents  did  not  only  singe  repeat 
publishe  and  divulge  the  said  slaunderous  and  impious  Libell  in  Innes  Taverns    15 
and  other  places  in  your  said  Counryes  of  dorsett  and  Somerset!  and  elsewhere 
did  deliucr  abroad  Coppies  thereof  But  did  allso  send  the  same  Libell  it  sealfe 
vnto  your  said  Subiect  by  the  said  lohn  dier  who  pretended  that  he  had  taken 
it  that  morning  betymes  from  the  said  Churche  gate  and  out  of  his  good  will 
had  brought  it  to  your  said  Subiect,  whereas  in  truthe  he  did  it  meerely  by       20 
the  practize  aforesaid  to  Notyfie  and  divulge  the  same  °In  tendre  Consideraczon 
whereof  And  fforasmuch  as  the  said  practizes  Combinac/ons  Confederacies 
vnlawfull  maintenance  false  o£  scandalous  libells  &£  libellous  writings  and 
the  vnlawfull  publishing  &  divulging  therof  and  all  other  the  offences  and 
misdemeanewrs  aforesaid  are  Contrary  to  your  Ma;'et;'e  lawes  Statute  and       25 
ordinaunce  of  this  yowr  realme  of  England  And  have  ben  all  donne  & 
Comwitted  sithence  your  Majesties  last  gen^raJI  and  ffree  pardon  And  doe 
greatly  tend  to  the  vtter  disgrace  of  your  said  Sub/me  his  family  &i  posterit/Vj 
And  therfore  doe  Condignely  deserue  to  bee  very  sharpely  &  severely  punished, 
It  may  therfore  please  your  Ma/ety  to  grante  vnto  your  said  sub/Vae  your         30 
highnes  most  gracious  wrytteof  SubpeHu  to  bee  directed  to  the  said  ffrancis 
Beaton  Robme  Beaton  Henry  lellett  lohn  dyer  Nicholas  Clark  alias  Kellway 
Jeffrey  Haim  lames  Haim  Georg  Bicknell  ffrancis  Beer  Thomas  Michell  lohn 
Seward  a\ias  Clark  Richard  Minterne  Richard  Bicknell  lohn  Arnold  thelder 
Thomas  Beaton  A  Richard  [Hayyn]  Haim  Richard  Byshopp  lohn  Clenche1      35 
and  the  rest  of  the  said  Confederate  soe  soone  as  they  shallbee  knowne 
Comwaunding  them  &  eufry  of  them  therby  at  a  day  Certaine  and  vnder  a 
Certaine  paine  therin  to  bee  lymitted  personally  to  bee  &  appeare  before 
your  highnes  and  the  Lordeof  yowr  Majesties  most  honorable  priuie  Counsell 
in  yoitr  highe  Court  of  Starchamber  then  &  there  to  answere  the  pre-misses      40 

23/   libells:    corrected  from  libellous 

238  OVER  COM PTON  1617/18  /  POOLE  1508-12 

and  to  stand  to  and  abide  such  further  order  &  direcoon  in  yat  behalfe  as  to 
your  Ma/«ty  and  the  said  Loides  shall  seeme  to  be  most  agreeable  with  lawe 
&  Justice  And  yo«r  said  Sub/Vrte  shall  daylie  pray  for  your  Ma;«t/«  health  & 
long  life./"  (signed.)  Thomas  Hughes 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p  23  (15 January- 15  January)  10 

Item  therf  restype  morf  yn  the  [chyr]  toune  boxe  of  £>e 

money  gadyrde  by  robarde  hoode  xvj  li.  xiij  s.  iiij  d. 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p  24  (15  January- 1 5  January) 

Item  ther  restyd  more  in  be  towne  Boxe  bat  day  bat  Robyn  hode  &  hys        20 
Cuwpany  gaderyd  xxt!  li.  x  s. 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23U) 

p   25  (15 January -13  January) 

Item  there  restyd  bat  day  in  the  Town  Box  xviij  li. 

Where-  off  therf  was  off  Robyn  hoders  money.  xvj  s. 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p  26  (13  January  1510/1 1-19  January  1511/12)  (Allowances) 


Item  the  Mayre  had  for  Mynstrell«  xx  s- 

20/   fwtday:    15  January  1509/10 
2 1/  xx"  li.  x  s.:   sum  underlined  in  MS 
28/  \5atday     13 January  1110111 

POOLE 1512-17  239 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p  28*  (19 January- 17 January) 

\\ern  The  towne  ow«A  vn  to  rechard  hauylowd  for  pe  sergewttyj  horde  &  hys      5 
gowne  &  for  pe  mynstrelh/s  &  &C  towardyj  hys  dener  [iij  li.  xiij  s.  iii]j  d.  liij  s. 
iiij  d. 

p  29  10 

Memorandum  that  one  p/s  daye  be  ffor  wretyne  agreyyd  by  ffor  lohrc  Stocker 
then  beyywge  mayr  wit/j  hys  bretthers  that  the  Mayr  schall  haue  toward  hys 
Dener  xxvj  s.  viij  d.  &C  for  the  sfrgewtty*  horde  &:  hys  gowne  xl  s.  &  to  be 
Mayrys  for  her  kerchevs  xx  s.  &  Iff  so  be  p^t  the  kyng  mywstrelhtf  or  ffotte        15 
mew  or  any  other  mywstrellys  &  players  kome  to  pe  towne  that  thew  the  mayr 
schall  sende  fifor  hys  bretthers  &:  by  ther  auysse  schall  rewarde  A  thew   w/tA 
suche  money  as  they  thywnge  cowuenyewtt  &  btft  money  so  geuy«  for  ther 
rewarde  schall  be  at  be  Townys  koste  &  be  exppewsys  done  to  be  at  be  meyrys 
koste  By  me  lohn  Stocker    20 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p   32*  (14 January— 14 January)  25 

paide  pat  day  to  Cornyssh  for  pe  Mynstrell  pat  went  abowte 

be  towne  in  be  mornyng«  &:  be  yevenyng«.  vj  s.  viij  d. 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p   33  (14 January  1515/16-17 January  1516/17) 

payd  to  the  pyper  for  ys  reward  pat  day  for  the  hole  yer  goyng  35 

mornyg«  &  yeuenywg  ij  s.  viij  d. 

6/  &  &:   dittography  271  ^  day:    14  January  1515/16 

61  [iijli  xrijs.  iiiljd.:   entire  sum  intended far  cancellation  28/  vjs.viijd..   turn  undtrlmtd  in  MS 

6-71  liij  s.  iiij  d.:  turn  underlined  in  MS  35/  Jwt  day:   17  January  1516/17 

1 2/  t>/s  daye  ...  wretyne:    1 7 January  1512/13  36/  mornygo:  ^r  mornynges,  abbreviation  mark  muling 

14,  15/  xxvjs.  viijd.,xls.,  xx  s.:  sunn  underlined  in  MS 

240  POOLE  1524-31 


Bailiffs'  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P46(l) 

f  [5]  (January  —January)  (Payments) 

paid  for  reward  to  menstrelh/f  pe  9  day  of  apryll  ij  s.      5 

paid  for  a  reward  to  my  lord  of  arrendall«  mynstrelljtf  pf 

vij  day  of  lune  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

paid  for  a  reward  to  pe  kyngys  mynstrelh/rpe  6  day  of  awgust        iij  s.  iiij  d. 


f  [5v]* 

paid  to  pe  mynstrelh/5  that  was  at  rychard  allynys  with  15 

mear  and  hys  bretheryn  viij  d. 

f  [6] 


paid  to  be  kyngys  plearys  be  xj  day  of  September  vj  s.  viij  d. 

f  [7]' 


paid  to  pe  syngy^/g  man  that  came  to  pe  towne  at  be  reqest 

of  pe  Mastarys  ij  s.  viij  d. 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P23(l) 

p   54  (27 January -27 January) 

Item  paide  for  be  Cokys  &  other  smient«  btft  smiyd  att  Master  Mayrez  dyner 
vj  s.  viij  d.  Item  paide  to  be  lord  Arundell«  players  &  lord  lylez  players,  vij  s. 
HI)  d.  And  to  pe  players  p«t  played  att  be  Mayrys  dyner  ij  d. 

26/   reqest:  for  request 

34_5/  vj  s.  vii|  d.,  vij  s   ni|  d  ;   sunn  underlined m  MS 

POOLE  1547-58 


Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL.  CLA  P49(4) 

f  [6v]  (19  January  1546/7 -January  1547/8)  (Payments) 

payd  vnto  Master  mayer/  the  xxiiij  day  off  octobar/  1 547/  ffor 

to  pay  the  kyng  mynstryllw  V"j  s. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P5 1(6)  10 

f  [4]*  (January -January)  (Payments) 

the  18  day  to  smain  players  oflorde  dorsett  which 

playd  in  the  church  and  cowmawnded  by  master  mayor 

the  mayr  depuc  li-  vj  s.  viij  d.     15 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL.  CLA  PA  10 

f  12v  (January -January)  (Payments)  20 

the  25  day  off  Maye 

Itew  payd  that  day  vnto  maysther  mere  the  wyche  wasse  gevyne 
vnto  the  duke  off  northethomeberelond«  [pless]  pleersse  ffore 
there  Warde  by  causse  the  dyd  pley  (...)  25 

f  16* 

the  23  day  off  dessember/  anwo/  52  30 

Item  that  day  vnto  maysther  mere  5  s.  the  wyche  wasse  ffore  so 
muche  money  that  maysterys  merys  dyd  [paye]  ley  owthe  ffor 
me  whyllys  I  wasse  att  Corfe  ffore  to  paye  vnto  the  kyng« 
mynsrerellsse  5  s. 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P26(4) 

f  57  left* 


'557  Expenc«  in  Lawe  and  extraordenari  charg«  ower  the  3  of  lanivari 

13/   the  18  day:    18  June  14/   mayor:  o  written  over  another  letter,  possibly  g 

242  POOLE  1558-69 

anwo  1 557  //ffor  mone  paid  by  \ohn  hancok  bayle  the  yer  past  for 
aunseryng  of  a  amowt  ffor  presents  gevyn  &C  to  prechars  &C  players 
&c  £5-3.4 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P26(4) 

f  57  left* 

1558  The  3  of  lanvari  anwo  1 558//  (Tor  so  mich  paid  by  mee  to  havylond  10 

bayle  the  yer  past  ffor  banketyng  of  gentyllmen  ffor  presents  geven 
them  &:  ffor  10  prechars  &  in  the  Lord«  players  as  by  his  rekening 
amowt  £1 1.6.5.  xjliX...) 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P26(4) 

f  57  left* 

//ffor  So  mich  paid  by  mrgodard  ffor  banketyng  of  mi  Lord  &  20 

Lady  mon  loy  &  othi?rs  &  for  presents  to  thew  &  to  players  in 

reward  at  all  £1 1      12  xjli.  x(...) 

1562-3  25 

Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PA20(ii) 
f  8   ' 

(...)se  for  to  (...)  wythe  Master  ( ...)wenes  Playres  li.     x  s.     d. 



Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL  CLA  P26(4) 

f  1 0  left*  (September-September) 

li.      s.     d.    35 
28  Abouesaid// payd  the  playeres  of  brestowe  amonte  4          iij 

37/  Abouesaid:    the  month  abovcsaid.  if.  February 

POOLE  1568-74 
f  14  right* 

li.       s. 

23  Abouesaid//  3  s.  3  d.  &  is  for  somoche  paid  to  the 

players  by  master  mayors  comwandememe  17  iij 

f  18  right* 


13  Abouesaid//  10  s.  and  is  for  somoche  paid  the  players 

by  master  mayor  comandemenc  amonte  19  x 

1569-70  i5 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  Pi  03(60) 
f  [4]  (September— September) 

paid  the  7  daye  of  lenuary  1569  to  my  Lorri'montioyes 

plears  in  Reward  00     03     04d    20 

paid  the  xj  daye  of  lully  1570  to  my  Lor^of  leyseters  plears 

in  Reward./  00     06     (..) 



Bailiffs' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PA1 2 

f  9*  (October-August) 

(... )yed  to  the  Sargente  by  ( ... )mandemente  which  was  (... )he  30 

Erell  of wosters  players  (...) 


Town  Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL  CLA  P26(4)  35 

f  52  right* 

The  30th  offe  septembar//  by  Robart  nicolas  bayle  for 

So  miche  he  Received  before  that  of  mr  Rogers  maior 

getheryd  at  hocktyde  £2  5  d.  88  ij  li.  v  d.     40 

5/  Aboucsaid:    the  month  abovesaid,  ie,  July  39/  hocktyde.    30-1  March  1 573 

\\l  Abouesaid:    the  month  abovesaid,  ie,  September 

244  POOLE  1573-87 

The  xxvijtri  of  Apmll  &C  xxviij  day//  by  me  lohn  hawcoke 

mayor  for  So  mych  Receii'ed  that  tyme  hocktyde  gethryd 

by  the  whomen  xxiij  s.  iiij  d.  &c  by  the  men  getheryd 

xviij  s.  vj  d.  mom  all  111      ij  li.  j  s.  x  d. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  P106(63) 

f  [4v]*  (September-September) 

the25daieof  Aprell  1578  10 

Item  paid  to  the  Trvmpetor  when  mayster  willforde  & 
mr  newman  w/th  the  rest  of  the  maysters  went  to 
Broonesey  to  see  the  shippe  of  london  ij  s. 



Auditors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PA1 5 

f  27* 

li.         S.  d.      20 

Memorandum        lohn  domyncke  az  too  yelde  more  ix  s.  for  spoylinge  of 

the  drvm  az  in  this  booke  apyenth  folio  47  9 



Auditors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PA1 5 

f  24v*  (Debts  assessed) 

li.       s.        d.    30 

Wee  fynd  that  george  niclys  doth  chardge  the  towne  for 

a  drome  w/7/ch  they  will  not  haue  01      10     0{.) 

wee  fynd  that  george  niclys  doth  chardge  the  towne  w/rJi  the 

mendinge  of  the  drome  ix  s.  and  wee  fynd  that  hee  was  spoyld  35 

by  lendinge  owt  of  the  towne  by  lohn  Domynecke  &  ther  fore 

lohn  domyneck  ow<fth  ytt  00     09      00 

21  hocktyde:  26-7 Afr,l  1574 

POOLE  1586-7 
f  25*  (Payments) 

George  niclys  have  payd  this  xxx  s.  in  his  baylys  accompt 

in  the  batmentw  01      10       °° 

Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Ashley     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PI  24(81) 
f  [1]*  (21  May) 


Master  Mayor  I  do  vnderstande  by  my  Late  beinge  at  my  Lord  Marquis  that 
the  quenes  ma/stis  pleasure  is  shortly  vppon  whitsontyde  to  sende  down  two 
gentlmen  of  her  courte  as  comission^rs  to  vewe  all  the  sea  coasts,  west  warde, 
and  to  certefie  howe  her  mazwtis  monny  is  bestowed  vppon  the  reperacions 
of  the  castles,  howe  the  Bulwarkes,  bauners,  Trenches  diches,  and  skonces 
be  maynteyned  and  made,  I  praye  god  that  the  Bulwarkes  &C  trenches  about     15 
yowr  towne  be  not  fownde  in  defawlte  thoroughe  yo«r  necligence  beinge 
forewarned  specially  by  me.  and  by  all  three  deputie  Lieutenants  at  o«r  laste 
beinge  at  yowr  towne  More  ouerl  trust  youe  and  the  rest  of  the  Justices  of 
the  towne  be  not  Ognorant  that  we  be  deputie  Lieutenants  by  her  ma;stis 
ap/>oyntment  vnder  my  Lord  Marquis  for  all  marcyall  affayers,  and  none         20 
else  haue  to  do  in  yo«r  towne  in  those  causes;  Therefore  we  [haue]  thought 
it  good  to  assigne  for  the  {.  .)tter  gou^rnment  and  the  defence  of  the  enemy 
lame  Reade  to  be  captayn  oufrthe  bande  of  traynd  soldiers  whoe  according 
to  his  dewtie  and  myndinge  to  exercise  the  shott.  did  of  late  cale  his  bande 
together,  and  sett  vpp  a  Maye  poole  with  a  parret  vppon  the  topp  therof  and   25 
to  shoote  at  him  at  there  own  costs  and  charges  without  daunger  to  any 
person  wA/ch  is  no  supfrstic/on,  And  as  I  am  informed,  youe  the  Mayor  and 
mr  [M]  Newman  the  Justice  havinge  nought  to  doinge  in  theis  marcyall 
affayers  haue  prohibitid  them  to  vse  there  exercise,  wherat  I  marvell  that  youe 
will  deale  therin,  seinge  youe  haue  a  Lieutenante  appoyntid  oufryoue  whoe    30 
hathe  comaunded  the  soldiers  to  be  (..)  trayned  and  exercised  accordinge  to 
the  councells  comaundement,  wherefore  I  haue  willed  the  sayde  captayne  to 
proceed  in  his  device  whoe  hathe  my  warrant  for  the  same,  And  if  he  be 
intervpted  agayne,  youe  will  force  me  to  do  that  w/;/ch  I  wold  be  loathe  to 
do./  And  at  my  next  cominge  to  the  towne  w/?«ch  shall  be  shortly  ther  sh( . .  .)e   35 
a  provest  marshal!  assigned  by  vs  for  the  better  (...)  of  the  captayne/  So  for 

10/  my  Lord  Marquis:    William  Pauttl.  marqueu  of  Winch  f  tier  and  lord  lieutenant  of  Dorset 
14/  bauners:    5  minims  in  MS 
28/  doinge:  fordo 

246  POOLE  1586- 1602  /  PUDDLETOWN  1619 

this  tyme  I  bid  youe  <...)ell,  hopinge  no  more  to  here  of  your  follys  in  this 
be(...)id  thisxxjth  ofMaye  1587 

Yowr  lovinge  ffrende 
(signed)  Harry  Asheley 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/PL:  CLA  PI  19(76) 

f  [2]*  (September -September) 

Ittm  mor  geuen  the  Quenes  ma/«tis  players  that  playede 

her  w/'th  the  childeren  off  her  ma;«tis  chapell:  ther  was 

gatherell  xj  s.  and  I  made  it  xx  s.  of  the  rownes  mony  by 

the  consent  of  mr  madley  and  mr  gregory  geuen  them  a 

pers  ix  s.  000     09     00 




Mayors' Accounts     DRO:    DC/PL:  CLA  P19KA32) 

f  1  left*  (September -September) 

li.  S.         d. 

hem  mor  vj  s.  geven  vnto  the  Quenes  maimis  playeres  000     06     00 




Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL.    Harlcy  MS.  671 5 

f  42  (22  May)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  assizes)  30 

for  bringing  a  fiddler  into  Pudletowne  in  the  despite  of  the  Constable  when 
they  had  sent  him  forth:  and  reviling  the  .2.  Constables. 
Thomas  Bartlet  de  Ilsington  yeoman  tenetur  in  xx  li. 

Richardus  Geng  de  Pudletowne  Husbandman  et  Thomas  Stone  de  ead^w       35 
taylor  quilibet  eorum  tenerur  in  x  li. 
Exonerate  pro  Comparencia  d/rti  Thome  Bartlet  ad  pro\imam  gerwalfw  deliberaceo«mi 

primo  die  lulij          aj  respondend«W  ijs  &C./ 

2/    1587:    underlined  in  MS  14/   pers:   er  written  over  other  If  tiers 

12/  gatherell    for  gathered 




Bishop  Simon  of  Ghent's  Register     WRO:   Dl/2/1 

f  134v*  (6  April) 

C  Litwa  dir^cta  Decano  Schefton/d- contra  exmrentes  ludos  noxios  in  atrio 
cowuewtual/V  ecctaie  Scheftorw. 

C  Simon  pmnisione  diuina  Sarww  Episcopus:  dilmo  in  Chwro  filio  Decano 
Schefton/V  salwtem  giwdam  &  benediccionem  Per  panes  Schefton/>  pridem        10 
transituw  facientes/  inrrr  cetera  que  nostro  auditui  fwrant  tune  prrlata  relatu 
recepimus  fidedigno.  quod  licffolim  circa  noslre  promocioms  auspicia 
auctor/>ate  nostra.  sub  penis  grauibzw  fuisset  inhibituw  &  censuris/  ne  Atrium 
Conuentual/V  ecclwie  loci  predict}  ludorww  turpiuw  &  conuenticwlarww 
insolenciuw  exc^rcicio  fedaretur  aJiisqwf  coreis  qui  ad  laciuiam  &  dissolutaw      15 
euagac/owfm  misfros  co«currenciuw  animos  excitant  fedaretwr.  Insupfr  & 
iniu/zctum  quod  eiusdew  Atrii  seu  Cimitfrij  clausura  eminens  vndecuwq«f 
fuisset/  quod  brutis  ammalibw/loco  deo  dicato  in  quo  fideliuw  corpora 
requiescunt/  nullus  ad  conculcandz/w  patera  mgr^sus.'  q«idaw  tamen 
contra  inhibic/'o«fm  \\u\usmodi ^^lib^natem  &  immunitatew  ecclwiasticaw          20 
ledere  ac  minuere  tanqwaw  degen^ros  filii  matmii  honoris  inuidi  molientes: 
prrfatuw  Atrium  seu  Cimitmum  ausibus  temfrariis  ingr^dientes/  obseqz/ia 
diuinz  in  ecclwia  sancte  Trinitatis  d/c/o  Cimiu-rio  cowtinua  aJiisqz/f  ecclwiis 
cowtiguatis  eidem  fieri  co«sueta  adeo  circuwstrepuwt  &  ut  pr^mittitwr  coreis 
&  ludis  noxiis  pmurbant:  quod  tam  eccl«iarz<w  qwam  Atrii  prfnotati/  quasi      25 
per  dies  smgulos  violac/o  &  per  rowsequens  intfrd/cfwm  verisimilitf 
formidatur.  Attendentes  igiturqitod  domus  domini  dec^s^«ctitudo  vt  cuius 
in  pace  factus  est  locus  eius/  cultus  sit/  cuw  debita  venfrac/one  pacificus 
sitque  ad  ecclwiam  humilis  &t  deuotus  ingr«sus  quieta  conu^rsac/o  deo  grata 
inspicientib«j  placida/  vt  in  ea  attendants  intends  prrcordiis  sacra  sollempnia    30 
deuotisq«f  oracionikits  insistatz/r/  cessent  eciam  in  ea  eiusque  Cimiteno/  & 
Atriis  deo  dicatis  f<?«clamac/ones  ac  impetus  prophana  colloquia  &  prccipue 
ludi  noxii  &  quorwwlibet  insolenciuw  strepitus  co«quiescant/ 
Tibi  in  virtute  sancte  obediencit  firmttfr  iniu^^gtmwJ  committimus  & 
mandamt<j  qz/attnwj  assumptis  tecum  si  necesse  fumt/  Rectoribui  &  vicarin     35 
eccLfiiarww  uicinarww  d/cfe  ville  per  dies  dommicos  et  sollempnes  omnes 
malefacfores  \\u\usmodi ^^moneas  [&]  efficaciter   &    inducas/  qwod  sub  pena 
excommunicacioms  maiorrsqwam  contraueHientes  now  immmto  formidare 
pot^runt  a  tam  temfrana  deinceps  prfsumpc/owe  desistant.  Alioqwin:  cites 

10/  pndem.  /ornon  pndem  f')  21/   degenrros:  yirdegcneres 

I5-16/   fedaretur        fedaretur:   Autography  38/  immrrito.    6  mtnimsfar  imm  in  MS 

248  SHAFTESBURY  1311-1638 

eos  quos  rebelles  inuenms  in  hac  pane',  quod  compareznt  coram  nobwv^l 
Official!  nostro  in  eccl«ia  maior/  Sarww  in  proximo  Consistoiv'o  nostro  post 
monic/OH<m  tuaw  legitiwam  de  Archidiaconatu  Dorsfte  celebrando  nob/Vex 
offic/'o  super  hiis  &  ea  tangentib«*debite  responsur//  facturi  &  receptun 
vheriusquod  canonicis  in  hac  pane  cowuemrit  institutis.  Quid  autew  feceris     5 
in  premissisl  ac  de  nominibus  \\u\usrnodi  rebelliuw  citator«w  nos.  Qfficialtm 
nostrum  seu  aliuw  locuw  suuw  ten^wtem  ap^rte  artifices  die  &C  loco  prmotatis 
per  \itterzs  vestras  patentes  harww  seriem  cowtinentos.  vale.  Dat/z  apwd 
Wodeford.  viij.  \duum  April/j  Anno  dow;ni  .M.°  CCC°  vndeciwo 
Consecracionis  nostre  Quartodecimo.  10 

AC      Gillingham  Manor  Court  Roll     Hutchins:  History  and  Antiquities,  vo\  3 

p  629*  (6  March) 


Memorandum  That  hit  is  the  custome  in  the  tethinge  of  Motcombe,  usu 
longo,  time  out  of  remembtance  and  mynde,  that  the  Soundhey  nexte  after 
Holy  Roode  day,  in  May,  every  yeare,  every  parishe  within  the  borough  of 
Shaston  shall  come  down  that  same  day  into  Enmore  greene,  at  one  of  the 
clocke  at  afternoon,  with  their  mynstralls  and  myrth  of  game;  and,  in  the        20 
same  greene  of  Enmore,  from  one  of  the  clocke  till  too  of  the  clocke,  by  the 
space  of  one  hole  hower  theire  they  shall  daunce:  and  the  mayer  of  Shaston 
shall  see  the  quene's  bayliffe  have  a  penny  loffe,  a  gallon  of  ale,  and  a  calve's 
head,  with  a  payer  of  gloves,  to  see  the  order  of  the  daunce  that  day;  and  if 
the  daunce  fayle  that  day,  and  that  the  quene's  bayliffe  have  not  his  dutye,       25 
then  the  said  bayliffe  and  his  men  shall  stop  the  water  of  the  wells  of  Enmore 
from  the  boroughe  of  Shaston,  from  time  to  time,  &c. 

1614-38  30 

AC      Gillingham  Manorial  Court  Orders     JRL:    Nicholas  MS  69 
f  11* 

Likewise  the  auncient  Custome  for  the  towne  of  Shaston  for  the  takeing  of 
A  true  Copie         water  in  the  wells  or  springs  in  Motcombe  w/thin  the  libmie  of  Gyllinghaw     35 
of  the  Recorde       ^^  ^m  ancj  yet  js  vsecj  fa^t  the  Mayor  of  Shaston  w/'th  his  Brethren  yeerelie 
the  Sondaye  after  Holieroode  daye  in  Maye  in  the  afternoone  must  come 
into  Enmer  Greene  in  Motcombe  where  some  of  the  springs  of  water  doe 
rise  w/th  their  games  of  mirth  and  musicke  and  there  daunce  and  sport  about 
the  space  of  one  houre  And  afterwards  the  Mayor  is  yeerelie  to  present  vnto    40 

8/  continences:  yorcontinentes 



'demaund  of 
satisfaction  for 
Bulls  fleshe' 

mr  Hascoll 
tookc  some 
bulls  b«fe° 

to  ye  poo  re 

the  Bayliffe  of  Gyllingham  in  the  same  Greene  a  payer  of  Gloues  a  calues 
heade  a  gallon  of  Beere  and  two  penie  white  loues  w/>/ch  is  giuen  in  respect 
of  their  water  they  take  for  the  vse  of  their  Towne,  And  yf  the  Towne  faile  in 
pt-rformanc  of  this  Custome  they  loose  the  Benefit!  of  the  water/. 


Depositions  in  Cower  v.  Hascoll     DRO:   DC/SYB.  El 02 

sheets  61-5*  (Deposition  of  Thomas  Smelgar) 

To  the  ffifth  Interrogatorye  this  Examinate  deposeth  and  saieth  that  hee  was 
not  present  at  such  time  as  the  said  Nicholas  Gower  in  this  Interrogatory 
named  made  such  demaund  for  satisfacc/on  for  such  fee  beofe  as  hee  the 
said  Robert  Hascoll  was  Charged  by  the  said  I  Gower  to  haue  taken  and 
receaved  in  the  time  of  his  MaioraJtye  and  by  colour  therof  of  divers  Butchers 
for  selling  Bulls  fleshe  in  the  said  Markett  as  in  this  Interrogatorye  is  alledged 
nor  of  his  refusing  to  make  satisfacoon  for  the  same  to  the  said  Nicholas 
Gower,  nor  did  heare  that  the  said  Robert  Hascoll  did  afferme  or  sale  that 
hee  would  lustefie  his  taking  of  the  said  fee  beofe  by  better  warrant  then  the 
Barons  of  the  Exchequer  could  giue  I  vnto  him  the  said  Nicholas  Gower  for 
his  the  said  Cowers  taking  of  fee  Beofe  in  the  said  markett  or  ffayer,  or 
wordes  to  that  or  the  lyke  Effect,  and  therefore  canne  depose  noe  more  to 
this  Interrogatorye  Saving  that  hee  saieth  the  said  Robert  Hascoll  tould  this 
Examinate  that  there  hadd  bene  some  speeches  betweene  him  the  said  Robert 
Hascoll  and  the  said  Nicholas  Gower  concerning  Bulls  beofe  that  hee  the 
said  Robert  Hascoll  hadd  taken  from  the  Butchers  in  the  I  sayd  Marketw 
And  that  hee  the  said  Robert  Hascoll  hadd  tould  the  said  Gower  therevppon 
that  some  Butchers  hadd  brought  Bulls  beofe  to  the  said  markett  and  offred 
thee  same  [not]  to  sell  not  being  baighted  before  the  same  was  killed  as  ought 
to  be  by  the  Lawes  of  this  Kingdome  And  that  the  said  Butchers  being 
Amerced  for  the  same  in  the  Courte  of  the  said  Towne  hee  the  said  Robert 
Hascoll  hadd  taken  some  of  the  said  Beofe  I  from  the  said  Butchers  and 
hadd  distributed  the  same  to  the  poore  of  the  said  Towne  for  their  Releife 
and  saied  that  as  hee  conceaved  the  same  belonged  to  his  place  as  Maior  of 
the  said  Towne  of  Shaftburye  to  take  by  vertue  of  the  said  Amerceamente; 
and  not  to  the  said  Gower/ 




4/   prrformanc:  for  performance 

250  SHAFTESBURY  1629  /  SHERBORNE  c  1505-10 


Borough  Financial  Papers     DRO:   DC/SYB:  Cl  1 ,  item  1 7 

single  sheet* 

money  layed  owt  abowght  the  performavnce  of  owr  Coostom  the  9  of  'may1      5 
mayfy]^1  1629 

first  a  bowt  themakinge  of  owr  besom  for  Reband  and  incell 

and  penes  ii  s.  ob. 

for  a  payor  of  gloves  for  the  bayle  of  gellingam  iii  s.  vi  d. 

for  a  callves  hed  vi  d.     10 

for  to  peney  white  loves  ii  d. 

for  a  gallon  of  the  beste  alle  vi  d. 

to  William  allford  for  leadinge  of  the  davnce  ii  s.  vi  d. 

To  Trostrom  garves  and  lohn  ambros  for  play'ei'ng  in  the  greene  ii  s. 

mor  for  Ther  too  denors  xii  d.     15 
Somis  xii  s.  ii  d.  ob. 


c  1505-8  20 

All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:    PE/SH:  CW  1/1 
f  [1]* 

hem  Receyvyd  of  Richard  Chepett  kyng  of  the  Towne 
hem  Receyvydof  hewe  honybrewe  for  a  pott  of  ale  of  the 
Morys  daunce 

c 1508-10 

All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/2 

f  [1]* 

hem  I  paid  To  lohn  Cheselett  for  mewd  of  the  Whurlegog  and 

mendynwg  of  the  Shryne  viij  d. 


f  [H* 

Itmi  I  paid  for  rent  of  the  churchhowse  &  post  &  ovis  ij  s.  iij  d. 


33/   mend:  for  mcndyng  (?) 

SHERBORNEf  1508-13 

hem  I  paid  for  the  takynwg  downe  of  temes  and  |je  carage  iiij  d. 

hem  for  naylys  to  be  scheme 

hem  for  schafytt  tymber  xxij  «• 

Item  for  be  beryng  of  be  stage  tymber  ij  d- 

It«n  forr[e]]  be  caryge  of  be  tentys  vnj  d. 

f  [2]  'o 

Itmi  for  be  kepynwg  &  berynwg  of  the  shryne  iiij  d. 

1510-11  15 

All  Hallows'  Churchwardens  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1  /3 
mb  [1]*  (25 December-25 December)  (Receipts) 

hem  Receyvyd  of  the  kyng  Revyll  of  lohn  Chetknoll  vij  li.  j  d.  ob. 


mb  [2]  (Payments) 

hem  payed  for  the  beryng  of  the  Shrene  on  corpus  chr/Vri  day 

&  drynk  v  d.     25 

hem  payed  to  Barrylmew  for  the  kepyng  of  the  same  shrene  on 

corpus  chmri  Eue  ij  d. 

1512-13  30 

All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1 M 
sheet   [2]  (25  December-25  December)  (Payments) 

hem  payd  ffor  thred  small  naylys  for  j)e  shryne  iij  d.  ob. 

hem  payd  ffor  beryng  off  the  shryne  iiij  d.     js 

hem  payd  ffor  kepyng  off  be  shryyne  on  corpus  chnjfi  ij  d. 

24/  corpus  chruri  day:    19  June  1511  171  corpus  chrtsti:   26 May  1513 

377  shryyne:  for  shryne 

SHERBORNE  1512-16 

sheet   [3] 

hem  payd  ffor  a  kay  &  mewdyng  of  pe  loke  ffor  pe  procession  dor  vj  d. 


All  Hallows' Churchwarden  s  Accounts     DRO:    PE/SH:  CW  1/5 

single  mb  (25  December— 25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

. .  .Et  de  vij  li.  x  s.  vj  d.  receptis  de  lohawne  yonge  Baker,  pro  cerutsia  vend/fa     10 
vocata  Kyng«  ale  hoc  anno. . . 



. .  .Et  in  regard/* datu  hominibus  portant/£«.r  la  Shryne  in  festo  Corpons  chr/V/i 
hoc  anno  vnacuw  filo  empto  pro  diet'  Shryne  vij  d 

1514-15  20 

All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:    PE/SH:  CW  1/6 
single  sheet  (25  December— 25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

. .  .Et  de  vij  li.  xiij  s.  iiij  d.  receptis  de  Robmo  Watson  pro  ceruisia  per  \psum 
vend/to  vocata  kyng«  ale  hoc  anno. . .  25 

(Payments  and  expenses) 

. .  .Et  in  emendacione  la  Shryne  hoc  anno  vij  d.  . . .  Et  in  filo  &  chuibus emptu     30 
pro  la  Shryne  hoc  awwo  iiij  d.  . . .  Et  in  hominibus  conduct/i  portant/^z«  la 
Shryne  hoc  anno  iiij  d.  Et  solut/ Sacriste  pro  custodiendo  la  Shryne  iij  d  — 

1515-16  35 

All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/7 
single  sheet  (25  December— 25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

...Et  de  Cxvj  s.  viij  d.  rec^f^de  Robmo  Cookeman  ffrunitore  proceruis/tf 
vocata  kyngese  ale  per  ipstim  hoc  anno  vendita. . .  40 

16/  in  festo  Corpons  chr«/i:    15 June  I5l-i 

SHERBORNE  1515-24 

(Payments  and  expenses) 

.  .Et  in  emendacione la  Shryne  hoc  anno  vj  d.  Et  in  \\omini\3usconductis 
ad  porcandww  la  Shryne  hoc  anno  vnacuw  chuibus  &  filo  emptis  pro  eodem 


All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1  /8 

single  mb*  (25  December-25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts)  10 

.  .  .Et  de  vij  li.  viij  s.  receptis  de  lohtf^ne  pope  pro  cerulsia  vocata  kyngesaJe 
per  ipsum  hoc  anno  vend/M.  .  . 

(Payments  and  expenses) 

. .  .Et  solut«w  pro  filo  clauibus  &  vigilac/owf  de  la  Shryne  in  festo  corporis 

chr/V/i  Et  in  \\ommi\>us  conducts  portant/^K^d/cruw  Shryne  in  d/c/o  festo 

vj  d 20 


All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH.  CW  1  /9 

single  mb  f25  December-25  December)  (Receipts)  25 

Receuyd  off  wat^ralbon  ffor  the  kyng«Ale  vij  li.  v[ii]j  s.  viij  d. 

(Expenses)  30 

. .  .Itmi  ffor  the  baryngf  off  the  Shryne  iiij  d.  Item  ffor  the  trasshe  to  the  Shryne 
iiij  d.  Item  for  the  settyngf  vpp  and  the  takyng^  downe  off  the  tentte  in  the 
Churche  yerde  iiij  d .... 


18-19/  in  festo  corporis  chr/j/i:   )  June  1518 
19/   d/c/um:    ivnttfn  over  other  letttn 

254  SHERBORNE  1524-8 


All  Hallows'  Churchwardens  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/10 

single  mb  (25  December— 25  December)  (Receipts) 

Item  Receuyd  off  Wylliam  Meet?  ffor  the  kynge  Ale  viij  li.  iij  s.  iiij  d.      5 


.  ..hem  payd  ffor  halffe  a  yerde  off  bocoram  to  the  banners  ij  d.  ...  hem  ffor    10 
makygf  the  tentt  in  the  chyrche  yarde  iiij  d.  . . .  [hem  ffor  the  baryng  off  the 
shryne  corpus  chrwri  day  iiij  d.]  ...  hem  ffor  takygf  downe  the  kyng«  pastes 
in  the  Churchehay  ij  d. . .. 



All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO.  PE/SH.  CW  1/11 

single  sheet  (25  December— 25  December)  (Receipts) 

hem  Receuyd  of  Wyll/am  Weddayll  for  the  kyngf  ale  viij  li.  iiij  s.    20 


...for  be  tentt  iiij  d.  for  packe  thred  j  d.  ...  Item  to  iiij  men  bat  bayrf  be        25 
Shryne  iiij  d.... 


All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/12 

single  sheet*  (25  January -25  January)  (Receipts) 

In  prirnw  Receyuid  (...)(..  )yly  late  kyng  of  Shirbotne  for  (...) 

Churche  ale  made  at  Whi3tsontid  Somwa  xj  li.  x  s.  v  d. 


ll/   makygr:  /ormakynge 

12/  corpus  chnsn  day:    15  June  1525 

12/  takygr:  /irtakynge 

34/  Whi3tsontid:   9-15 June  1527 

SHERBORNE  1527-35 


.  ..hem  paid  for  packe  threde  for  the  shryne  ij  d.  Item  paid  for  the  makyng  of 
the  Tentte  yn  the  churche  yarde  iiij  d. . .. 


All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/13 

single  mb*  (25  January- 25  January)  (Receipts) 


...Item  he  Receyuyd  he  Receyuid  of  Harry  Sampson  laste  kyng  of  Shirborne 
for  that  he  made  of  the  churche  ale  at  Whitsontyde  S«mwa  vij  li.  ix  s.  v  d. . . 

(Allowances)  15 

...It<-m  paid  for  the  settyng  uppe  of  the  tente  in  the  churche  yarde  iiij  d.  Itmi 
paid  for  tack«  &  pakthrede  for  the  shryne  iiij  d. . .. 



All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/14 

single  mb*  (5  February  1529/30-12  February  1530/1)  (Charges) 

paid  for  settyng  vppe  of  the  tente  at  the  Churche  dore  iiij  d....  25 


All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO.   PE/SH:  CW  1/15 

f  9v*  (January/February-January/February)  (Receipts)  30 

Item  receuyd  of  hary  albon  Yongf  man  Kyng^  for  the  cherche  iij  li. 

hem  receuyd  of  Wyllyam  vynssent  for  the  cherche  alle  ix  li. 


f  13v* 

hem  payd  to  robert  Wattsen  for  a  seme  of  hurdell«  for  The 

kyngg«  stere  yn  the  cherche  howsse  vj  d. 

1 1/  he  Receyuyd  he  Receyuid.  dinography  in  MS  \ll  WViitsontyde    31  May -6 June  1528 

256  SHERBORNE  1534-5 

hem  for  the  passheon  pan  a  corpus  crysty  day  for  lynclothe 

and  the  makyngf  for  a  netherkaysse  y  payd  iiij  d. 

hem  for  thred  and  nayll«  to  the  shryne  y  payd  iij  d. 

hem  to  the  men  at  bare  the  shyne  y  payd  them  iiij  d. 

hem  for  settyngfvpe  [and  takyngf yn]  of  the  tent  at  be  cherche 

dore  y  payd  iiij  d. 

f  14 

hem  payd  for  takynge  yn  the  tent  at  pe  cherche  dore  iiij  d. 

f  15v 


Itmi  payd  to  and  androwe  massen  for  makyngf  of  the  steyre  yn 

the  cherche  howsse  xix  s. 

hem  payd  to  davy  pynchestfr  for  makyngf  of  ix  stapes  of  stone 

at  be  quare  for  the  the  howsse  iij  s.  viij  d. 

hem  payd  to  that  same  davy  for  a  lode  of  asshlere  stones  for  the  20 

stere  of  the  cherche  howsse  at  quare  xij  d. 

Itrni  payd  for  fechyngf  of  to  lode  of  stones  to  lohn  sovthe  hey 

for  the  stere  of  the  cherche  howsse  ij  s.  iij  d. 

Itmi  payd  to  lohn  newman  for  fechyngi?  of  to  lode  of  stones  for 

the  steyre  of  the  cherche  howce  ij  s.  iij  d.    25 

f  16 

hem  payd  to  Wyllyam  adamsse  for  thre  pottvof  erthe  for  the  stere  30 

Warke  of  pe  cherche  howsse  xij  d. 

Itmi  payd  to  lohn  gowle  of  burtun  for  a  lode  of  stons  for  the 
cherche  howsse  xvj  d. 

Itmi  payd  to  rychard  kopere  for  lyme  to  be  steyre  xv  d. 


Itfm  payd  to  the  to  bede  men  for  karyngf  a  way  be  robull  of  The 

steyre  yn  the  cherche  hows  viij  d. 

I/  corpus  crysty  day:    4  June  1543  16/   and  androwe:  partial  Autography  in  MS 

4/  at:  for  that  (?)  I l)/   the  the:    ttittography  in  MS 

4/  shyne:  for  shryne 

SHERBORNE  1534-7 

f  I6v 

hem  payd  to  Rychard  elyett  for  a  bosshele  oflyme  for  The  steyre 

of  the  cherche  hows  »'j  <*• 


f  [17] 

hem  payd  for  lohn  butleres  shope  rowme  for  the  kyng  aJle  Whytsontyd  viij  d. 



All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CW1/15 
f  2v*  (January I  February— January/February)  (Receipts) 


Itmi  receuyd  of  rogare  yngulberd  for  the  charche  alle  xiij  li. 

f  5v  (Payments) 


hem  payd  for  settyngf  vp  and  takyngf  downe  of  the  tent  at  the 

cherche  dore  to  fox  and  mynterne  iiij  d. 

1536-7  25 

All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CW1/16 
f  Iv*  (January/ February— January/ February)  (Receipts) 

Ressaywed  of  lohn  yongf  the  yonggfr  that  was  kyng  thes  Ere  for 

the  Cherche  AJle  xvij  li.     30 

f  4 

payde  to  fox  for  settyngf  owppe  of  the  Tente  iiij  d. 

payde  to  lohn  Adam  for  beryngf  of  the  scrynne  iiij  d. 

Item  for  threde  &  nayllw  to    pe    scrynne  iij  d. 

9/  Whytsontyd:   24 -)0  May  1534 

258  SHERBORNE  1536-9 

f  4v 

hem  for  hauyng  in  of  the  tente  j  d.  &  beiyng  home  of  the  lathers  j  d.          ij  d. 



All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1  /1 7 

single  mb  (28  January -27 January)  (Receipts) 

...Iti?m  Receyuyd  of  Gervys  Aysheley  late  kyng  of  Shirborne  for  that  he         10 
brought  to  the  churche  clere  Swwma  xvij  li.  vj  s.  viij  d 



. .  .hem  paid  for  nayll«  threde  &  pynnys  to  the  shryne  a  corpus  chr/Vri  day  iij  d. 
. . .  It<wz  paid  for  settyng  vppe  of  the  tentte  a  corpus  day  &:  takyng  dovne  of 
the  same  ayen  iiij  d./  hem  payd  for  theire  dynfrthat  did  beare  the  shryne 
vj  d  — 



All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/18 

f  2*  (27  January-January/February)  (Receipts) 


hem  Reseued  off  Roberd  coke  for  the  chyrche  ale  7  li. 

f  5  (Payments) 


payd  lohan  botteler  for  mendyng  off  the  ij  torches  agenst  Wyttsonday      iiij  d. 

hem  payd  tomas  cardmaker  and  Wyll/am  edwardys  for  settyng  op 

off  the  tent  In  the  chyrche  yerd  iiij  d. 


f  10*  (Inventory  of  church  goods) 

.  ..hem  the  cheld«  vestment«  w/tA  the 

16/  corpus  chrun  day:  31  May  1537  31/  Wyttsonday.  9  June  1538 

SHERBORNE  1542-4 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/19 
f  I  (Rendered  4  February)  (Inventory  of  church  ornaments) 

. .  .Item  the  Bysshoppes  vestimenm  Cope  and  myterf. . . 

f  2  (Receipts) 

hem  receyvyd  of  Will/am  Rawlyng«  for  the  churche  ale  xj  li:  x  s.     10 

f  3v*  (Payments) 

hem  paid  to  henry  Clarke  for  pynnes  for  the  pleyerw  at  15 

Corpus  christt  Day  j  d. 

hem  paid  to  lohn  Buttelerc  for  makyng  of  the  kanapy  that  Thomas 
Adampes  dyd  Sett  hym  to  make  vij  s. 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/20 

mb   [1]  (Inventory  of  church  ornaments) 


...hem  the  bysshopes  vestymentt«Cope  and  myter^. .. 


mb   [2]*  (Receipts) 

hem  teceyuydof  John  oke  churche  man  for  this  yere  x  li. 

mb   [3]  (Payments} 


.  .hem  paid  for  caryng  a  Way  of  the  bordw  that  the  playerw  plaid  vppon  in 
the  churche  ij  d.... 

16/  Corpus  chtiili  Day.    8  June  1542 

260  SHERBORNE  1543-7 

mb   [4] 

. .  .hem  for  Settyng  vppe  of  the  tent  [of]  a  Corpuscristy  day  and  for  caryng 
in  a  gayne  iiij  d 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/21 

mb   [2]*  (Rendered  15  February)  (Inventory  of  church  ornaments) 


. .  .hem  the  the  bysshopes  vestymentw  Cope  and  myterf  . . .  Item  the  bok« 
off corp«.r  chr/jh  [b]  playe... 

(Receipts}  15 

hem  receyuyd  off  Rychard  cuppar  churche  man  ffor  thys  yere  xiiij  li. 

mb    [3]* 

hem  Receyuyd  off  Wyllyam  calowe  ffor  the  churche  ale  xx  s.  iiij  d. 

hem  Receyuyd  off  lohn  oke  ffor  the  churche  ale  xxvj  s.  ij  d. 



St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/22 

mb   [1  ]  (Rendered  13  February)  (Inventory  of  jewels  and  church  ornaments) 

...hem  the  Bysshoppes  vestymenttww/tACope  and  myter  ...  It«n  the  Bokes   30 
of  Corpus  chmri. . . 

mb   [2]  (Receipts) 

hem  of  lohn  Sowthey  for  the  Churche  alle  this  yere 

3/  Corpuscristy  day    J-v  May  1 5-i 3  ll/  the  the:   dittography  in  MS 

SHERBORNE  1546-8 

mb   [5]  (Payments) 

hem  for  gyrdell  ij  d.  Item  for  paper  &  pynnes  for  Corpus 

chrisfi  playe  iiij  d.  ob.  vj  d.  ob. 

hem  paid  to  henry  damper  for  Settyngevpp  &  takynge 

doune  of  the  tentte  iiij  d. 


St  Mary  the  Virgin  s  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/23        10 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  29  January)  (Inventory  of  ornaments) 

. .  .hem  the  Bysshoppes  vestyment^  with  Cope  &:  myterf  . . .  hem  the  bokes 
of  corpus  chmri  play. . . 


mb  [2]  (Receipts) 

hem  receyvydof  John  Sowthey  for  the  Stondyngf  of  peopell 

vppon  the  Churche  at  the  pley  ij  s.  v  d.     20 

Itmi  receyvydof  lohn  Adampes  for  the  Churche  alle  this 

yere  xj  li.  vj  s.  viij  d. 


mb  [4]  (Payments) 

hem  paid  to  the  paynter  for  payntyng  of  corpus  chr/.fri  Garments       iiij  d. 


mbs  [5-6]* 

Itmi  paide  to  henry  damper  for  Settyngf  vppe  of  the  Tentte  iiij  d. 

hem  paid  to  lohn  Carver  for  settyngf  vppe  of  ye  bord«  before  35 

the  ij  lowe  alter«  iiij  J.  | 

Itmi  paid  to  chmtoffer  harderman  for  ij  yard«  of  [fuschen] 
bockerom  for  Corpus  chrnn  playe  ix  d. 

262  SHERBORNE  1548-51 


St  Mary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/24 

mb    [1]*  (Rendered  17  February)  (Inventory  of  church  ornaments) 

. ..Item  the  bysshops  vestmentw  with  be  coope  &  myter  . . .  Item  the  book«       5 
of  Corpus  chwri  play. . . 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/25       10 

mb    [2]  (Rendered  16  February)  (Receipts) 

\tem  receyued  off  Thomas  gayper  and  damper  at  the  churche  ale  ix  s. 


mb   [3]* 

\tem  receyuedffor  hire  off  the  pleyers  clothyngf  v  s. 



St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/26 

sheet   [2]*  (Rendered  20 January)  (Receipts) 

Item  rcseyvedof  Richarde  Chemyll  for  an  alle  made  for  the  25 

maywteynygf  of  the  palyeng^  Garments  lij  viij  d. 

sheet  [3]* 


Item  Kseyved of  lohn  yonge  for  the  bysshopes  Cope  &  Chesable       vj  s.  viij  d. 
Itmi  teseyved  of  Richarde  Rogers  for  alyttell  albe  xviij  d. 


sheet   [7] 

Item  paid  to  Katerine  Walles  ffor  brusshyng^of  the  Corpus  chr/Vri 
Garments  iiij  d. 


26/  maymeynygf :  for  maymeynynge.  abbreviation  nutrk  musing  261  lij:  for  lij  s. 

26/   paJycngc:  yorplaycngc 

SHERBORNE  1552-6 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/28 

sheet   [2]  (Rendered  26  February)  (Receipts) 

Itfm  rerryiWfor  the  hyer  of  The  players  Garments  x  s  — 

sheet   [4]  (Payments) 

.  ..Item  for  brusshyng  of  the  players  Garments  iiij  d 10 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/30 
sheet  [\]  (Rendered  17 March)  (Receipts)  15 

hem  receuydoff  lohn  Stevyns  this  yerf  ffor  the  churche  ale  xviij  li. 

sheet   [3]  (Payments)  20 

hem  payd  to  haukyns  ffor  takyng^  downe  the  tent  and  lames 

ffor  caryyngf  boord  &:  trestyllw  ffrow  the  churche  porche  iij  d. 

sheet  [4] 

Itirm  payd  to  ffooke  and  lames  ffor  Bering.?  to  churche  vj  pyc« 

off  ye  tent  ffrow  the  condytt  ji  d 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/31 
sheet   [1]*  (Rendered 9 January)  (Receipts) 

hem  receyvydof  Richarde  Chetmyll  for  the  Churche  ale  this  yere          xiij  li. 


receyvyd  of  henry  Gardener  for  the  player«  Garments  xij  d.  hem 
receyvydof  the  men  of  yatemester  for  the  same  Garments xx  d.... 

264  SHERBORNE  1556-62 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/32 

mb    [1]*  (Receipts) 

...Itirm  receyvyd  of  lohn  Philippes  for  the  Churche  Ale  this  yere  xx  li 

...Itmi  Kteyvydof  men  of  wyncalton  for  the  players  Garmentwv  s.  ... 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/33       10 
mb   [1]*  (Rendered  13  February)  (Receipts) 

...Item  receuyd  off  lohn  Reed  ffor  the  churche  ale  this  yerf  x  li 

...hem  receuyd  off  george  churchell  ffor  lone  off  vj  lerkens  xij  d.  Itmi  ffor      15 
lone  off  belles  to  martocke  xij  d.  . . .  hem  lone  ofFgarmewt«  to  castyll  cary  ij  s. 
vj  d.  hem  receuyd  off  wyncawton  for  lone  off  garme«t«  iij  s.  iiij  d.  hem 
receuydoff  cawndell  ffor  lone  off  the  same  xvj  d.... 



St  Mary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/34 

sheet   [1]*  (Rendered 29 January)  (Receipts) 

...hem  receyvidof  Robme  Wase  for  the  Churche  ale  this  yere  xx  li —  25 

sheet   [2] 

. .  .hem  receyvidof  ffuller  of  Byere  for  the  hyer  of  Corpuschrari  Garments     30 
ij  s.  iiij  d — 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/35       35 

sheet    [  1  ]  (Rendered  1  February)  (Receipts) 

...Itmi  receyvyd  of  Thomas  Wynnyff  for  the  profytt«of  the  Churche  ale 
this  yere  xx  li.... 

6/  wyncalton:    Wincanton,  Somerset  30/   Byere:  probably  Beer  Hacketl,  4  miiti  from  Sherbome 

SHERBORNE  1561-9 


hem  receyvyd  of  Rkharde  (blank)  of  yevyll  for  olde  Corpuschrw/i  Garments 
to  hym  solde  vs.  ...  Item  Solde  to  Richarde  damper  the  Sepulker  cloth  with 
ij  Bannmrlothes  xvj  d.... 


StMary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/36 
sheet   [1]*  (Receipts) 

hem!  Receauyd  of  Willzam  foster  ffor  the  Churche  ale,  made 

at  the  ffeast  of  Pentecost  last  past./  xxij  li.  xiiij  d.      10 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/37 

f  1  (Rendered  9  February)  (Receipts)  1 •> 

Receuyd  of  John  Reade,  for  the  churche  ale  made  this 

yere  xviij  li.  xvj  s.  viij  < . ) 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/38 

mb   [id]*  (Rendered  15  February)  (Receipts) 

+      Receuyd  of  John  Dyer  for  the  Rome  of  the  Churche  house,  2s 

to  playe  his  enterludes  yn,  thre  seuerall  rymes./  iiij  d. 

mb  [3] 


Receaved  of  Roberte  Albon  for  the  Churche  ale  this  yeare,     xix  li.  ij  s.  iij  d. 


St Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' 'Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/39       35 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  8  February)  (Receipts) 

Itfm  Receued  of  lohn  Gardnar  for  the  cherche  alle  this 

Yeare  xviij  li.  vj  s.  vij  d.  ob. 

I/  yevyll:    Yeovil,  Somenet 

266  SHERBORNE  1569-72 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/40 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  30  January)  (Receipts) 

Item  Receued  of  Thomas  Maunsell,  for  the  churche  alle,  this  5 

yeare  xv  li.  ij  s. 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/41        10 
mb    [1]  (Rendered  4  February)  (Receipts) 

. .  .Item  receaued  of  will/am  Poope  for  the  churche  Ale,  thys  yeare  xviij  li. 



St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/42 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  10  February)  (Receipts) 

...\tern  receaved  of  Will/am  Rideowte  for  the  Church  ale  this  yere  xxij  li.  x  s.    20 
rover  &C  besydes/  the  playsterynge  over  the  highe  boorde  yn  the  churche  house/ 
which  coste  hym  xxxiij  s.  iiij  d. 

mb   [3]  (Payments)  25 

Item  paied  to  the  Quenes  plaiers  at  the  Requeste  of  the  Towne       ij  s.  viij  d. 

mb   [4] 

hem  paied  to  lohn  Dier  for  Makinge  and  Devisinge  garments 

Towards  Corpus  Christi  playes  xj  s.  viij  d. 

Itmi  paied  more  for  a  Cope  and  Banner  Towards  the  same 

playe  xiij  s.  iiij  d.    35 

Item  paied  to  Henrye  Stephens  for  Canvas  gurswebbe  Tinsall 

and  Neales  towards  the  makinge  off  the  Giant  xiiij  s. 

SHERBORNE  1572-3 


StMary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH.  CW  1/43 

mb   [  1]  (Rendered  8  February)  (Receipts) 

...Item  Receaued  of  Robart  foster  for  the  church  ale  this  yere  xxv  li. 

mb  [2]  (Church  house  receipts) 

hem  Receaued  of  Robarte  cuffe  for  the  roume  a  gaynste  the  churche  10 

at  the  corpus  Christye  playe  x  s- 

mb   [3]*  (Receipts) 

hem  Receaued  for  the  stonninge  vppon  the  lydes  this  yere  xiij  s.  iiij  d. 

mb  [4]* 


wfor        Inprimis  paiede  To  Master  knoyle  of  samforde  for  leaylmes 

thccorpuschnsn      for  to  make  the  te[ay]nc«  for  the  corpuscrystie  playe  xij  s. 

Itmi  payed  for  the  carrayge  for  iij  lode  of  rymber  from  samforde  vij  s. 

hem  payed  to  william  hunte  for  mackynge  of  a  te(ay]nte  viij  s. 

Itmi  payed  to  william  hunte  for  mackynge  of  the  heygh  te[ay]nte  xij  s.     25 
Itmi  payed  to  william  hunte  for  his  laubor  and  his  manes  laubor 
(...)  to  make  the  scaffould«                                                                  v  s.  viij  d. 

hem  payed  to  Poule  raulens  for  mackynge  of  the  players  garment«  iij  s. 
Itmi  payed  to  lohn  wheccome  for  stufe  to  macke  the  players 

garments  xliiij  s.     30 

Itmi  payed  to  william  redowt  for  v[ea]ysages  for  the  playerw  xv  s. 
hem  payed  to  Mr  co«the  for  nayles  vij  d.  ob. 

hem  payed  to  william  hunte  for  tackinge  downe  of  the  te[ay]nt«  iiij  d. 

Itmi  payed  for  a  pasment  skyne  for  the  playerw  vj  d. 

Itmi  payed  to  the  carryoure  for  to  brynge  Master  poyntw  regoules  xij  d.     35 

Itmi  payed  to  him  that  dyd  playe  vpon  the  trumpite  for  his  payn«  x  d. 

hem  payed  for  nayel«  for  the  te[ay]nt«  x  d. 

Itmi  payed  for  a  peacke  of  wheatten  meale  for  to  macke  louttejwyfe  vj  d. 

Itmi  payed  to  Nayle  the  carroure  for  [(.)]  w[ea]youre  xij  d. 

2\/  simforde.  probably  Sandford  Orctu.  3  miles  from  Sherbomt 
32/  Itftn  ...  vij  d  ob  .   apparently  added,  later  by  the  same  hand 

268  SHERBORNE  1572-4 

hem  payed  for  bea[y]ringe  in  of  the  stufe  of  the  scauffouldw  vj  d. 

Item  payed  to  Steuens  for  setteaynge  vp  of  the  glase  viij  d. 

Item  payed  to  Robart  coke  for  broune  Paper  iiij  d. 

hem  payed  to  lohn  leaynes  for  la[(.  )]ce[(.  >]  for  the  players 

garments  xj  d.      5 

lurn  Henrye  steauens  for  thing«  to  macke  the  players 

garments  x(.)xvij  s.  ij  d. 

hem  payed  to  [hunte]  for  mackmge  of  a  lauder  for  ye  tow«e  viij  d. 

Swwma  vij  li.  xjj  s.  viij  d.  ob.          It<?m  Receaued  of  Mr  horceay  won 

eaylme  towards  the  mackinge  a       10 
teaynt  for  the  corpus  christye  playe 



Itrni  Payed  for  the  carrayge  of  a  laudder  of  the  gyfte  of  Mr  Mullens  viij  d. 
hem  payed  to  Master  Steauens  a  daunseng  thursdaye  ij  s. 

hem  Payed  to  [ij]  Robarte  bute  for  the  sett[ea]ynge  vp  of  the  place  20 

to  put  the  players  garments  in  xviij  d. 
hem  payed  to  ij  masons  a  bout  the  same  worke  ij  s. 

hem  Payed  to  ij  Laubero«a  boute  the  same  worke  xiiij  d. 


mb   [5] 

hem  Payed  to  Nycolas  kobe  for  mendynge  of  the  cloke  and 

for  mackynge  of  a  keay  for  the  dowre  where  as  you  doo  putt/ 

the  players  garments  in  xx  d.    30 

[It«n  Payed  to  William  redowte  for  vj  veaysordw  for  the  players  xv  s.] 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/44 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  7  February)  (Receipts) 

hem  receaued  of  Rychard  Bampton  for  the  Churche  ale  this 

year/  xx  li.  vj  d.  ob./  « 

9-11/   Item  Receaued  ...  playe:   added  later,  probably  by  the  same  hand  23/   Laubcrors:  /orLauberorcs  (') 

SHERBORNE  1573-4  269 

mb   [2]  (Church  house  rents) 

hem/  receaued  of  Thomas  fuller/  for  the  ground  yn  the  churche 

yarde  vppon  the  playe  Daye/  ')  s. 

heml  receaved  vppon  the  play  daye/  for  Standing  vppon  the 

leades/  *j  s-  *  d- 

mb   [3]  (Payments) 


heml  payd  for  nayles  at  the  setryng  vp  of  the  tent«/  on  the  play 
day/  ij  <!•/ 

Item/  payde/  for  sawynge  of  two  peeces  of  tymber/  for  narrowe 
boordes/  to  laye/  the  lead  vppon  the  churche/  &  for  the  tymber 
of  the  newe  seates/  iiij  s.  iij  d.     15 

hem/  payde  for  iij  elles/  of  Soultwyche/  &  iij  quarters,  of  canves/ 
about  the  playe/  ij  s. 

heml  payde/  for  Settinge  vp  the  tent«/  agaynst/  the  play  daye./  xx  d./ 

hem/  payde  for  takynge  downe  of  the  tentw/  and  caryage  yn  of 
the  same/  xvj  d.     20 

Item/  payde/  to  Roberte  Cooke/  for  staynynge/  of  Sodom 
clothes/  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

Item/  payd  for  brasell/  iiij  d. 

hem/  payde/  to  John  dyer/  for  gilting  of  a  face/  for  the  playe/  xviij  d. 

heml  payde/  for  halffe  a  hundred  of  nayles/  occupyed  about  the  25 

corone/  on  the  play  day/  iiij  d. 

Item/  payd/  for  boord  nayles  aboute/  the  tentw/  on  the  play 
Daye./.  iiij  d. 

Item/  payde/  for  ij  mennes  waiges/  &  meate/  &  dryncke/  whiche 
gave  attendance/  about  the  Leade*/  on  the  play  Daye./  xvj  d.     30 

Itmi/  payd/  for/  levers  to  strowe  vppon  the  boordes/  on  the 
play  daye:/  iiij  d. 

heml  payd/  to  thomas  fullers  man/  for  a  dayes  worke/  about 
the  tentes/  iij  d. 

hem/  payde/  for  the  new  dressyng  of  Lotte*  wyffe/  ij  d.     35 

hem/  payde  for  laths/  about  the  playe/  j  d. 

hem/  payde  to  two  men/  for  theire  Laboures/  yn  settyng  vp/ 
of  the  backer  rente*  for  the  players/  to  aray  them  selves  yn./  x  d. 

hem/  payd  vnto  paule  Rawlynson/  for  mendinge/  of  iiijer  lerkyns/ 
&  other  thinge*  of  ye  play/  vj  d.    40 

heml  payd  for  browne  paper/  aboute  the  playe/  iij  d. 

Item/  payd  for  wyne  &  sugar/  geven  to  the  gentlemen/  at  the 
muster/  yn  horse  castell/  ij  s.  vi  J 

270  SHERBORNE  1573-6 

Item/  payd  for  buyldiag/  of  the  standinges  yn  horse  castell/  for 

the  gentlemen  to  sytt  yn/  and  for  the  bearyng  yn  of  the  same:/  ij  s. 

hem/  payde  to  Thomas  Adams/  for  makyng  cleane  of  the  leades/  vj  d. 

hem/  payd  to  henry  Rawlynson/  for  dyverse  thinges/  &  necessaries 

for  the  playe/  viij  d.      5 


Sr  Mary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/45 
mb    \\\  (Rendered 6 February)  (Receipts)  10 

hem:  receaued/  of  Laurence  Swetnam/  for  the  churche  ale/ 

this  yeare:/  xxj  li. 


mb   [3]*  (Payments) 

Inprimis  paide,  to  william  poope/  for  clothe  and  making  of  the 

vyse  coote/  that  he  had  forgott/  at  his  accompt/  xiiij  s.  xj  d. 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/46 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  5  February)  (Receipts) 


hem/  receaued  of  william  Steavens/  for  the  churche  ale  this 

yeare:/  xxiij  li.  vij  s.  iiij  d. 

mb   [2]*  30 

It<m  receaued/  the  playe  Daye/  for  standinge  vppon  the  churche 

Leaddw/  x  s. 


mb   [3]  (Payments) 

hem/  payd  to  henry  Steavyns/  for  nayles/  &  clothe/  &  other 

thyng«/  for  the  play/  iiij  s.  vj  d. 

hem/  payd/  to  mr  Cowthe/  for  Gonpowder/  iij  s.  vj  d.    40 

SHERBORNE  1575-90 

lieml  payd  to  Henry  kayes/  for  mendynge/  of  one/  of  the 

players  cotes/  "«J  d- 

hem/  payd  to  henry  Rawlynson/  for  browne  paper/  and  other 

necessaries/  about  the  play  v  s-  VMJ  "• 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/47 

mb  [I]  (Rendered 3  February)  (Receipts)  '° 

Itfm  of  Will/rfm  Cowth  for  the  Churche  (blank)  xx  li. 

1577-8  n 

StMary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/49 
m  b   [  1  ]  *  (Rendered  9  February)  (Receipts) 

Item  of  Briant  Cole  ffor  the  Church  Ale  deliumi  the  daye  of 

this  Accompte  xx  li.     20 


StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/60 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  24  February)  (Receipts)  25 

of  the  players  for  the  vse  of  the  churche  howse  iiij  s. 


of  certaine  Straungers  to  playe  in  the  churche  howse  vj  d. 



St Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH.  CW  1/61 

mb   [1]  (Rendered  15  February)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 


of  players  in  the  Churchowse  xviij  d. 

of  players  in  the  churchowse  ij  s. 

36/  xviij  d.:   sum  apparently  written  over  erasure 

272  SHERBORNE  1590-1602 


St  Mary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/62 

mb    [  1  ]  (Rendered  14  February)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 

Itfm  of  players  in  the  Churchowse  ij  s.  vj  d.      5 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens'  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/6'J 

mb    [2]  (Rendered  5  February)  (Rents  and  other  receipts)  !0 

of  the  queries  Ma/«tis  players  for  the  vse  of  the  churchowse  ij  s. 

1598-9  15 

St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/70 
mb    [  1  ]  (Rendered  21  January)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 

of  the  queens  players  for  the  vse  of  the  churchowse  ij  s. 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/71 

mb    [1]  (Rendered  13  January)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 


Of  the  younge  men  of  the  Towne  for  playinge  in  the  Churchouse         xvj  s. 


St  Mary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/72       30 

mb   [3]  (Rendered  18  January)  (Rents) 

of  certaine  players  for  the  vse  of  the  Churchowse  ij  s. 



StMary  the  Virgin's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/73 

mb   [3]  (Rendered  1 1  April)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 

of  Strangers  to  playe  in  the  church  howse  ij  s.    40 

SHERBORNE  1602-4 


St  Mary  the  Virgins  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/74 

mb  [  1  ]  (Rendered  29  May)  (Rents  and  other  receipts) 

of  Certayne  players  for  the  vse  of  the  Churchowse  iiij  s.  vj  d.      5 


Depositions  for  the  Defendant  in  Scarlett  v.  Stacker 

PRO:    El  34/1  James  i/Hil  3  10 

mb    1* 

Depositions  of  witnesses  taken  at  Sherbourne  in  the  County  of  D(.)rsdt  the 
xxiijth  day  of  January  in  the  firste  yere  of  thO  raigne  of  our  soueraigne 
Lord  lames  by  the  grace  of  God  (.  )f  England  ffraunce  &  Ireland  Kinge          is 
defender  of  the  faith  &c  and  of  Scotland  the  seaven  &  Thirtieth  before  vs 
Sir  Robert  Napper  knight  John  ffarewell  Esquier  and  WilK...)  Wood 
gentleman,  by  vertue  of  the  Kingw  Ma/«ties  Commission  out  of  his  Highnes 
Court  of  Exchequer  to  vs  &  others  directed  for  thexawiwac/on  of  witnesses 
N  as  well  on  the  p^rte  &  behalf  of  ffraunces  Scarlett  clarke  piainant  as    on         20 
the  pane  &t  behalf  of  lohn  Stocker  Esquier  defendant  to  the  bill  of  CompLz/wt 
of  fthe  said1  ffraunces  Scarlet  Clerk  vicar  of  Sherbourne  Complainant  as 
followeth.  viz. 

(Deposition  of  Thomas  Adams,  labourer,  aged  about  73) 

To  the  eleventh  Interrogatory  he  sayth  that  he  taketh  it  that  the  trees  growinge 
in  the  said  Churchyard  doe  belonge  vnto  the  owners  of  the  said  Parsonage 
for  he  sayth  that  the  late  Sir  lohn  Horsey  when  he  made  trunckes  for  his          30 
parad«  in  the  Abby  garden  did  for  that  purpose  cut  downe  ij  elmes  in  the 
sayd  Churchyard  bemge  at  that  tyme  ffarmer  of  the  said  Parsonage  and  did 
likewise  cause  one  other  elme  to  be  felled  in  the  said  Churchyard  for  [in]  a 
necessary  vse  for  a  play  in  Sherborne  called  Corpus  Christi  play  .  .  . 


mb  6*  (Deposition  of  Osmund  Forte,  parchment  maker,  aged  about  75) 

To  the  eleaventh  Interrogatory  he  sayth  that  .  .  .  the  late  Sir  lohn  Horsey  gave 
aboue  thirty  yeres  last  past  as  [s]  he  taketh  it  a  tree  to  the  Churchwardens  of   40 
Sherborne  towards  the  makinge  of  a  scaffold  for  a  play  to  be  played  there 

274  SHERBORNE  1603-7/8 

called  Corpus  Christ!  playe  and  thervpon  a  tree  was  cut  downe  in  the  sayd 
Churchyard,  wA/'ch  fell  out  to  be  hollowe,  and  thervpon  the  sayd  Sir  lohn 
Horsey  gave  them  leave  to  cut  another  tree  in  the  sayd  Churchyard  &  so  they 
did  and  so  they  the  Churchwardens  have  both  the  sayd  trees  by  the  good 
likeinge  of  the  said  Sir  lohn  Horsey.... 

mb   7*  (Deposition  of  John  Baker,  tailor,  aged  about  80) 

To  the  xjth  he  sayth  that  the  ffarmers  of  the  Parsonage  &  Procters  have  by       10 
all  the  ryme  aforesayd  had  the  profits  of  the  trees  &  shroudw  of  trees 
growinge  in  the  sayd  Churchyard:  and  this  deponent  sayth  that  about  xxxty 
last  past  the  late  S/r  lohn  Horsey  at  the  request  of  the  Churchwardens  of 
Sherborne  aforesayd  gave  a  tree  toward«  the  makinge  of  a  stage  for  the  players 
for  a  play  to  be  had  called  Corpus  Christi  play  &  that  they  felled  a  tree  15 

which  was  hollowe,  &  so  desired  another,  &  had  the  first  &  second  for  the 
vse  aforesayd  by  the  direction  &  appointment  of  the  sayd  S/r  lohn  Horsey, 
and  this  he  knoweth  of  his  certeine  knowledge  to  be  trew  dwellinge  there  & 
seeinge  &  knowinge  the  same. 



Somerset  Quarter  Sessions  Roll    SRO:   Q/SR  37,  pt  2 

f  101  A*  (13-20 January) 


°FlagelLzta.ret0  Relax/z/w 

Thomas  Nehellyng  confesseth  he  kepeth  three  fyghting  bulls  w/'th  which  he 
traveleth  to  such  watches  &£  other  plac«  as  he  ys  hyred  &  sayth  since  Easter 
he  hath  bynne  att  Ilton  /too  dayes'  att  Bakers  Churchale  &C  had  for  his 
Bulls  fyghting  ther  xiij  s.  iiij  d.  &c  att  Ilchester  w/th  lohn  Bowden  att  a  watch    30 
which  he  kept,  and  att  Gregory  Stoke  w/'th  one  Trystram  Bale  who  kept  a 
watch  &  had  ther  ix  s.,  he  was  lykewyse  att  meere  in  wiheshire  where  he 
stayde  too  dayes  w/th  his  Bulls  &C  had  xx  s.  for  his  paynes  &  was  lykewyse 
att  Sturmyster  A  in  doiset    att  Rafedowne  watch  where  he  stayde  too  dayes 
&  had  xx  s.  for  his  paynes  &  was  also  att  Sherborne  Churchale  w/'th  his  Bull    is 
&  stayd  ther  one  day  &  had  for  his  Bulls  fyghting  x  s./ 
d'wj  &  delibfrandz// 

(signed)  Edward  Hext: 

4/  have:    written  over  hath  (?) 

SPETTISBURY  1  635/6  /  STOUR  PROVOST  1621/2 



Examination  of  Anne  Barter     DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/8,  item  90 

single  sheet-single  sheet  verso  (23  February)  •> 

Proceedings  of  the  court  held  before  William  Stone,  MA,  official,  in  the  presence  of 
Sampson  Morice,  notary  public  and  deputy  registrar 

domim  promotww  contn.  Stephanww  Barter  et  Annaw  eius  vxrwm     10 
pro  mcontinencia  ante  nuptias 

Quo  die  Comparuit  dicta.  Anna  et  A  vigore  iuramenti  sui  corporalis  alias  per 
eaw  pr«titi    fassa  est  that  about  twelue  monethes  since  this  respondent 
comeinge  from  Blandford  fayre  w/th  Allan  Lodge  the  said  Allan  pmwaded 
this  R«/>ondent  to  goe  into  mr  Edmund  Bowyers  Cony  geere  neere  his  house    15 
in  Spettisbury  and  then  and  there  the  said  Allan  Lodge  had  the  vse  and 
Carnall  knowledge  of  her  this  R«/?ondent«body  the  first  tyme.  And  further 
Confesseth  that  afterwards  about  Whitsunryde  at  the  setting  vpp  of  a  may 
pole  in  Spettisbury  in  a  Close  there  in  the  night  ryme  the  said  Allan  Lodge 
had  the  vse  and  Carnall  knowledge  of  this  Respondentes  body  the  second       20 
tyme.  And  this  Respondent  likewise  Confesseth  that  Stephen  Barter  her  now 
husband  had  the  vse  and  Carnall  knowledge  of  her  body  two  night«  before 
[they]  she  was  marryed  vnto  him  and  not  before  And  allso  sayth  and  Confesseth 
that  noe  man  besyd«  the  said  Allen  Lodge  and  the  I  sayd  Stephen  her  now 
husband  [had]  ever  /ha(.  )'  the  vse  and  Carnall  knowledge  of  her  body  25 

The  marke  of  Anne 

Randoll  alws  Barter. 




Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:    Harley  MS.  67 1 5 

f  54v  (14  January)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  sessions) 

Commisswj  per  ordin<?w  de  Bandford  Sessiombus  for  a  scandalous  song./ 

24/  sayd:   said  also  appears  at  catchword  at  foot  of  recto 

211   +:    Barter  has  signed  with  her  personal  mark,  possibly  an  altrmpt  to  print  Randoll  vertically 

367   Bandford:  for  Blandford 

276  STOUR  PROVOST  1621/2  /  SYMONDSBURY  1634 

Will<7wus  Honny  de  Stower  Provost  husbandman 
Ferdinands  Thomas  de  eadfw  weaver  separatim 

Edwardus  Scot  de  eadcwz  Wheeler 

Hopkins  de  eadfw  mason 



vterque  in  xx  li. 

pro  comparanaa  pr«l;Vtoruw  Honny  et  Thomas  ad  proximo*  Sessions  et       5 
interim  pro  bono  gestu./ 

Comissttj  pro  consimili 

lidem  Scot  et  Hopkins  vterque  in      xl  li. 

Et  predict i  Honny  et  Thomas  vterque  in  xx  li.  ,0 

pro  comparzncia  ipjoruw  Scot  et  Hopkins  ad  proximas  Sessiones  et  pro 

bono  gestu./ 




Somerset  Quarter  Sessions  Roll    SRO:  Q/SR  37,  pt  2 

5«>Sherborne  1607/8  20 



Henry  Burton's  A  Divine  Tragedie     Wing:   B6161  25 

pp   12-13* 

Example  22. 
1634  One  good  man  Paul  neer  Stoke  in  Dorcetshire,  rejoycing  much  at  the  erection 

of  a  summer  pole,  at  a  Parish  called  Simsbury  in  Dorcetshire,  and  saying        30 
before  one  of  his  neighbours,  he  would  go  see  it,  though  he  went  naked 
through  a  quickset  hedge:  which  is  a  common  proverbe  they  use:  Going  with 
wood  in  his  armes  to  cast  in  to  the  bonfire,  where  he  lived,  and  using  these 
words:  I  Heaven  and  earth  are  full  of  thy  glory,  O  Lord:  he  was  presently 
smitten  by  the  stroke  of  God,  and  within  two  or  three  daies  died,  and  his     35 
wife  with  him.  These  two  last  examples  are  testified  by  a  Minister  in  his 
letter  to  a  brother  Minister. 




Mayors' Accounts     WM:   SherrenMsl?^ 

p  2  (Payments) 

li.        s.        d. 
paid  to  the  quenes  plleares  00      10     00 



Mayors' Accounts     WM:   SherrenMsl84 

f  [2v]*  (Disbursements) 


li.        s.        d. 

It«n  paid  for  a  Lyne  for  the  drumbe  00     00      6 

hem  paid  Bartholomew  Clerke  for  beatinge  the  drumbe  00      01      00     20 

f  [31* 

doubt  ccnem       [  Item  geven  the  Quenes  players  00      10     00]    25 

double ctnein     [hem  bestowed  in  wine  vpon  them  00     02       6] 


Mayors' Accounts     WM:   Sherren  MS  185  30 

f  [lv]*  (Payments) 

li.        s.       d. 
hem  Mending  the  drome  000    02     06    35 

1 8/  6 :    numeral  obscured  by  tear  in  paper 


f  [2v]*  (Auditors' supplementary  charges) 

li.        s.       d. 
more  mending  of  the  towne  drome  00     02     06 


Mayors' Accounts     WM:   SherrenMsl86 

f  [2v]' 

£       s.       d. 

Mor  iij  s.  for  a  hed  for  a  drom 

More  to  fipens  wyf  ij  s.  a  bout  the  drom 
More  j  s.  for  the  snas  for  the  drom 


Mayors' Accounts     WM:   SherrenMsl90  20 

f  [Iv] 

li.       s.       d. 
for  so  moche  geven  to  my  Lord'sandoies  players  -       05     00    :s 


Mayors' Accounts     WM:   Sherren  MS  191 

f  [Iv]  (Disbursements)  30 

li.        s.       d. 

ItcTWgiuen  vnto  the  Quenes  pleayers  00      10     00 



Borough  Court  Minutes     WM:   Sherren  MS  204 

f  6v  (31  August) 

vpon  this  present  daye  Robme  Stone  did  take  his  voluntarie  oathe  That  vpon    40 
ffridaye  nighte  last  Thomas  Adams  in  a  very  great  outrage  Comminge  out  of 

4 1  /  Comminge.    8  tninims  in  MS 


his  owne  howse  did  sweare  that  he  would  sett  on  fyer  his  howse  and  [that 
he]  further  vsed  theis  word«  or  the  like  in  effecte  that  [s]he  dwelt  amongest 
a  Company  of  dogges  &  Rogues  and  that  he  would  have  all  their  howses 
fyered  betwene  that  and  the  may  powle/  oftentimes  reiteratinge  the  same 



Mayors'  Accounts     WM:   Sherren  MS  206 

f  [2v]* 

£        s.       d. 


more  given  the  queens  players  for  not  plaing  here,  by  order 
of  the  aJdermen  01      10 

1617-18  is 

Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM.   MB.O-B 
p   130*  (8  August) 

Informac/on  taken  by  master  Mayor  from  theis  sundry  pfrsones 
herevnder  named.  20 

Memorandum  that  vpon  the  Nine  &:  twentith  day  of  lune  aboute  eighte  of 
the  Clocke  on  the  forenoone  one  Loring  aboye  of  Sixtene  yeares  olde 
sounded  a  drumbe  in  the  Towne  aforesaid  and  being  forbidden  by  master 
Mayor  yet  within  an  hower  after  sounded  againe.  and  was  forbidden  by 
the  S<rieant  from  master  mayor  the  second  time  then  somother  of  theis       25 
vndernamed  sounded  the  drombe  in  a  howse  the  third  time  and  the  same 
daye  aforesaid  aboute  one  of  the  Clocke  in  thafternoone  theis  whose  names 
are  subscribed  w/th  divers  otheres  vnknowen  being  armed  w/th  muskettw 
went  forth  of  the  Towne  w/th  a  drumbe  soundinge  a  Trumpett  and 
Ancient  wherevpon  master  mayor  sent  vnto  them  by  lohn  Bagg  thounger     30 
and  required  them  to  disolve  their  Company  &  retorne  backe  which 
messuage  being  donn  to  the  drowmer  he  would  have  retourned  but  som 
of  the  Company  affirmed  they  would  beare  him  oute  and  soe  encoraged 
him  to  goe  on,  after  eveninge  prayer  the  Company  retorned  backe  againe 
into  the  Towne  Armed  as  before  they  went  forth  and  vpon  Examination    **, 
of  diverse  of  the  parties  they  had  bin  to  fetch  a  sowmer  Pole  to  set  vpp  on 
the  Towne  but  broughte  none  w/th  them;  in  the  fforefronte  of  this  troope 
marched  one  Thomas  Bascombe  w/th  an  Axe  on  his  shoulder/ 
Percivall  Gibson  druwmer 
Mathewe  knott  Auncient  40 

34/  eveninge:    6  minimi  in  MS 


Angell  Lawrence 

Joseph  Stephens 

Henry  Russell 

lacob  Vandergozen 

Gregory  Babbidg  5 

Morgan  holeman 

Nathaniell  Allin 

lustinian  Bagg 

(Tab i an  H odder 

Henry  Gawdin  10 

Thomas  Small 

lohn  Small 

Thomas  Bascombe 

William  Williames 

Thomas  Parkins  15 

lohn  Harvy 

lohn  Shattocke 

William  Chappie 

(blank]  Boulte 

sondry  others  vnknowen  20 

p    132*  (20  August)  (Constables' presentments  to  the  mayor,  recorder,  and  bailiffs) 

hem  they  present  that  Percivall  Gibson  of  the  Borrough  and  Towne  aforesaid 
Barber  Mathew  knott  of  the  same  Borrough  and  Towne  Sayler  Angell          25 
Lawrence  of  the  same  Borrough  and  Towne  merchant  Nathaniell  Allin 
alias  Belpitt  of  the  same  Borrough  and  Towne  merchant  Gregory  Babbidge 
of  the  same  Borrough  and  Towne  merchant  Thomas  Bascombe  of  the 
same  Borrough  and  Towne  Groome  lohn  Harvy  of  the  same  Borrough 
and  Towne  Sayler  William  Chappie  of  the  same  Borrough  and  Towne       30 
Shoemaker  w;th  diverse  other  persons  to  the  number  of  Twenty  persons 
vpon  the  Nine  and  Thirtith  day  of  lune  Anno  Regni  Regis  lacobi  nunc 
Anglic  &c  Sextodecimo  et  Scotie  ljmo  aboute  eighte  of  the  Clocke  in 
the  fforenoone  of  the  same  day  w/thin  the  said  Borrough  &  Towne  did 
vnlawfully  assemble  themsealves  haveing  wrth  diem  swordes  Pykes  Muskettw  35 
and  other  vnlawfull  weapons  contrarye  to  the  forme  of  the  statute  in  such 
case  made  &C  provided./ 

8/   lustinian:    5  minimi  for  in\  in  MS  32/  Thirtith:  />r  Twentieth 

31/   number:    5  minims  in  MS  32/  nunc:    5  minims  in  MS 


p  134* 

The  day  &  yeare  aforesaid 

Percivall  Gibson  did  make  oath  in  Courte  that  himsealfe  Angell  Lawrence 
and  others  being  (...)  Assembled  together  vpon  Saime  Peters  day  laste 
pasce  vpon  a  Messuage  sent  vnto  him  and  others  of  that  assemblye  from 
master  mayor  by  lohn  Bagg  theyounger  to  surcesse  and  retorne  backe  into 
the  Towne  the  said  Percivall  Gibson  being  willing  to  retorne  the  said  Angell 
Lawrence  willed  the  said  Percivall  Gibson  and  the  Company  to  continve 
together  and  he  would  beare  them  oute./.  10 

It  is  ordred  att  the  Sessions  by  lohn  Pitt  Mayor  of  this  Borrough  and  Towne 
that  Angell  Lawrence  Nathaniell  Allin  Grigory  Babbidge  Percivall  Gibson 
and  Thomas  Bascombe  shall  finde  sufficient  suerties  to  appeare  att  the 
nexte  Sessions  of  the  peace  to  be  holden  w/thin  this  Borrough  and  Towne    15 
then  &  there  to  aunswere  vnto  such  matters  as  shallbee  then  and  there 
obiected  againste  them  for  their  Comtempte  and  unseeme  and  againste 
the  king«  ma;«tie  and  Master  Mayor  Comaund 

It  is  ordred  att  the  Sessions  aforesaid  by  master  Mayor  and  master  Baylive        20 
holman  that  Nathaniell  Allin  shall  finde  sufficient  suerties  to  appeare  att 
the  nexte  Sessions  of  the  peace  to  bee  holden  w/thin  this  Borrough  and 
Towne  then  and  there  to  aunswere  vnto  such  matters  as  shalbee  obiected 
againste  him  and  in  the  meane  time  to  bee  of  good  behavior  w/?/ch  order 
was  made  vpon  the  obraidinge  and  Contemptious  speaches  vsed  by  the       25 
said  Nathaniell  Allin  vnto  master  Mayor  in  open  Courte  vidz:  that  master 
mayor  did  beare  him  spline  and  malice 

p   135 


Auguste  the  25th  1618 

Vpon  this  present  day  Edward  Harvy  Butcher  one  of  the  Searchers  sworne 
and  apointed  for  the  viewinge  and  searchinge  of  Corrupte  fflesh  killed 
w/'thin  the  Borrough  and  Towne  sayeth  and  pr<?senteth  vpon  his  said  oath    35 
that  lohn  Hingston  Boucher  here  w/thin  this  Borrough  and  Towne  vpon 
ffridaye  beinge  the  fourtenth  day  of  this  instant  moneth  did  kill  a  Bull 
vnbayted  and  did  put  the  fflesh  thereof  vnto  sale  and  therevpon  he  is 
amused  by  master  mayor  att  iij  s.  iiij  d. 

12/  this:   \correctedoverf 



Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM:   MB.O-B 

p  304*  (21  September) 

Item  they  present  That  Thomas  Angell  of  weeke  ffidler  for  playinge  on  his        5 
ffiddle  in  the  howse  of  the  widowe  wilforde  vpon  the  Third  day  of  June  1 624 
for  which  he  payed  ix  d.  to  the  poore 

Item  they  present  That  vpon  the  xiiijth  day  of  September  1624  Thomas 

Angell  of  wyke  was  taken  in  the  howse  of  katherin  Morfell  aboute  one  or        10 

Two  of  the  Clock  in  the  morninge  playinge  vpon  his  ffiddle  and  being 

druncke  for  which  he  sate  in  the  stockw  and  vpon  paycment  of  ij  s.  vij  d.  he 

was  released  which  monye  by  the  Comaundenruw  of  master  Mayor  was 

deliu^red  back  vnto  the  said  Angell 

hem  they  present  That  lasper  Notley  and  lohn  Hoare  Millers  were  Tiplinge    15 

in  the  howse  of  the  said  katherin  Morfell  vpon  thaforesaid  day  att  the  same 

howre  of  the  night  for  which  they  payed  xij  d.  to  the  poore 

Item  they  present  Thomas  Sampson  Seruante  of  ffrances  Saunders  for  being 

druncke  vpon  the  same  day  and  time  and  in  the  same  howse 

Item  they  present  William  Bagge  for  Tiplinge  in  the  howse  of  the  said  katherin    20 

Morfell  vpon  the  day  and  time  aforesaid  Contrary  to  the  forme  of  the  Statute 

in  that  behalfe  provided. 


Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM:   MB.O-B  25 

p   321  *  (3  October)  (Presentments  by  jury  of  court  leet) 

Iurator«  predicti  vlterius  dicunt  et  presentant  super  sacrame ntum  suuw  quod 
Henricus  Backway  posuit  Cumuluw  terre  Anglice  a  heape  of  earthe  in  loco 
vbi  le  Maypole  antehac  stet  et  quod  Henricus  waltham  et  Godfrye  posuerunt     30 
duos  Cumulos  de  le  earth  &  soyle  in  vico  vocat<?  See  Marye  streete  Et 
preceptum  est  amovere  eosdem  Cumulos  Citra  ffestuw  omnium  sanctorum 
protdmum  sub  pena  Cuiusli^ft  eorum  delinquents  forisfacere  v  s: 



Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM:   MB.O-B 

p  419  (7  October)  (Presentments  by  jury  of  court  leet) 

Ad  istam  Curiaw  RichWus  Hick«  presents  super  sacramentum  suuw  q«od     40 

6/    1624:    underlined  in  MS  31/  Marye:   y  corrected  over  1. 


WilWwus  Barnes  riij  s.  iiij  d.1  et  lorwwwes  Hingston  riij  s.  iiij  d.1  occiderunt 
duos  Tauros  infra  hanc  vill//w  citra  proximam  Curiam  et  non  publice  (blank) 
Angl/re  did  not  bayte  them  openly.  Ideo  vterque  vterque eorum  in  misericords 
pr0ut  super  eorum  capita. 



Borough  Financial  Records     WM:   Sherren  MS  243.1 

single  sheet  (6  February) 

li.       s.       d. 

Payd  for  the  Maypole  att  Weeke  00      03     00 




St  Cuthburga's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/WM:  CW  1/41 

p  212*  (14  December—I 4  December)  (Dues  received) 

Item  Receyved  for  a  playe  in  the  Churche  howse  vj  d.     20 

Receyvedof  John  merywether  for  a  playe  in  the  Churchehowse          iiij  d. 


St  Cuthburga's  Churchwardens' Accounts     DRO:   PE/WM:  CW  1/42  25 

p   31  (16  December- 16  December) 

Item  Recevid  of  players  that  played  in  the  church  howse  ij  s. 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:  PE/WM:  CP2/ 10,  itcmS 

single  sheet*  (11  December- 1 1  December) 


also  we  present  william  lucas  of  ho'Pt  for  playing  of  a  fiddill  in  the  time  of 
gods  seruis 

3/  vterquf  vterqw^:    Jitlography  in  MS 

284  WIMBORNE  MINSTER  1595-1606 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  16 
single  sheet  (12  June) 


Item  we  present  william  delacourt  the  sonne  of  peter  delacourt  for  beating 
the  druwme  in  the  tyme  of  service  in  the  Church  haye 

1601  10 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  51 
single  sheet  (23  September) 

We  presente  Pike  the  minstrell  for  playinge  whill  EuenK.  )g  prayer  was  saying:    15 
on  sonday  xx°  September  1601 

We  present  old  bishope  and  his  sonne  A  for    lokeing  one  Dansers  at  the  time 
of  Eueing  prayer: 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  55 

single  sheet*  (After  24  May)  25 

we  present  hary  woodman  &  his  sonne  for  playing  in  the  time  of  servis  and 
sermon  in  the  tithinge  of  lye  the  ixth  of  maye 

we  present  barnebe  dordole  for  kepping  of  an  Alle  the  ixr^  of  maye  and  much 
company  in  his  house  in  the  servis  &  sermon  tim  30 

we  present  Ihon  mowlin,  Richard  meals  An  noris  for  beinge  at  lye  at  an  ale 
all  servis  and  sermon  time  the  ix'h  of  maye 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:    PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  74 
single  sheet  (28  April) 

Item  we  present  that  the  widow  thringw  kepte  daunsing  in  her  howse  at  the    40 

18/   time:    3  minims  in  MS  29/  kepping:   2  minims  in  MS 

19/   Eueing-.  /orEuemng.  abbreviation  mark  misting 


tyme  of  evenynge  prayer  vpow  the  saboath  day,  v/illiam  lukas  minstrell,  and 
Robert  homer  w;th  others  were  there  daunsinge/ 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  75 
single  sheet  (26  February) 

In  pn'mis  we  present  that  Richard  Sergent  henry  fforest  lohn  Sergent  John        10 
pope  vrban  Evance  and  lohn  Swetnam  played  vppon  grene  Layne  hill 
adioning  to  colehill  at  the  sermon  tyme  the  vijth  day  of  September  or  neare 
there  about«/ 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  82 
single  sheet*  (22  April-7 April) 

we  present  margaret  fuller  for  kypinge  of  play  at  servis  &  sermon 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court  25 

DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  92 

single  sheet* 

3  We  present  Thomas  moris  [&  wyllwm  pottell  for]  'did  kepe  mynsterillw1 
playng  &  daunsing  in  his  house  the  .9th.  of  lulye  being  soundaye  at  Evninge    30 

4  Item  we  present  that  Richard  Moris  Arfor  daunsynge1  &  Will/'tfm  Pottele  for 
playing  the  Saboth  day  &  doth  draw  youth  from  the  Church  the  9  of  July 

8      We  present  that  Britt  Minstrele  did  play  at  servis  one  Sunday  the  xvjth  of  luly   35 
at  Ligh. 

30/   Evnmge.   3  minimi  in  MS 

286  WIMBORNE  MINSTER  1609-1  1 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:    PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  94 
single  sheet* 

. .  .we  present  loane  Etherege  for  sittinge  in  the  streets  at  sermon  tim  on  the       5 
Saboth  day  being  the  i  of  aprill  &:  maintayning  her  premises  to  play  and  when 
she  was  gently  warned  [t]  of  she  abusethe  the  officers  &  bad  them  kisse  her 
asse  twise. . 

1610-11  10 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  99 
single  sheet*  (26 April- 16  April) 

Item  we  doe  present  lohn  Pyeke  for  playnge  on  mydsomer  day  last  past  being  15 
saboeth  day  as  [william]  'lohn1  Byshoppe  doth  affirme  one  of  the  sidemen 
lohn  Trime{. )  wife(. )  h( . . .),  daughter  margaret/  Elizabeth  pitman  with 
other(. .)  being  strangers 


Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:    PE/V/M:CP2/10,  item  100 
single  sheet* 

Itmi  we  do  present  that  william  barens  of  kynson  had  dansyng  in  his  house     25 
vpp  on  the  xvc^  day  beyng  sonday 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/10,  item  95  30 

single  sheet* 

Item  we  do  present  bryght  the  menstrell  [for]  of  holte  for  playeynge  at  lye  in 
the  deveyne  tyme  of  serves  & 


25/  kynson:  probably  Kingston  Lacy,  in  Wimborne  Minsler  parish 
34/   the  deveyne  ryme  of  serves:  fortymc  of  deveyne  serves  (?) 
34/  &:  for&Lc(>) 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:    PE/WM:CP2/10,  item  93 


we  present  Richard  Corben  of  Dogdeane  for  r+]  [carying]  waching  the 
Chart  and  their  sommer  pole  the  13  day  of  may  at  Service  time  &  he  was 
warned  to  com  to  the  church  and  to  depart  the  place  &  he  refused  it  &  did 
not  Com 


...Item  we  present  Elizabeth  Pitman  for  dauncing  out  euening  prayer  time 
being  the  14  day  of  aprill.  f  &C  being  the  saboath  day.1  Itmi  we  present 
[Elizabeth  (....)ken  for  dauncing  at  euening  prayer  time  being  the  14  day] 
aprill,  Itfm  we  present  Margaret  White  the  daughter  of  will/Wm  white  for 
dauncing  at  euening  prayer  time  being  the  14  day  of  Aprill.  A  &  the  saboath       15 
day    Itfm  we  present  Richard  king  the  younger  for  dauncing  at  eueni(.  .) 
prayer  time  being  the  14  day  of  aprill  ____ 

f  [H* 


...Itfm  we  present  willtam  belten  the  younger,  servant  of  William  Belten 

[weuer]    the  elder,  weuer    for  dauncing  out  euening  prayer  time  the  14  day 

of  aprill  [Itrni  we  present]  [hem  we  present  lames  ffavin  for  help  drawing  a 

sommer  poole  in  a  carte  [at]  rat]  morning  prayer  time  the  13  day  of  may.] 


hem  we  pr«ent  John  Burte  for  [disguisinge  himself]  being  at  Robm  ffulfords 
house    w/th  the  mornsse  dauncers  at  Sermon  time  being  the  13  /day1  of  may. 

1620  J0 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  to  the  Peculiar  Court 

DRO:   PE/WM:  CP2/12,  item  60 
single  sheet  (31  May) 

Ascencion  daie  nicholas  Perham  was  at  a  dauncing  < .  )atch  at  Leigh  a  drincking    35 
and  did  much  abuse  the  <  ...)est  dauughter  of  Stiphen  Russell,  at  Evening 
prayer  time./ 

6/   Dogdeane:   g  corrected  over  d 

12-14/   \\ern  we  prrtent  [Elizabeth  ...  day!  aprill..   entire  entry  intended  for  cancellation 

35/  Ascencion  daie:   25  May  1620 


Ascencion  dale  old  bright  w/th  his  boy  and  his  daughter  played  at  Cowgrove 
w/th  their  fiddells  and  Continued  there  all  Evening  prayer  time  w/th  much 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/28,  item  92 

f  [1]*  (3  July)  ,o 

An  informac/on  of  certayne  disorders  in  Winterborne  Kingstone./ 
Imprimis  lames  Gould  hath  byn  heard  to  sweare  most  blasphemously,  hath 
lately  against  Pentecost  ioyned  w/th  other  in  collecting  mony  uppon  the 
Sundays  for  &  towardes  a  Revell  Ale  or  unlawful!  meetinge,  &  uppon  the     15 
munday  in  Whitsun  Weeke  by  occasion  of  this  preparac/on,  neither  hee  nor 
scarce  any  of  the  yonger  men  were  at  divine  praier;  &  hee  being  a  ringer  comes 
often  late  to  praiers  uppon  the  sundayes,  &  often  dep^rtes  out  of  the  church 
ere  praier  &C  all  the  service  be  ended. 


Likewise  lohn  Seevier  a  blasphemous  swearer,  &  one  that  often  laughes  or 
geeres  in  tyme  of  sermon,  &C  now  about  the  munday  &  tuesday  in  Whitsnweeke 
was  a  principal!  man  w/th  other  to  sing  roundes  &  prophane  songes  most 
part  of  the  night. 




Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL.    HarJey  MS.  6715  30 

f  1  5v  (25  May)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  assizes) 

for  keeping  of  an  Ale  and  bayting  the  Bull  in  tyme  of  devine  prayer  hard  vnder 

the  Church 

Henricus  Chepman  de  Mouncton  husbandman     in     40  1.  35 

Middleton  de  eadem  yoman  et 

20  ''• 

KT    i      j        j       L     u     j 
Henricus  Notley  de  eadfw  husbandman 

pro  comparencia  ad  proxiwas  Assisas  ad  responddWww  ijs/ 

14/   Pentecost:    I  June  1628 

\6I  munday  in  WViitsun  Wcckc:   2 June  1628 


he  being  partner  w/th  the  said  Chepman 

Iohaw«es  blanchard  de  Motmcton  husbandman     in     40  li. 

lohes  Middleton  de  eadfw  yoman      in     20  I. 

Henricus  Notley  de  eadcw  husbandwww     in     20  1. 

pro  comparencia  ad  proximas  Assisas  ad  respondene/um  ijs/ 

Willf/mus  Bartlect  de  Monckton  Clarke     in  x  1. 

pro  comparencia  ad  proximas  Assisas  ad  dandum  evidenciam  versus 
Henricuw  Chepma/i  et  Iorw««em  Blanchard/ 

3/   lohes:  for  lohannes,  abbreviation  mark  missing 




Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:   D/FSI:  Box  220 

f  6*  (24  June-29  September)  (Expenditures)  5 

At  oxford  ye  bill  for  our  supper  [(.)]  dinner  horsemeate  003      04      10 

To  ye  fidlers  there  10  s. . .. 

f  10  (29  September- 24  December)  10 

11.        s.       d. 
To  ye  fidlers  000      10     00 

f    11 

11.  S.         d. 


At  knebworth  to  ye  fidlers  5  s.  lost  at  Tables  10s.  000      1 5     00 


Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:   D/FSI:  Box  220 

f  15  (25  December-24  March)  (New  Year's  gifts) 

To  ye  fidlers  5s.... 



Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:   D/FSI:  Box  220 

f  37v  col  2  (Summary  of  gifts) 

To  fidlers  bobs  I  gave  000     10     00      5 


Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:   D/FSI:  Box  220 

f  32  (25  December- 24  March)  (New  Year's  gifts)  10 

..  fidlers  5s.... 

1640  15 

Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:  D/FSI:  Box  220 
f  57v  col    1  (Summary  of  trivial  expenses) 

To  fidlers  00      09     06 



Giles  Strangways' Account  Book     DRO:   D/FSI:  Box  220 
f  74v  col  2  (Summary  of  trivial  expenses) 


To  fidlers.  ...  000  02  06:  q. 


Undated  Record 

Although  Murray,  English  Dramatic  Companies,  vol  2,  p  206,  dates  this  visit  by  the  prince's 
men  'c.  End  James  i,'  there  is  no  evidence  for  even  that  vague  an  assignment.  The  account 
lacks  the  conventional  heading  indicating  the  author  and  the  year  or  quarter  covered  by  the 
account.  Internal  evidence  provides  no  conclusive  evidence  for  dating  of  the  manuscript.  The 
account  registers  the  cost  of  presenting  Sir  George  Trenchard  with  a  gift  of  eels  but  he  was  an 
influential  political  figure  throughout  the  reign  of  King  James  and  until  his  death  in  1630. 
Richard  Colfox  is  repaid  for  expenses  incurred  when  he  went  to  Axminster  on  behalf  of  the 
borough  but  the  account  does  not  specify  what  office  he  held  at  the  time.  Similarly,  the  account 
notes  the  receipt  of  an  account  from  'Mr.  Meller'  but  fails  to  specify  first,  if  this  is  John  or 
Robert  Miller  and  second,  if  his  is  a  cofferer's  or  a  bailiff's  account.  The  entry  in  the  records 
is  also  ambiguous.  Are  the  prince's  players  those  of  Prince  Henry  or  those  of  Prince  Charles? 
Even  if  we  knew  that  Colfox  went  to  Axminster  in  his  capacity  as  bailiff  of  Bridport,  we  would 
still  have  four  years  in  the  reign  of  James;  in  Miller's  case  we  have  five  years  that  might  be  the 
year  of  this  account.  The  gift  for  Sir  George  Trenchard  suggests  that  1630  is  the  latest  possible 
date  for  the  account  and,  given  the  absence  of  a  troupe  under  the  patronage  of  a  prince  from 
March  1625  (when  King  James  died)  to  December  1631  (when  the  palsgrave's  company 
became  the  players  of  Prince  Charles),  we  can  assign  the  account  to  the  reign  of  King  James 
but  to  no  specific  year  or  decade  within  his  reign. 

See  The  Documents  above  (pp  56-7)  for  a  description  of  the  manuscript. 


Town  Account     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M18/9 
single  sheet 


Item  Gaue  the  Princes  players  x  s.     0 


Post- 1642  Records 

The  fragmentary  nature  of  Shaftesbury's  written  records  makes  particularly  welcome  a  1655-6 
account  that  demonstrates  the  borough's  continued  observance  of  one  of  its  customs  during 
the  Commonwealth  period.  A  1662  agreement  to  shift  Shaftesbury's  annual  Sunday  procession 
to  Motcombe  (see  pp  248-9)  to  the  Monday  before  Ascension  includes  a  full  description 
of  Shaftesbury's  custom;  observance  of  the  custom  remained  essentially  unchanged  from  the 
early  sixteenth  century.  Records  from  the  Commonwealth  and  Restoration  periods  have  not 
been  comprehensively  searched  for  this  volume. 

Account  of  Richard  Harris 

Dorchester,  Dorset  Record  Office,  DC/SYB:  Cl6b,  Hem  43;  1655-6;  English;  paper;  bifolium; 

303mm  x  194mm;  unnumbered.  One  of  47  items  filed  in  a  manila  folder. 

Indenture  Concerning  Enmore  Green 

See  The  Documents  above  (pp  75-6)  for  a  description  of  Hutchins,  History  and  Antiqutttes  znd  of  the 

Nicholas  family's  acquisition  of  Gillingham  Manor. 



Account  of  Richard  Harris     DRO:   DC/SYB:  C 1 6b,  item  43 

f  [2]    (25  March -25  March)  (Payments)  , 

Itmi  To  the  balie  of  Gillingham  for  our  accostomed  liberty 

to  fetch  water  in  motcomb  1  payr  of  gloues  at  the  pr«e  of 

6  s.  And  a  calues  head  8  d.  in  beer  1  s.  And  bread  2  d.  07      10 



Indenture  Concerning  Enmore  Green     Hutchins:   History  and  Antiquitia,  vol  3 
pp   629-30    (1  May) 

This  Indenture,  made  the  first  day  of  May,  in  the  fourteenth  yeere  of  the 


294  DORSET 

reigne  of  our  soveraigne  lord,  Charles  the  Second,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of 
England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the  Faythe,  &c. 
annoque  Domini  one  thousand  six  hundred  sixtie-two;  Between  the  honourable 
Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  knt.  one  of  his  majesties  principal  secretaries  of  state, 
of  his  majesties  most  honourable  privy  council!,  and  lord  of  the  manor  and       5 
liberty  of  Gillingham,  in  the  county  of  Dorset,  of  the  one  part;  and  the  mayor 
and  burgesses  of  the  towne  and  borrough  of  Shaston  in  the  said  countie  of 
Dorset,  of  the  other  part.  Whereas  the  said  mayor  and  burgesses  of  the  said 
burrough  for  the  time  beeing,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  borrough 
for  the  time  beeing,  by  prescription  beyond  the  memory  of  man  have  claymed,    10 
used,  and  enioyed  a  custome,  liberty,  and  prevelege  to  take,  fetch,  and  carry 
away  water,  at  all  times,  and  upon  all  occations,  from  any  of  the  wells  and 
springs  of  water  in  the  wast  and  common  ground  in  the  tithing  of  Motcombe 
within  the  said  manor  and  liberty  of  Gillingham,  to  bee  used  within  the  said 
borough;  and  likewise  to  digg,  make,  repaire,  or  amend  any  wells  or  springs     15 
of  water  within  any  of  the  wasts  or  commons  of  the  Motcombe  aforesaid, 
within  the  manor  and  liberty  aforesaid,  for  the  better  preservacion  of  the 
said  water,  for  the  use  of  the  mayor,  burgesses,  and  other  inhabitants  of  or 
within  the  said  borrough  for  the  time  beeing;  and  in  consideracion  thereof 
the  said  mayor  and  burgesses,  by  like  prescription,  have  yeerly  on  the  Sunday     20 
or  Lord's  Day  next  after  the  third  of  May  (commonly  called  Holy  Rood 
day),  payed  and  performed  this  custome  following,  (viz.):  the  sayd  mayor, 
accompanyed  with  some  of  the  burgesses  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  said 
towne  and  borrough,  have  used  to  walk  out  of  the  said  borrough,  into  the 
said  manor  and  liberty  of  Gillingham,  into  a  place  there  called  Enmore  Green    25 
(where  is  a  poole  of  water,  and  diverse  springs  and  wells),  and  in  that  place  to 
walke  or  daunce  hand  in  hand  round  the  same  green  in  a  long  daunce,  there 
being  a  musition  or  tabor  and  pipe,  and  alsoe  a  staffe  or  besome  adorned 
with  feathers,  pieces  of  gold  rings,  and  other  Jewells  (called  a  prize  besome); 
which  daunce  being  ended,  the  said  mayor  and  burgesses  doe,  or  some  one      30 
by  their  appointment  doth,  tender  and  deliuer  unto  the  bailiffe  of  the  said 
manor  of  Gillingham  for  the  time  beeing  one  payre  of  gloves,  a  calfe's  head 
raw  and  undressed,  a  gallon  of  ale  or  beere,  and  two  penny  loaves  of  white 
wheat  bread;  which  the  said  bailiff  receiveth  and  carryeth  away  to  his  own 
use.  The  observacion  of  which  custome  on  the  Lord's  day  occationing  some    35 
neglect  of  divine  service,  and  beeinge  inconvenient  to  bee  continued;  and  to 
the  intent  some  other  day  may  be  now  appointed,  and  for  ever  hereafter  to 
bee  observed  for  the  payment  and  performance  of  the  custome  and  service 
aforesaid,  without  any  prejudice  nevertheless  to  the  said  mayor,  burgesses, 
and  other  inhabitants  of  the  said  towne  and  borrough  in  their  custom  and       40 
liberty  of  fetching  water  as  aforesaid;  itt  is  hereby  agreed,  by  and  between 


the  said  parties  to  these  presents;  and  the  said  Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  for  himself, 
his  heyres,  executors,  administrators,  and  assigns,  doth  covenaunt,  grant, 
promise,  and  agree,  to  and  with  the  said  mayor  and  burgesses,  and  their 
successors,  that  they  the  said  mayor  and  burgesses,  and  all  other  the  inhabitants 
of  the  said  towne  and  borrough,  shall  or  lawfully  may,  from  time  to  time, 
and  at  all  times  for  ever  hereafter,  have  and  take  water  for  any  their  occations 
to  be  used  within  the  said  borrough  from  any  wells  or  springs  within  any 
the  wastes  or  common  grounds  of  Motcombe,  within  the  manor  and  liberty 
aforesaid,  and  have  and  enjoy  like  freedome  and  liberty  to  digg,  repayre,  and 
amend  any  wells  or  springs  of  water  there,  as  fully  as  at  time  heretofore  hath    10 
been  used  and  accustomed;  they  the  said  mayor  and  burgesses  for  the  time 
being  yielding,  paying,  doeing  and  performing  on  their  parts  the  said  recited 
custome  and  service  yeerly,  and  every  year,  for  ever  heereafter,  on  the  Munday 
next  before  the  Feast  of  the  Ascention  of  our  Lord  God,  and  in  the  place 
where  the  same  hath  been  anciently  and  accustomably  performed  and  done     15 
as  aforesaid;  which  shall  be  as  avayleable  to  the  said  mayor,  burgesses,  and  all 
other  the  inhabitants  of  the  towne  and  borrough  aforesaid,  and  as  firme  and 
good  against  him  the  said  Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  his  heyres  and  assigns,  for 
the  continuance  of  the  said  custome  and  liberty,  as  if  the  same  had  been 
done  and  performed  on  the  day  and  time  anciently  used  and  accustomed,  as   20 
aforesaid:  and  that  this  agreement  may  for  ever  heereafter  bee  observed,  kept, 
and  preserved  to  posterity  in  time  to  come,  it  is  further  agreed,  that  the  same 
shall  bee  published  and  inrolled  as  well  among  the  rolles  of  the  court  of  the 
manor  of  Gillingham  aforesaid,  as  among  the  rolles  of  the  court  of  the  said 
borrough  of  Shaston.  In  witness  whereof,  as  well  the  said  Sir  Edward  Nicholas    25 
hath  to  each  part  of  these  indentures  set  his  hand  and  seal,  as  the  said  mayor 
and  burgesses  the  common  seal  of  the  said  borrough,  the  day  and  year 

Edward  (L.S.)  Nicholas.  Peter  (L.S.)  King,  maior. 

Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered,  by  Sealed  and  delivered  by  the  within-      30 

the  within:  named  Sir  Edward  named  mayor  of  the  borrough  of 

Nicholas,  in  the  presence  of  Shaston,  by  the  assent  and  consent 

John  Nicholas  of  the  burgesses  of  the  said  borrough 

D.  Neille.  then  present,  and  in  the  presence  of 

William  Legge.  Henry  Whitaker.  35 

Char/lw  Whitaker.  Richard  Greene. 

Joseph  Williamson.  Willww  Chaldecott. 

Willwwz  Bowles. 
Thomas  Baker. 

John  Young.  40 

Gillingham  sessionesad  curiam  manmi  ibidem  tentam  primo  die  Julii,  anno 

296  DORSET 

regru  regis  Carol/'  secundi  nunc  Angliae,  &c.  quarto  decimo,  haec 

indenture  irrotwlatur  in  rotulo  curiae  eodem  manerii. 

William  Yeatman,  depurate  sccnesca\\i  ibidem, 
per  }ohannem  Gibbes,  ball/'t/ww  manerii  ibidem. 


Lyme  Regis  Cobb  Ale 

Annually  at  Whitsuntide  Lyme  Regis  held  the  Cobb  ale,  a  custom  that  probably  fostered  and 
confirmed  the  community  spirit  of  the  townsfolk  and  certainly  raised  funds  for  the  mainten 
ance  of  the  Cobb  and  other  civic  projects.  The  Cobb,  a  long  dock  made  of  cowstones  contained 
within  two  curving  walls  of  oak  trunks,  protected  the  town  from  the  ravages  of  the  sea  and 
created  a  port  on  the  activity  of  which  Lyme  depended  for  its  livelihood.  Constantly  battered 
by  the  sea  the  Cobb  was  constantly  in  need  of  repairs,  which  the  Cobb  ale  helped  to  finance. 

The  Cobb  ale  was  the  kind  of  celebration  at  which  one  would  expect  to  find  performers. 
The  celebrations  took  place  each  year  at  about  the  same  time  and  lasted  between  two  and  three 
weeks.  Besides  the  several  gatherings  in  the  Cobb  house,  the  ale  travelled  to  nearby  towns  and 
extended  its  hospitality  to  people  and  ships  that  happened  to  visit  the  borough.  The  event 
was  administratively  complex,  requiring  considerable  time,  staff,  fuel,  food,  and  (of  course) 
drink.  Surprisingly,  although  records  of  the  ale  span  a  period  of  fifty-two  years,  no  evidence 
of  performance  activity  survives.  Apart  from  the  feasting  the  only  glimpse  we  get  of  the  normal 
activity  of  the  ale  comes  from  the  silver  whistle  donated  by  William  Birret  and  worn  by  suc 
cessive  Cobb  wardens.  Presumably  this  whistle  helped  to  gather  a  crowd  or  to  get  the  attention 
of  a  gregarious  one  rather  than  to  provide  or  to  accompany  musical  entertainment.  In  one  un 
dated  Cobb  warden's  account  book  a  reward  is  given  to  a  travelling  troupe  but  its  performance 
need  not  have  been  part  of  an  ale  (see  p  212). 

As  modern  historians  have  tended  to  assume  that  musical  and  dramatic  performances 
occurred  at  the  Cobb  ale,  so  they  have  tied  payments  to  players  to  depart  the  town  without 
performing  to  the  demise  of  the  ale  (at  some  time  after  1606)  and  attributed  both  to  the  rise  of 
Puritanism.  For  instance,  Cyril  Wanklyn  claims  that  John  Geare,  for  some  time  an  unlicensed 
Puritan  preacher,  'succeeded  in  securing  the  suppression  of  a  celebrated  annual  festivity,  know[n] 
as  the  Cobb  Ale,  [which]  had  flourished  unchecked  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  its 
final  disappearance  some  time  after  1610.'  With  the  backing  of  some  influential  burgesses  of 
the  town  such  as  Robert  Hassard,  Geare  'succeeded  where  many  might  have  failed.'  According 
to  Wanklyn,  'he  started  a  crusade  against  this  Cobb  Ale  and  he  must  have  had  some  force  of 
public  opinion  behind  him,  because  shortly  afterwards  the  institution  came  to  an  end'  (Lyme 
Regis:  A  Retrospect,  pp  8-9).  In  Revel,  Underdown  tells  essentially  the  same  story  but  he  con 
cludes  as  follows  (pp  57-8):  'In  the  end  the  campaign  [against  the  ale]  was  a  failure.  Geare  had 
allies  in  the  corporation  who  won  some  victories:  around  1620,  for  example,  Lyme  began 

298  DORSET 

making  the  familiar  payments  to  theatrical  companies  to  leave  without  performing.  But  the 
Cobb  was  another  matter.  In  1635  the  churchwardens  noted  that  the  church  porch  was  in  a 
disgraceful  mess,  littered  with  "vessels  called  tuns  which  serve  for  the  use  of  the  Cobb".' 

Puritanism  probably  played  its  part  in  fostering  antagonism  to  travelling  players  and  to 
traditional  revelry  such  as  that  which  marked  the  Cobb  ale,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the 
ale  was  centuries  old,  that  Robert  Hassard  effected  its  suppression,  that  John  Geare  led 
WankJyn's  'crusade'  or  Underdown's  'campaign'  against  it,  or  that  it  survived  into  the  1630s. 
Such  confident  claims  depend  in  part  upon  blurring  the  distinction  between  records  of  the 
Cobb  and  records  of  the  Cobb  ale.  In  1610,  for  example,  the  constables  of  Lyme  Regis  were 
presented  for  allowing  unlawful  games  to  be  played  at  Beaufront  on  the  sabbath  as  on  week 
days  (DRO:  DC/LR:  N23/2,  item  82).  Similarly,  in  July  1612,  the  Lyme  Corporation  Order 
Book  reports  that  John  Geare  had  procured  an  act  against  the  mayor  and  the  Cobb  wardens 
for  profane  and  irreligious  abuses  (DRO:  DC/LR:  Dl/1  p  42).  Although  George  Roberts  and 
David  Underdown  note  both  of  these  records  as  evidence  of  the  growing  antagonism  to  the 
ale  (Social History,  pp  343-4;  Revel,  p  57),  neither  document  ties  the  proceedings  in  question 
to  the  ale.  Underdown's  suggestion  (quoted  above)  that  the  ale  proved  impervious  to  Geare's 
attacks  and  survived  into  the  1630s  is  equally  suspect,  for  it  requires  that  we  assume  that  the 
tuns  creating  such  a  mess  in  the  church  porch  contained  beverages  for  the  ale,  but  such  vessels 
would  have  been  used  in  the  everyday  business  of  transporting  cargo  from  the  Cobb  to  the 
mainland.  The  only  record  we  have  of  opposition  to  the  Cobb  ale  per  se  (also  the  last  record 
of  this  custom  of  the  borough)  is  the  churchwardens'  presentment  of  September  1606  noting 
a  kind  of  bowling  in  the  churchyard  '  by  reason  of  a  cobbe  aell'  (p  308).  The  Cobb  ale  probably 
took  place  for  the  last  time  around  this  year,  partly  because  of  the  administrative  difficulties 
of  managing  the  event,  partly  because  of  the  ideological  opposition  to  it  on  the  part  of  Puri 
tans,  and  partly  because  of  the  alternatives  in  place  for  raising  funds  for  the  on-going  mainten 
ance  of  the  Cobb. 

See  The  Documents  above  (pp  66-70)  for  descriptions  of  the  relevant  manuscripts. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G 1/2 

p  95    (Michaelmas  quarter)  (Receipts) 

hem  mor  Received  off  Edward  Rodman   be  xviijth  off  octobir 

ye  pan  off  pay  for  pe  cobe  alle  xxv  s. 

p    121*    (Midsummer  quarter) 

Itew  mor  Received  oflohn  Holcomeof  pe  mony  for  pe  cobe  alle         iiij  li.  x  s. 
Itew  mor  Received  of  E^vard  Rodman  for  be  cobe  alle 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:G1/1 

p  33*   (Receipts) 

Receivid  of  Thomas  Dare  &  Alexander  Davye  for  the 

Cob  ale  xvj  li.  xv  s.  iij  d.  ob. 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR-.  G2/1  10 

f  [19v]*   (Receipts) 

Receivid  of  Robert  Mone  in  parte  of  payment  of  suche  money 

as  was  receivid  for  the  Cob  ale  x  li. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:Gl/l 

p   44*    (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 


A  whistill  of  siluer  w/'c/j  a  chayne  waing  xj  ownc«  whiche  william  Birret  dyd 
give  to  be  warne  at  the  Cob  ale  and  to  be  delyverid  to  the  nyw  wardens  at 
the  Milhill  whan  they  be  first  chosen 


p  47*   (Receipts) 

Item  lohn  holcome  Mayo«r  hath  receivid  in  to  his  Custodie  a  whistle  with  a 
cheyn  of  Silver,  whiche  given  by  WilLwm  Birret  to  be  worne  yerelie  at  the 
Cob  ale.  whiche  whistle  with  the  Cheyne  weyth  xj  ownc«Troy  30 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/2 
p   167*   (Receipts) 

hem  more  I  Reseaved  of  lohn  hasserd  &  Mr  Recherd  hayball 

of  the  Rest  of  the  cobe  ayll[ye]-24  s.  3  d.  xxiiij  s.  iij  d. 

13-14/   Recfifirf...  x  li.:    entire  entry  administratively  canctlled 

300  DORSET 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/1 

f  [36v]    (8  October)  (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 

A  whistill  of  silver  with  a  cheyn  wayng  xj  ounc«  that  Will/'rfm  Birret  dyd  give      5 
to  be  worne  at  the  Cob  ale 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/1 

p   50*    (6  November)  (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 

A  whistle  of  silver  with  a  cheyn  wayng  xj  ounc«  which  WilLwm  Birret  gaue 
to  be  worn  at  the  Cob  ale 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  Gl/1 

p   54    (12  October)  (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 


Item  a  whistill  of  silver  with  a  cheyn  weyng  xj  ounc«  whiche  Wil^m  Birret 
gave  to  be  worne  at  tyme  of  the  Cob  ale 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/1 

f  [33]    (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 

A  whistle  of  silver  with  a  cheyne  wayng  xj  ounc«  that  William  Birret 

gaue  3° 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:    DC/LR:  G2/1 

f  [31v]    (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 

A  whistle  of  Silver  with  a  cheyn  waing  xj  ownces  which  Willwm  Beret 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/1 

f  [32]    (Inventory  of  goods  received  by  new  mayor) 

hem  a  whistle  of  silver  with  a  cheyn  wayng  xj  ouncw  whiche  William  Birret      5 


Grant  ofCobb  Kitchen  to  Borough  Corporation  10 

DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/4,  item  3 
single  mb*    (12  October) 

Thys  Indenture  made  the  xijth  daye  of  October  in  the  one  and  rwenteth 
yere  of  the  Reigne  of  our  Sou^raigne  Ladye  Elizabethe  by  the  grace  of  god       15 
Queene  of  England  ffrance  &  Ireland  defender  of  the  faiethe  &c  Berwene 
Rjchard  Baret  of  Lyme  Regw  in  the  Comitye  of  dors^/Merchaunt  of  thone 
partye  And  lohn  Seward  Mayor  of  the  Towne  and  Borrowghe  of  Lyme  Reg/* 
aforesaid  and  the  Burgesses  of  the  same  Towne  of  thother  party,  witnesseth 
that  the  said  Richard  Baret  for  dyvers  good  causes  and  considerac/ons  him     20 
especially  moving  Hathe  given  graunted  demysed  and  confyrmed  and  by 
theis  presents  dothe  demyse  geve  graunt  and  confyrme  vnto  the  said  Mayor 
and  Burgesses  all  that  pane  of  his  howse  called  the  Cobbe  kytchyn  nowe  or 
late  in  the  tennure  of  lohn  Cogan  scituate  lieng  and  being  in  Lyme  Regn 
aforesaid  in  the  Corner  betwene  Richard  Davy«  howse  and  the  Cobb  hall       25 
there  To  haue  hold  occupy  /vse1  and  enioye  the  same  Cobbe  kytchyn  w;th 
the  Comodities  thereunto  belonging  or  appmayning.  vnto  thesaid  Maiyor 
and  Burgesses  and  their  Successors  and  assignes  once  euery  yere  at  the  feast 
of  Penthecoste  for  and  during  the  wholl  tyme  and  so  long  as  the  Cobb  Ale 
and  feast  for  and  to  the  Cobb  vse  shall  contynue  and  endure  Arso  it  excede     30 
not  twenty  dayes1 ,  and  so  to  vse  and  enioye  thesame  in  maner  and  forme 
aforesaid  yerely,  for  and  during  all  the  tyme  and  tearme  of  yeres  that  thesaid 
Richard  Baret  hathe,  might,  should  or  ought  to  haue  in  thesame,  by  any 
Conveyaunce  way  or  meane  whatsoever/  yelding  and  paieng  therefore  yerely 
vnto  thesaid  Richard  Baret  his  executors  or  assignes  at  the  feast  of  Saincte       35 
Mychaell  Tharchangell  by  the  hand«  of  the  Mayor  of  the  said  Towne  for  the 
tyme  being,  ryve  shillings  of  good  and  lawful!  money  of  England,  so  long  as 
thesaid  Mayor  and  Burgesses  and  their  Successors  and  assignes  shall  enioye 
the  said  kitchyn  and  occupac/on  thereof,  by  vertue  of  this  Indenture  of  Lease. 
And  thesaied  Rychard  Baret  covenatmteth  and  graunteth  for  himself  his        40 
executors  heires  and  Administrators  to  and  with  the  said  Mayor  and  Burgesses 
and  their  Successors  by  theis  presents,  to  warraunt,  acquyte  and  defende 



vnto  thesaid  Mayor  and  Burgessors  and  their  Successors  thesaid  Kytchyn 
and  the  occupac/on  and  vse  thereof  for  the  rente  aforesaid  and  in  maner  and 
forme  aforesaid,  discharged  of  all  former  bargaynes,  Sales,  graunt«  and 
Incombraunc«  hertofore  comwytted  done  or  suffered  by  thesaid  Richard 
Baret  or  by  any  other  p^rsonne  or  persons  by  his  meanes  consent  procurement 
or  abetment  whatsoever/  In  witnes  whereof  thesaid  Richard  Baret  to  thone 
p*me  of  this  Indentures  remayning  w/th  thesaid  Mayor  and  Burgesses,  hathe 
putt  his  Scale  And  to  thother  parte  of  thesaid  Indentures  remayning  w/th 
thesaid  Richard  Baret  thesaid  Mayor  and  Burgesses  haue  caused  their  comwon 
Scale  of  thesaid  Towne  to  be  sett  Geven  the  day  and  yere  fyrst  above  writen/ 

(signed)  per  me  Richard  Barett 

Mayors'  Accounts 

tab  45 

DRO:    DC/LR:G2/2 

Received  of  Richard  Rosse  for  the  cobbe  aJle  money 

15     9     5 


1  li   14s.  5d. 



Mayors' Accounts     DRO:    DC/LR:  Gl/1 

pp   140-1* 

The  Accompte  of  borrowed  money  to  the  purchasinge  of  the  fifee  ferme  by  a 

newe  Charter/ 

In  primis  of  George  SomtrL  li.  which  was  paid  him  agayne 

out  of  Silvester  lurdens  cobwardens  accompt  of  the  Cob  Ale 

xxxiiij  li. 

also  by  Robm  Hassard  out  of  his  Receyvowrs  accompt  [xvj  li.] 

xiiij  li.  v  s.  vij  d. 

and  out  of  his  Cobb  ale  money  j  li.  xiiij  s.  v  d. 

Item  borowed  to  paie  the  xl  li.  that 

was  taken  vpp  of  Robm  Davy  viz. 

of  lohn  Davy  x  li. 

of  lohn  Hayes  x  li. 

of  Mr  Bellamy  &  Mr 

Barens  vnd^r  5  li. 

cob  ale  money 

from  R  hassard. 
of  mr  Elmeston  x  li. 

Item  borowed  of  lohn  Hassard  x  li. 


Xl  11. 




I/    Burgtssors    for  Burgesses 

3  U   and  out  ...  v  d..  apparently  added  later  between  existing  linn 


ofMrElesdonxvj  li.  xvj  li. 

of  Mr  Bydgood  lent  out  of  his  cob  ale  money  x  li. 

Item  more  layed  owt  of  the  Cob  ale  money  by  Mr  Robm 
Hassard  in  tyme  of  his  Cob  ale  office  viij  li.  v  s. 

Svmma  totals  jcxxxiiij  li.  v  s.  I     5 

The  Accompt  pro  contra,  howe  the  moneys  before  in  thothre  syde,  was 

repaid;  viz. 

Inprimis  of  the  Cob  ale  money,  wA/'ch  we  accompt 

to  be  the  Townes  w/;/ch  did  growe  by  George  Sonw  10 

&  Siluyster  lurden  A«wo  .1590.  and  by  Robert  hassard 

&  \ohn  Bydgood,  Anno  1  59 1  Lviij  li.  xix  s.  v  d. 

1592-3  is 

Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 
tab  59   (Receipts} 

Receyved  of  Robert  hassard  in  full  account  of  the  cobb  alle 

at  to  seufrall  cymes  21  li.  07  s.  10  d.     20 


Mayors' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  G2/2 

tab  78*  25 

Item  more  of  the  said  Willwm  Davy  parcel!  of  the  Cobb  Ale 

money  iiijli.  jijj  \\. 



Cobb  Wardens' Accounts     DRO:   DC/LR:  N23/1,  item  63 

single  sheet-single  sheet  verso* 

Accompte  w/Wche  I  haue  receaved  the  12  of  lune  1601  35 

Item  receaved  of  mr.  fugemes  the  some  of  00  1 5  00 

Item  receaved  that  wee  bagg  in  brancom  and 

Item  beare  and  cetton  and  burport  the  some  of  03  04  00 

Item  bagge  in  axmister  the  some  of  00  08  00 

Item  receaved  of  gorge  Rocky  the  some  of  00  03  00    40 

35/    1601:    underlined  m  MS  3g/  ce(ton:    Seaton.  Devon 

y?l  btmcom.    Branscombe,  Devon  39;   ixmjster;  Axmimter.  Devon 

304  DORSET 

Item  receaved  of  my  wiffebagg  in  opplam  00  02  06. 

Item  receaved  of  the  handmayd  men  00  11  02 

Item  receaved  of  thosse  that  went  not  w/th  vs  00  08  00. 

Item  receaved  of  my  wiff«  from  charmuth  00  07  01 

05  17  09     •, 

Item  receaved  in  wisson  that  we  bagg  01  05  10 

Item  receaved  in  collector)  and  exmuth  01  00  00 

Item  receaved  of  the  Londerners  and  of  [mr  b  (...)]  00  18  00 

09  01       7 

Item  the  twusdaye  Receaved  att  the  cobb  howsse  10 

Item  the  somme  of  16  00  00 

Item  the  wansdaye  receaved  my  self  06  07  00 

Item  the  tirsday  receaved  att  the  cobb  howsse  02  19  00 

Item  the  ffrydaye  receaved  att  the  cobb  02  15  00 

Item  the  saterdaye  receaved  the  some  of  01  10  00    is 

Item  the  sondaye  receaved  the  some  of  08  16  00 

Item  the  tudaye  receaved  the  somme  of  04  10  00 

52  13  7 

Item  the  saterdaye  gorge  rockye  haue  receavd  00  15  4 

Item  the  frydaye  gorge  rocky  haue  receavd  00  08  6    20 

Item  the  sondaye  gorge  rockye  haue  receaved  05  06  0 

Item  the  mondaye  gorge  rockye  haue  receaved  08  00  0 

14  09  10 

Item  receave  the  frydaye  the  some  of  03  04  00 
Item  more  receaved  of  thomas  whithed  ffor  a  hoset  of  beare                                 25 

and  all  thinges  discharge  00  09  00 

gorge  rocky          Item  receaved  of  tinscom  and  of  coson  the  some  00  08  001 
hauc101'             some  is  3311.     OOs.     09  d. 

gorge  Rocquey  haue  Receaved  att  the  cobb  howsse  the 

some  of  14  li.  9s.  10    30 

I/   opplam     Uffyme.  Devon 

21   the  handmayd:    a  ship 

4.5/00     07     01.05      17     09    iiimi  underlined  in  MS 

6/  wisson:    Winsham,  Somerset 

71  colletton:    Colylon,  Devon 

II  exmuth:   Axmoulh.  Devon 

8/  00      18      00:   turn  underlined  in  MS 

\ll   tudaye:   t  written  over  d 

17/  04       10      00:    ium  underlined  in  MS 

18/52      13     7:   sum  underlined  in  MS,  2  and^i  corrected  from  other  numerals 

22,211   08      00      0,14      09      10    sums  underlined  in  MS 

APPENDIX  3  305 

more  owe  for  2  hosetz  of  beare 

more  haue  Receaved  in  St  Mallos  01  00 

more  he  hache  Receaved  hym  ad  his  'vviff  01  10 

more  Rest  a  gilcen  spone  00  10 

19        9    lOd.     5 

more  gorge  Rocquey  told  me  thatc  his  charges  came  to  06  1  5      00 


Cobb  Wardens' Accounts     DRO:    DC/LR:  N23/2,  item  75 

ff  [1-2]*  10 


the  Accompte  of  the  Coobb  ealle  for  the  yeare  1601  deli  uer^  vnto  Mr  Robart 
hassard  meare  the  22  daye  of  febreary  1601 

1.          S.         d.      15 

Item  Item  Receaved  of  Mr  lohn  biggood  meare 

Item  one  caster  daye  the  somme  of  04     00     00 

Item  Item  more  Receaved  by  me  as  appeareth 

Item  by  p^rticulers  the  somme  of  55      19      01 

Somma59     19      Id.   20 
A  notte  of  Suche  mony  and 
charges  as  I.  haue  Layd  out  and 
paid  for  the  Cobb  ealle  as  folowthe 
Item  paid  in  charges  as  appearethe  by  the 

Itew  particulars  the  somme  of  33      19     01     25 

\tem\Km  paid  the  I?1*1  of  lime  vnto  Mr  water 
Item  harvy  by  Mr  lohn  biggood  meare  appointement 

\te m  the  somme  of  10      00      00 

Item  Item  paid  the  12th  of  January  1601  vnto  Mr 

Item  Robart  hassard  meare  the  somme  of  04     00     00    30 

Item  more  deliuer  vnto  Mr.  Robart  hassard 
Item  meare  the  22  daye  of  febreary  1601  to 

Item  ballance  this  accompte  the  somme  of  12     00      00 

9      19     01 

3/  ad:  for  and 

4.5/00      10.19      9      1 0  d  :   sums  underl.neJ  m  MS 

1 3/    1 60 1 :    underlined  in  MS 

14/    1601:   underlined  in  MS 

17/  caster  daye:  presumably  12  April  1601.  when  Bidgood  was  mayor 

19,20/55      19      01.59      19      1  d  :    sums  underlined  ,n  MS 

33,34/12      00     00,59      19     0 1 :   mm,  underlined  in  MS 

306  DORSET 

Item  more  Remayne  in  mathieu  davye 

Item  handes  w/?/che  he  hathe  Receaved  in  morlays 

Item  for  the  Cobb.  the  somme  of  00  17  06 

Item  more  Resting  in  the  wydow  Rocquey  her  5 

Item  handes  as  it  maye  appeare  (blank) 
Item  made  and  deliuer  vnto  Mr  Robart  hassard 
Item  meare  the  22  daye  of  febreary.  1601 

by  me  lohn  Roze  I 




Accompte  of  the  mony  wA/'chc  I  haue  Receaved  the  12th  of  lune  1601 

Item  Receaved  of  Mr.  fugemes  the  some  of  00  15  00 
Item  receaved  when  wee  went  to  brancom  and 

Item  to  beare  and  colletton  and  burport  the  03  04  00    15 

Item  receaved  in  axmister  the  somme  of  00  08  00 

Item  receaved  in  charmuthe  the  some  of  00  07  01 

Item  receaved  of  the  handmayd  men  the  som  00  11  02 

Item  receaved  of  those  than  went  nott  w/th  vs  att  wafet  00  08  00 

Item  receaved  of  my  wiff«  and  of  gorge  Rocquey  wiff«  00  05  00    20 

Item  receaved  in  wisson  the  somme  of  01  04  10 

Item  receaved  in  axmue  and  other  places  01  00  00 

Item  Receaved  of  the  Londoners  and  of  mr  browne  00  18  00 

9  01  01 

Item  Receaved  the  tusdaye  the  somme  of  16  00  00    25 

Item  receaved  the  wansdaye  the  somme  of  06  07  00 

Item  receaved  the  thirsday  the  some  of  02  19  00 

Item  receaved  the  frydaye  the  some  of  02  15  00 

Item  receaved  the  saterdaye  the  somme  of  01  10  00 

Item  receaved  the  sondaye  the  somme  of  08  16  00    30 

Item  Receaved  the  tusdaye  the  somme  of  04  10  00 

Item  Receaved  the  frydaye  the  some  of  03  04  00 
Item  Receaved  of  thomas  w/;/thed  for  a  hoset  of  beare 
Item  and  paid  hyme  for  his  spices  and  Receaved  of 

Item  tinscom  and  colson  the  some  00  17  00    35 

by  me  John  Roze                        Somma  55  19  Oil 

71    1601:    underlined  in  Mi  18/   the  handmayd:   a  ship 

\\l    1601:    underlined  in  MS  19/  wafct:    Wayford,  Somerset 

M/  brancom:   Branscombe,  Devon  2  \l  wisson     Winsham,  Somerset 

15/  colletton:    Colyton,  Devon  22/  axmue:   Axmouth.  Devon 

16/  axmistcr:   Axmmaer.  Devon  23/  00      18      00:   sum  underlined  in  MS 

171   in:    written  overof  35,36/00      17     00.55      19     01:   sums  underlined  in  MS 



Accompte  of  the  Charges  wA/che  I  haue  Layd  out 

for  the  Cobb  howsse  the  12th  of  Aprill  1601 

Item  paid  for  4  quarts  of  wyne  whh  a  banckett  00  04  00 

Item  paid  for  gryning  of  the  maltes  the  some  00  09  00      5 

I^w  paid  for  a  present  vnto  Mr  fugemes  the  some  of  00  02  02 

Item  paid  for  4  hundreth  1/2  of  venisen  the  some  of  00  10  06 

Item  paid  for  stivin  to  brue  the  somme  of  00  07  06 

Item  paid  for  2  tonnes  of  caske  and  the  houping  01  06  06 

Itempaid  for  a  busel  1/2  of  weathe  to  brue  00  05  00     10 

[tern  paid  vnto  gorge  Rocquey  wiffa  the  somme  of  00  10  00 

Item  paid  for  38  pounds  of  hopes  att  8  d.  per  pound  01  05  00 

Item  paid  staigge  to  healpt  to  brue  the  some  of  00  03  11 
\tern  paid  for  88  buselz  of  malt«  whereof  40  buselz 

Ifc-wcoste  8  s.  2  d.  and  the  other  8  s.  amonth  11  18  00     15 

Itempaid  for.  25  pound  of  butter  00  05  03 

Item  paid  vnto  the  Rocke  to  brue  the  aylle  00  02  00 

Item  spent  att  Waffort  the  somme  of  02  02  00 

Itempaid  for.  cherimps  and  21  chikiyns  the  somme  00  06  06 

Item  paid  goode  tinscom  thatt  went  to  bagging  00  00  04     20 

Item  paid  for  1/2  hundreth  of  faggotz.  the  some  of  00  04  02 

Item  paid  for.  cafehenges  and  other  vitels  the  som  of  01  02  02 

Item  paid  for  4  capons  the  some  of  00  03  04 

Item  paid  vnto  Richard  pamer  the  some  of  00  13  00 

Item  paid  vnto.  gorge  Rocquey.  the  some  of  01  00  00    25 

Item  paid  luce  for  7  doz^w  of  bread  the  some  of  00  07  00 

Item  paid  for.  candels.  and  for.  burche  the  some  of  00  05  06. 

Item  paid  for.  woud.  and  waintres  the  part  som  of  02  03  06. 

Item  paid  vnto.  Lace  for  vitels  that  he  did  buye  00  16  00 

Item  paid  vnto.  clatry.  for.  caks.  the  some  of  00  07  08     30 

Item  paid  ffor.  wyne  the  some  of  02  16  04 

Item  paid  ffor  2  venys  glasses  and  8  other  glases  00  04  00 

Item  paid  ffor  one  spong  the  some  of  00  06  00 

Item  paid  for.  12  coupes,  and  baikon  the  some  of  00  09  00 

Item  paid  for.  beafe  the  some  of  00  02  06    35 

Itempaid  vnto  smalling  backe  agayne  00  05  00 

Item  paid  vnto  bery.  backe  agayne  00  02  06. 

Item  paid  att  burport  when  wee  went  to  bagging  00  04  03 

Item  paid  vnto  lohn  piters  for  his  celler  00  06  08. 

Item  paid  for.  vitels  the  some  of  00  1 1  02     40 

3/1601:    unJerlmed  in  MS  40/  00     corrtcted from  \  1 

15/  amonth:  for  apiece  (?) 

308  DORSET 

Item  paid  for.  a  plater  that  was  stolle  and  for  vineger  00  03  02 

Item  paid  for.  pouder  and  for  heiring  of  horses  00  10  00 

Item  paid  vnto  westover  the  somme  of  00  08  06 

Item  paid  vnto.  lohn  Davy,  to  brue  in  his  bruehowsse  00  10  00 

[by  me  lohn  Roze]  Somma  33  19  01      5 

The  17'he  of  lune  paid  vnto  Mr  water  harvy  for  the  cobb. 

by.  Mr  lohn  biggood  meare  appointement  10  00  00 
the  12c^e  of  January  160 1/,  paid  vnto  Mr.  Robart  hassard 

meare  04  00  00 
the  22  daye  of  febreary  1601  paid  vnto  Mr.  Robart  hasard  10 

meare  as  doth  apeare  by  another  accompte  w^/'che  I  haue 

deliuerhym  12  00  00 

by  me  lohn  Roze  26  00  00 

1605-6  15 

Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:    D5/28/9,  item  59 
f  [Iv]    (11  September) 

29.  we  find  that  in  the  week  after  whitsunday  by  reason  of  a  cobbe  aell  then    20 
held  in  the  Church  yerd  was  throwing  w/th  a  bowll  to  a  par  of  keells  for  a 
spone  or  otherwise  noen/ 

4.  5(   00      10     00,33      19      01     sums  underlined  tti  MS 
12,13/12     00     00,26     00     00:   sums  underlined  in  MS 


Sir  John  Digby  s  Embassy 
to  Spain 

King  James  i  first  sent  Sir  John  Digby  as  an  ambassador  to  Spain  in  1611,  when  he  was  to 
settle  the  claims  of  the  English  merchants  in  Spanish  courts  and  to  negotiate  the  marriage  of 
Prince  Henry  to  the  Infanta  Anne.  Although  she  had  already  been  betrothed  to  Louis  xin  of 
France  and  Prince  Henry  would  die  in  1612,  Digby's  success  in  the  cause  of  the  English 
merchants  and  his  discovery  of  certain  forms  of  corruption  used  by  the  Spaniards  in  their 
dealings  with  English  officials  caused  King  James  to  continue  to  place  his  trust  in  his 
ambassador.  As  a  result,  Digby  returned  to  Spain  in  1614,  1617,  and  1622  in  an  ongoing 
effort  to  negotiate  a  match  between  Prince  Charles  and  the  Infanta  Maria.  Digby's  efforts 
must  have  pleased  King  James  for  he  gave  Digby  Sherborne  Castle  and  appointed  him  vice- 
chamberlain  following  his  return  to  England  early  in  1616,  raised  him  to  the  peerage  as  Lord 
Digby  on  25  November  1618  after  the  second  embassy  on  behalf  of  Prince  Charles,  and  created 
him  earl  of  Bristol  as  a  result  of  the  negotiations  with  King  Philip  iv  in  1622. 

Digby's  success,  which  lasted  until  Prince  Charles  himself  and  the  duke  of  Buckingham 
made  their  expedition  to  Madrid  to  woo  the  Spanish  princess,  is  worth  noting  because  it 
stands  in  sharp  contrast  to  the  impression  produced  by  the  anonymous  report  from  which 
the  following  records  of  dramatic  activity  are  taken.  The  author  of  this  report  emphasizes  that 
Digby  was  ineffectual  in  the  early  stages  of  this  diplomatic  effort  because  of  the  arrogance, 
rudeness,  contempt,  and  inhumanity  of  the  Spanish.  This  report  clearly  reveals  the  author's 
political  bias,  that  of  one  staunchly  opposed  to  the  Spanish  match  that  Digby  was  to  effect; 
indeed,  the  author  directs  some  observations  quite  explicitly  to  'thou  ill  advised  ffavourer  of 
the  Spanish  partie'  (f  3). 

Digby  might  well  have  felt  some  frustration  at  the  outset  of  this  embassy.  Having  landed  at 
Santander,  he  was  only  about  100  miles  north  of  Lerma,  where  the  court  was  to  be  entertained 
at  the  estate  of  King  Philip  in's  favourite,  Francisco  de  Sandoval  y  Rojas,  marquis  of  Denia 
and  duke  of  Lerma.  Having  relocated  to  Burgos  after  two  weeks  in  the  poor  port  town,  the 
earl  of  Bristol  was  very  close  indeed  to  the  court  at  Lerma  but  two  more  weeks  passed  without 
any  formal  greetings  from  Spain.  Given  this  passage  of  time,  the  day  on  which  the  Spanish 
treated  Gresley  rudely  was  likely  Thursday,  2  October  1617  and  the  day  of  the  masque-like 
festivities  Friday,  3  October.  Digby's  experience  was  not  unusual;  as  J.H.  Elliott  observes  in 
Imperial  Spain  1469- 17 16 (New  York,  1963),  299,  'Hunting,  the  theatre,  and  lavish  Court 
fiestas  occupied  the  days  of  the  King  and  his  ministers,  so  that  diplomatic  representatives 

310  DORSET 

would  constantly  complain  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  audiences  and  transacting  their 
affairs.'  The  duke  of  Lerma,  though  not  vigorous  in  conducting  the  business  of  international 
diplomacy,  aggressively  provided  for  himself,  his  family,  and  his  friends  until  he  fell  from  power 
in  1618  as  a  result  of  a  palace  coup  led  by  his  own  son,  the  duke  of  Uceda.  The  prominent 
role  that  the  duke  of  Lerma  plays  in  this  anonymous  and  undated  report  suggests  also  that  it 
recounts  the  embassy  of  1 6 1 7- 1 8. 

As  the  author  of  this  report  remains  unnamed,  so  the  date  of  the  report  and  of  the  embassy 
it  describes  are  not  specified.  The  report  must  have  been  written  at  some  time  after  1622, 
however,  because  it  notes  that  Digby  is  now  earl  of  Bristol,  a  title  he  received  on  1  5  September 
that  year.  The  embassy,  however,  must  be  that  of  1617-18:  Digby  held  the  office  of  vice- 
chamberlain  by  that  time  and  landed  'at  St.  Andera;  It  was  (I  Call  to  minde)  about  the  last  of 
August'  (f  Iv);  he  was  also  vice-chamberlain  at  the  time  of  his  mission  to  Spain  in  1622  but 
this  journey  began  in  April  of  that  year  (see  George  Roberts  (ed),  Diary  of  Walter  Yonge,  Esq., 
Camden  Society,  vol  41  (London,  1848),   54).  The  only  trip  that  Digby  made  from  England 
to  Spain  in  August  was  that  of  1617  (see  Samuel  Rawson  Gardiner,  Prince  Charles  and  the 
Spanish  Marriage:  1617-1623,  vol  1  (London,  1869),  107).  Cold  treatment  at  the  hands  of 
the  Spanish,  such  as  that  described  in  the  anonymous  report,  accords  with  the  foreign  policy 
of  Spain  which  was  in  1617  negotiating  with  the  papacy  and  jockeying  for  position  as  the 
Thirty  Years  War  took  shape.  In  1 622  on  the  other  hand,  'the  government  of  Philip  iv  (who 
had  succeeded  in  1621)  was  chiefly  anxious  to  gain  time,  and  met  Digby  in  the  most  friendly 
way'  (DNB,  vol  5,  p  962).  Francis,  Baron  Cottington,  succeeded  Digby  in  Spain  in  1616  and 
returned  to  England  in  the  autumn  of  1622.  Mr.  Walsingham  Gresley  was  regularly  employed 
as  a  messenger  in  Spain.  Both  of  these  men,  in  other  words,  could  have  attended  upon  Digby 
as  the  report  notes  either  in  1617  or  in  1622. 

A  transcription  of  the  complete  report  of  Digby's  embassy  has  been  published  in  Walter 
Scott  (ed),  A  Collection  of  Scarce  and  Valuable  Tracts,  2nd  ed,  vol  2  (London,  1809),  501-8. 
Scott  supplies  the  material  which  would  have  occupied  the  folios  now  missing  from  the 
manuscript,  folios  that  were  missing  when  it  was  in  possession  of  the  Acland-Hood  family 
(Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  Alfred].  Horwood,  'The  Manuscripts  of  Sir  Alexander 
Acland-Hood,  Bart.,  of  St.  Audries,  Somerset,'  The  6th  Report  of  the  Manuscripts  Commission, 
Appendix  (London,  1877),  351)  and  the  material  lost  because  of  damage  to  others.  For  two 
reasons  it  seems  unlikely,  however,  that  Scott  worked  with  the  Somerset  Record  Office  manu 
script  before  it  suffered  its  damage  and  losses.  First,  there  are  substantial  differences  in  ortho 
graphy  and  phrasing  between  Scott's  transcription  and  the  SRO  manuscript.  Second,  the  foliation, 
which  ignores  the  loss  of  ff  12-14,  appears  to  be  seventeenth  or  eighteenth  century,  which 
implies  that  the  manuscript  was  incomplete  before  the  time  when  Scott  could  have  worked 
with  it.  The  published  version  of  Digby's  complete  report,  then,  derives  either  from  a  rather  care 
free  transcription  of  the  SRO  manuscript  prior  to  its  damage  and  losses  or  from  an  independent 
manuscript  account  of  the  embassy,  neither  of  which  putative  manuscripts  has  been  found. 

Taunton,  Somerset  Record  Office,  DD/AH  51/3,  item  A;  c  1608;  English;  paper;  21  leaves;  310  mm  x 
200  mm;  foliated  1-1 1,  15-24  (ff  12-14  now  missing,  original  unfoliated  leaves  also  missing  between 


ff  2  and  3,  4  and  5,  15  and  16,  and  16  and  17);  many  leaves  repaired;  modern  cover 
of  calfskin  and  board,  on  the  spine:  'MS.  Treatises.  Vol.  III.'  One  in  a  series  of  letters 
and  speeches  from  the  first  quarter  of  the  17th  century  bound  together  in  a  single 


c 1618-22 

Reception  of  Sir  John  Digby  at  the  Spanish  Court 

SRO:    DD/AH  51/3,  item  A 
f  1 

A  Report  of  the  Lord  Ambassadors  Entertainrruw  in  Spaine, 

sent  in  a  Letter  written  into  England,  Sir  lohn  Digbie  (now 

Earle  of  Bristoll)  being  then  extraordinary  Ambassador  from  10 

his  Ma/«tie  of  great  Brittaine,  King  lames. 


Such  is  my  present  Charitie  as  that  1  Could  bee  Content  to  forgiue  the  Ills 
of  Spaine  with  as  good  a  will  as  you  parted  from  them,  and  suffer  the  blinde    is 
Policie  of  the  time  to  haue  its  Course  in  Calling  black  white  and  Pride  Grauitie, 
till  Ambition  and  It  fall  both  into  the  ditch,  yet  because  of  my  Promise  to 
my  friend  (in  whose  Expectac;on  my  Honestie  I  know  is  ever  present)  I  will 
noe  longer  Containe  my  self  in  fflatterie,  but  (laying  aside  all  Court  respectw) 
freelie  and  faithfullie  sett  downe  those  Passages  that  may  serue  to  satisfie         20 
your  selfe,  and  such  other  of  our  friend«  as  are  desirous  to  know  the  Certaine 
manner  of  Master  Vice  Chamberlaine's  Reception  and  Entertainemfwt  in 
the  Court  of  Spaine  now  at  his  being  last  there  his  Mawtiej  extraordinary 


f  2 

You  know  that  the  King  and  his  whole  Court  were  about  this  season  to 
remoue  from  Madrid,  and  to  Come  ffower  daiej  lourney  as  directlie  towards 
his  Lordshipp  as  if  hee  had  Come  on  purpose  to  meete  him.  His  occasion         30 
was,  that  the  Grand  ffavourite,  the  Duke  of  Lerma  had  invited  his  Majestic 
to  the  Towne  of  Lerma,  there  to  recreate  him  with  divers  Shewes  prepared 
for  that  purpose 

28/  the  King:   Philip  W  of  Spain  281  tlm  season:   early  Srptcmber  1617 

312  DORSET 

f  6v 

. .  .Mr  Gresley  made  as  much  haste  to  bring  back  word  that  at  Lerma  they 
were  all  very  busie  in  seeing  a  plaie;  soe  as  hee  Could  not  Come  to  speake 
with  any  one  that  vnderstood  the  businesse...  5 

f  7v 

...his  Lordsbipps  minde  was  Changed;  and  vpon  some  Caveat  or  other  that 
Mr  Cottington  was  seen  to  whisper  in  his  Eare,  he  made  the  boote  to  bee       10 
opened  againe,  and  declared  that  he  was  determined  to  stay  there  all  Night; 
Which  seemed  to  some  of  the  Spectators  such  an  Enterlude,  as  they  did 
noething  envie  those  that  were  seeing  the  Comedie  at  Lerma — 

f  lOv  15 

. .  .There  likewise  did  Lerma's  howse  present  it  selfe  to  their  view;  -which  my 
thoughts  regarded,  in  /the1  very  same  manner  for  all  the  world  as  the 
refuse  People  do  use  the  outside  of  a  banqueting  howse  vpon  a  Masking 
Night,  when  they  Cannot  be  suffered  to  goe  in. ...  20 


Saints'  Days  and  Festivals 

The  following  list  contains  the  dates  for  holy  days  and  festivals  mentioned  in  the  Records. 
Exact  dates  for  moveable  feasts  are  included  in  textual  notes.  See  aJso  C.R.  Cheney,  Handbook 
of  Dates  for  Students  of  English  History,  corrected  ed  (London,  1996),  84-161. 

All  Saints 
Ascension  Day 

Christmas  Day 
Corpus  Christi  Day 

Easter  Day 
Easter  Monday 
Hock  Monday 
Holy  Rood  Day 
May  Day 
Midsummer  Day 
Pentecost  (Whit  Sunday) 
St  Mary  the  Virgin, 
annunciation  to 
St  Michael  the  Archangel 
St  Peter 

Shrove  Tuesday 
Trinity  Monday 
Trinity  Sunday 
Whit  Sunday 

1  November 

Thursday  following  the  fifth  Sunday  after  Easter, 
ie,  forry  days  after  Easter 

2  February 
25  December 

Thursday  following  Trinity  Sunday,  the  eighth  Sunday 

after  Easter 

Sunday  after  full  moon  on  or  next  following  21  March 

Monday  following  Easter  Day 

second  Monday  after  Easter 

second  Monday  and  Tuesday  after  Easter 

3  May 
1  May 

24  June 

seventh  Sunday  after  Easter,  ie,  fifty  days  after  Easter 

25  March 

29  September 

29  June 

seepp  329-30,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance: 

Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  Bl8v 

Tuesday  before  Ash  Wednesday,  the  start  of  Lent 

Monday  following  Trinity  Sunday 

eighth  Sunday  after  Easter 

see  Pentecost 



The  Latin  documents  have  been  translated  as  literally  as  possible.  The  order  of  the  records  in 
the  Translations  parallels  that  of  the  Records  text.  Place-names  and  given  names  have  been 
modernized.  The  spelling  of  surnames  in  the  Translations  reflects  the  same  principles  as  used 
in  the  Index.  Capitalization  and  punctuation  are  in  accordance  with  modern  practice.  As  in 
the  Records  text,  diamond  brackets  indicate  obliterations  and  square  brackets  cancellations. 
However,  cancellations  are  not  normally  translated;  they  may  be  translated  when  a  whole  entry 
is  cancelled,  especially  if  it  appears  that  a  cancellation  may  be  administrative  rather  than  the 
correction  of  an  error,  or  if  they  seem  of  special  interest  or  relevance. 

Round  brackets  enclose  words  not  in  the  Latin  text  but  needed  for  grammatical  sense  in 
English.  In  accounts  of  cases  heard  before  ecclesiastical  courts,  phrases  in  round  brackets  may 
be  used  to  complete  formulae  suspended  with  'etc,'  when  the  remainder  of  a  formula  can  be 
deduced  with  certainty.  A  word  should  be  said  about  the  prologue,  from  a  Bodleian  MS,  for  a 
play  presented  at  Dorchester  school  for  the  entertainment  of  guests  -  including  the  bishop  of 
Bristol  and  his  chancellor.  It  presents  three  particular  problems.  First,  although  it  is  written 
in  the  metre  of  Roman  comedy,  it  has  not  been  translated  in  verse-form  but  is  presented  as 
continuous  English  prose.  This  is  partly  because  the  translator  is  not  equal  to  English  iambic 
verse  and  partly  because,  given  the  way  in  which  syntactic  units  span  more  than  one  line  in 
the  original,  it  could  not  be  rendered  into  English  verse  without  overstepping  REED'S  guide 
lines.  Second,  the  regular  use  of 'etc'  by  the  scribe,  possibly  to  indicate  some  sort  of 'boiler 
plate'  then  familiar  to  those  well-versed  in  this  kind  of  academic  exercise,  leaves  half-lines  and 
clauses  hanging,  of  an  uncertain  meaning  to  today's  reader.  And  third,  the  layout  of  the  MS 
makes  it  sometimes  hard  to  detect  how  many  speakers  there  are  (at  least  two  but  possibly  more) 
and  where  the  speaker  changes.  Features  such  as  indented  text  and  MS  dashes  which  might 
otherwise  not  have  been  preserved  in  the  Translations  are  therefore  kept  here,  on  the  supposition 
that  they  probably  signal  changes  of  speaker. 

Not  all  the  Latin  in  the  text  has  been  translated  here.  Latin  tags,  formulae,  headings,  or 
other  short  sections  in  largely  English  documents  are  either  translated  in  footnotes  or  not  at 
all.  In  translated  documents  containing  a  mixture  of  Latin  and  English,  the  English  sections 
are  normally  indicated  with  '(English)'   but  in  some  cases,  in  which  the  syntax  of  English  and 
Latin  sections  has  become  entangled,  the  English  text  appears  in  the  translation  in  modern 
spelling.  Individual  documents  which  consist  of  a  single  line,  or  other  very  short  entries, 



especially  those  that  are  part  of  repetitive  annual  series,  are  not  normally  translated  unless 
they  present  some  unusual  syntactic  or  semantic  problem.  However,  in  deciding  whether  to 
translate  simple  Latin  formulae  in  court  books,  the  overall  complexity  of  the  entry  has  been 
considered.  All  Latin  vocabulary  not  found  in  the  standard  Latin  dictionary,  the  Oxford  Latin 
Dictionary,  is  found  in  the  glossary. 



Churchwardens'  Presentments  for  Salisbury  Deanery 

WRO:   D5/28/6,  item  34 
single  sheet* 

Likewise  we  present  that  there  were  stage  players  played  in  our  parish  church. 
The  lord  (judge)  warned  that  in  future  (the  churchwardens)  should  not  per 
mit  actors  to  play  in  the  church,  etc. 



Deposition  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery     WRO:    D5/22/2 
ff  47v-8*    (17  December)  (Examination  of  Thomas  Hewlett,  husbandman, 
aged  30) 

Taken  before  William  Wilkinson,  LLD,  the  dean's  official 

To  the  second  and  third  articles  of  the  list  of  charges  he  deposes  (English). 
And  he  does  not  know  how  to  depose  any  more  to  these  articles  as  he  says. 

(Hewlett's  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 

To  the  second  interrogatory  he  replies  (English).  And  otherwise  he  does  not 
know  how  to  reply  to  that  interrogatory  (any  more)  than  he  has  replied  above 
to  the  said  second  and  third  articles  of  the  list  of  charges  aforesaid. 

To  the  fourth  he  replies  (English).  And  otherwise  he  is  satisfied  with  the 


To  the  fifth  and  the  last  interrogatories  he  replies  (English). 

316  DORSET 

(Examination  of  Geoffrey  Phipper,  husbandman,  aged  31) 

To  the  second  and  third  articles  he  deposes  (English).  And  he  does  not  know 
how  to  depose  any  more  to  these  articles  as  he  says. 

f  48v    (Phipper  s  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 

To  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  last  interrogatories  he  replies  (English).  And  he  does 
not  know  how  to  reply  any  more  otherwise  than  he  has  deposed  before. 

(Examination  of  Francis  Blundon,  shoemaker,  aged  21) 

To  the  second  and  third  articles  he  deposes  (English).  And  he  does  not  know 
how  to  depose  any  more  to  these  articles  as  he  says. 

f  49    (Blundon's  replies  to  further  interrogatories) 

To  the  second,  third,  fourth,  fifth,  and  last  interrogatories  he  replies  (English). 
And  otherwise  he  does  not  know  how  to  reply  (any  more)  than  he  has 
deposed  in  his  depositions. 



Dean  and  Chapter  Act  Book  for  Salisbury  Deanery     WRO:    D5/ 1 9/ 1 2 

f  30v   (14 July) 

Proceedings  of  a  session  held  in  the  parish  church  at  Bere  Regis  before  George 
Dawkes,  LIB,  the  dean's  official,  in  the  presence  of  Giles  Hittchens,  notary  public 

The  lord's  office  against  Paul  Rawlins  of  Bloxworth 

Today  the  said  Rawlins  appeared.  The  lord  (judge)  bound  him  with  an  oath 
to  reply  faithfully  to  the  articles,  etc.  Then,  when  he  had  been  examined,  he 
says  (English).  Therefore  the  lord  (judge)  enjoined  that  he  should  acknowledge 
before  Mr  Rjckman,  the  rector  there,  that  the  aforesaid  crime  was  committed 
by  him,  promising  that  he  would  never  fall  again  into  like  (offences).  The 
lord  (judge)  warned  him  that,  when  he  had  done  that,  he  should  certify  it 
on  the  next  (court  day)  at  Sherborne  or  Salisbury  under  penalty  of  law. 




Autobiography  of  Robert  Ashley     BL:   Sloane  MS.  2131 


But  since  the  custody  of  Corfe  Castle  in  the  Isle  of  Purbeck  -  which  lies  next 
to  the  territory  of  Dorset  —  had  been  entrusted  at  that  time  to  (my)  father 
by  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  Queen  Elizabeth's  vice-chamberlain,  I  moved 
there  with  (my)  family,  where  the  headmaster  of  the  grammar  school  had 
earned  a  good  reputation  for  himself.  When  I  was  entrusted  to  his  care,  I 
easily  became  the  head  boy  of  that  school,  where  I  recall  that  I  came  out  on 
top  after  being  challenged  to  a  wrestling  match  by  a  schoolmate  while  we  were 
playing:  so  much  so  that  afterwards  he  demanded  a  fine  from  me  for  the  leg 
which  was  weakened  in  the  wrestling.  I  There  too  when  we  put  on  comedies 
during  the  Christmas  celebrations  the  principal  parts,  which  had  previously 
been  given  to  another  boy,  were  later  assigned  to  me  by  the  master,  with 

which  glorious  (opportunity)  I  was,  perhaps,  too  pleased 

But  after  my  teacher  Hadrian  was  summoned  to  Belgium,  and  while  he  was 
preparing  (to  go),  I  was  transferred  to  Salisbury  to  continue  my  course  of 
study,  being  then  at  the  beginning  of  my  twelfth  year.  There  I  studied  in  a 
public  school  under  Dr  Adam  Hill,  once  a  fellow  of  Balliol  College.  He,  no 
sluggard  at  judging  genius,  added  by  his  reports  a  spur  to  my  running  and 
when  we  recited  comedies  and  put  on  other  solemn  shows  before  the  most 
illustrious  Henry,  earl  of  Pembroke  -  who  was  then  living  in  the  area  —  he 
demanded  that  I  perform  the  principal  parts. 


c  1603-10 

Prologue  for  a  School  Play     Bodl.:  MS.  Add.  B.97 
ff  63-4* 


Welcome,  o  most  honoured  bishop,  light  of  the  sacred  assembly;  and  you  also, 
chancellor,  you  who  again  give  kindly  ears  to  our  jests.  Welcome,  too,  all 
you  others,  to  whom  it  does  not  seem  hard  to  honour  our  fable,  whatever 
might  be  said,  with  your  presence  and  to  put  off  serious  affairs  with  ones 
that  are  entertaining  (or  with  plays  or  shows).  For  you  will  hear  pleasantries, 
as  I  shall  warn  you  in  advance  lest  by  chance  anyone  afterwards  complain, 

318  DORSET 

nor  will  they  be  worthy  of  your  learned  ears,  etc.  But  who  sets  out  on  a  journey 

by  way  of  this  stage?  Go  forth,  etc. 

You  will  hear  no  tragedy,  etc. 

Guest:  Yet  that  is  the  rumour.  Indeed  our  Dorchester, 

which,  lo!,  condemns  us,  fosters  it  (/>,  tragedy)  and  in  fact 

the  greatest  men  are  actors  (or  the  actors  are  the  greatest  or 

they  are  the  greatest  actors). 

Guest:  A  comedy  then? 

-  But  not  even  in  that  way:  seek  not,  you  will  never  find,  etc.  How  indeed 
can  laughter  be  compelled?  We  are  scarcely  mimes,  nor  do  we  play  the  actor, 
as  you  may  think.  Let  the  well-known  do  that,  whom  the  laws  of  all  people 
mark,  etc. 

Guest:  Well,  what  will  be  performed?  It  should  please  the 
bishop,  etc. 

-  (Indeed,  it  should  please  him),  a  man  outstanding  in  splendour,  who  here 
presides  as  leader  over  the  consecrated  chorus,  etc. 

-  He,  who  has  attained  the  holy  yoke  of  honour  and  virtue  through  harsh 
thorns,  takes  his  name  and  sign  from  thorns.  I 

Guest:  The  performers? 

Guest:  Very  learned  ones? 

—  O  would  that  they  were!  Not  very  learned  at  all,  and  inexperienced  in  years 
and  also  in  their  art:  they  have  taken  only  the  first  sip  of  the  elements  of 
grammar  and  have  a  nodding  acquaintance  with  the  simple  letters  of  Cordier, 
/Esop,  and  Terence.  (They  stand)  at  the  threshold  only  and  hardly  even  there! 
But  you  are  still  curious  how,  if  you  please,  this  may  be  so  subtly  and  nicely 
shown  and  you  are  asking  about  a  play  as  if  this  were  one  reason  for  coming. 
You  have  a  care  for  strange  things,  I  fear,  shaken  by  your,  etc.  And  they  say 
that  curious  people  are  talkative;  I  am  prepared  (to  answer)  whatever  you  will 
ask,  but  ask  in  a  few  words,  etc. 

They  teach  in  school  the  way  of  virtue  and  vice  by  example,  how  to  follow 
the  one  and  flee  the  other.  So  he  who  mixed  the  useful  with  the  pleasant  has 
reported  every  point,  etc. 

Ready  to  speak,  I  dealt  with  what  should  be  done  here  and  what  said  and  I 
said  everything  for  our  guest,  while  he  is  now  asking  each  thing  one  by  one, 
so  that  nothing  can  now  remain  which  might  become  you  (to  ask).  Here  I 
beg  you  all,  and  you  above  all,  most  noble  bishop,  patron  of  the  muses  and 
their  common  parent,  whom  we  hold  as  (blank)  in  place  of  a  presiding  spirit. 
Forgive  the  things  we  say  -  they  are  slight  -  since  greater  things  may  not  now 
be  given.  Would  that  this  preparation  would  yield  worthy  plays!  Still,  you 


have  (before  you)  willing  and  respectful  souls:  may  you  be  good  and  kindly, 
approachable  by  your  own,  o  fortunate  one!  We  are  young  boys:  we  will 
present  nothing  exact;  we  are  poor  and  little:  we  will  present  nothing  excep 
tional;  we  are  small  and  weak:  we  will  present  nothing  refined.  I  But  if  the 
things  we  put  on  for  you  are  pleasing,  this  nearly  nothing  (of  ours)  will  have 
been  enough  and  more. 


Answer  of  Matthew  and  Margaret  Chubbe,  Defendants  in  Condytt  et  al 

v,  Chubbe  etal     PRO:   STAC  8/94/17 

mb   18*    (2 June) 


(signed)  By  me,  Matthew  Chubbe.  The  sign  of  Margaret  M  Chubbe. 

The  aforesaid  defendants  were  sworn  at  Dorchester  in  the  county  of  Dorset  on 
2  June  1608  at  the  sign  of  The  George  there. 

Before  (signed)  Thomas  Barnes,  John  Arnold,  and  John  Geare,  commission 
ers.  Strode. 



Quarter  Sessions  Orders     DRO:   QSM:  1/1 

f  199v*   (7-8  July)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  next  assize) 

Taken  at  the  Shaftesbury  sessions  before  Sir  John  Croke,  judge  of  Kings  Bench; 
Nathaniel  Napier,  knight;  Gerard  Wood,  DD;  John  Whetcombe,  DD;  and  Arthur 
Radford  and  William  Whittaker,  esquires 


(He  is  bound  over)  to  reply  to  these  (charges). 

William  Scot  of  Hinton  Martell  in  the  county  of  Dorset,  fiddler,  is  bound 
to  the  lord  king  for  £20;  William  Godard  of  Tollard  Royal  in  the  county  of 
Wiltshire,  gentleman,  for  £10;  and  Thomas  Frye  of  Ashmore  in  the  county 
of  Dorset  aforesaid,  gentleman,  is  bound  to  the  same  lord  king  for  £10: 
for  the  appearance  of  the  said  William  Scot  at  the  next  assizes  and  general 
gaol  delivery  held  in  the  aforesaid  county  to  reply  to  these  (charges). 

320  DORSET 



Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:    Harley  MS.  67 1  5 

f  42    (22  May)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  assizes) 


Thomas  Barrier  of  Ilsingron,  yeoman,  is  bound  for  £20. 
Guarantors  Richard  Geng  of  Puddlerown,  husbandman,  and  Thomas  Srone  of  rhe 

same,  tailor,  are  each  bound  for  £10. 

(The  obligation)      For  the  appearance  of  the  said  Thomas  Bartlet  at  the  next  general  (gaol) 
is  cleared  on          delivery  to  answer  these  (charges),  etc. 

the  first  ot  July 



Bishop  Simon  of  Ghent's  Register     WRO:    DI/2/I 

f  134v*   (6 April) 

A  letter  sent  to  the  dean  of  Shaftesbury  against  those  carrying  out  unsuitable 
pastimes  in  the  churchyard  of  the  conventual  church  of  Shaftesbury. 
Simon,  by  divine  permission  bishop  of  Salisbury,  to  his  beloved  son  in  Christ, 
the  dean  of  Shaftesbury:  greetings,  grace,  and  blessing.  While  travelling 
through  the  neighbourhood  of  Shaftesbury  not  long  ago,  among  other  rhings 
that  then  came  to  our  hearing,  we  were  informed  by  a  reliable  report  that, 
although  -  in  connection  with  an  initiative  of  our  prompting  —  it  had  been 
formerly  ordered  under  grave  penalties  and  censures  by  our  authority  that  the 
churchyard  of  the  conventual  church  of  the  aforesaid  place  should  not  be 
befouled  by  the  exercise  of  disreputable  plays/pastimes  and  insolent  gather 
ings  and  by  other  dances  which  arouse  the  miserable  souls  of  those  who  come 
together  (there)  to  lascivious  and  dissipated  wandering  and,  moreover,  it 
was  also  ordered  that  the  fencing-in  of  the  same  churchyard  or  cemetery  be 
plainly  visible  on  every  side  so  that  there  may  be  no  entry  for  dumb  animals  to 
trample  in  the  place  dedicated  to  God  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  faithful 
rest,  nevertheless  some,  contrary  to  this  prohibition,  striving  to  diminish  and 
harm  ecclesiastical  liberty  and  immunity,  like  degenerate  sons  jealous  of 
their  mother's  honour,  entering  the  aforesaid  churchyard  or  cemetery  with 
rash  daring,  make  such  a  clamour  about  and  so  disturb  -  as  aforementioned 
with  dances  and  harmful  pastimes  -  the  divine  services  that  customarily  occur 
in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  which  forms  one  joint  space  with  the  said 


churchyard,  and  in  ocher  churches  adjoining  the  same  (churchyard)  that  we 
fear  for  as  it  were  a  daily  violation  both  of  the  churches  and  of  the  afore 
mentioned  churchyard  and  as  a  consequence  probably  an  interdict  (there). 
Mindful  therefore  that  holiness  befits  the  Lord's  house,  so  that  the  worship 
of  Him  in  Whose  peace  the  place  was  made  may  be  peaceful,  with  due 
reverence,  and  chat  there  may  be  humble  and  devout  entering  into  the  church, 
quiet  behaviour  pleasing  to  God  and  calm  for  those  looking  on,  so  that  they 
might  attend  to  the  sacred  solemnities  there  with  intent  hearts  and  persist  in 
devout  prayers,  (and)  so  that  they  may  cease  from  their  outcries  and  rushing 
about  in  it  and  its  cemetery  or  churchyards  dedicated  to  God  and  may  quiet 
their  profane  conversations  and  especially  the  jeering  of  a  harmful  pastime 
and  the  clamours  of  their  insolent  behaviour  -  we  firmly  enjoin  on  you  by 
virtue  of  your  holy  obedience,  commit  to  you,  and  order  that  you,  taking 
along  with  you  the  rectors  and  vicars  of  the  neighbouring  churches  of  the 
said  town  if  needed,  warn  all  these  evildoers  on  Sundays  and  holy  days  and 
effectually  persuade  them  under  pain  of  the  greater  excommunication, 
which  those  who  disobey  can  not  undeservedly  fear,  to  desist  from  such  rash 
presumption  hereafter.  Otherwise  you  shall  cite  those  whom  you  find  to  be 
rebellious  in  this  regard  to  appear  before  us  or  our  official  in  the  greater  church 
at  Salisbury  during  our  next  consistory  session  concerning  the  archdeaconry 
of  Dorset  to  be  held  ex  officio  after  your  lawful  warning,  ready  to  respond 
to  us  upon  these  matters  and  what  pertains  to  them  and  ready  to  do  and 
receive  further  what  is  appropriate  in  accordance  with  the  canons  laid  down 
in  such  a  regard.  You  shall  certify  openly  what  you  have  done  about  the 
foregoing  and  the  names  of  any  rebellious  persons  cited  to  us,  our  official, 
or  another  acting  as  his  deputy  on  the  day  and  in  the  place  aforementioned 
by  means  of  your  letter  patent  containing  a  copy  of  this  (letter).  Farewell. 
Given  at  Woodford  on  6  April  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  1311  and  the  fourteenth 
year  of  our  consecration. 



All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:CWl/5 

single  mb  (25  December-25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

..And  of  £7  10s  6d  received  from  John  Yonge,  baker,  for  ale  sold,  called  the 
king's  ale,  this  year.... 

322  DORSET 


.  .And  in  rewards  given  to  men  carrying  the  shrine  on  the  feast  of  Corpus 
Christi  this  year,  together  with  thread  bought  for  the  said  shrine,  7d.... 


All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/6 
single  sheet  (25  December— 25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

. .  .And  of  £7  13s  4d  received  from  Robert  Watson  for  the  ale  sold  by  him, 
called  the  king's  ale,  this  year. ... 

(Payments  and  expenses) 

. ..And  on  the  mending  (of)  the  shrine  this  year,  7d And  on  thread  and 

nails  bought  for  the  shrine  this  year  4d —  And  on  men  hired  to  carry  the 
shrine  this  year,  4d.  And  paid  to  the  sacrist  for  keeping  the  shrine,  3d 


All  Hallows' Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:    PE/SH:  CW  1/7 

single  sheet  (25  December— 25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

. .  .And  of  1 1 6s  8d  received  from  Robert  Cookeman,  tanner,  for  the  ale,  called 
the  king's  ale,  sold  by  him  this  year — 

(Payments  and  expenses) 

. .  .And  on  the  mending  (of)  the  shrine  this  year,  6d.  And  on  men  hired  to 
carry  the  shrine  this  year,  together  with  nails  and  thread  bought  for  the  same 
(shrine),  12d.... 


All  Hallows'  Churchwarden's  Accounts     DRO:   PE/SH:  CW  1/8 

single  mb*  (25  December-25  December)  (Rents,  sales,  and  gifts) 

. .  .And  of  £7  8s  received  from  John  Pope  for  the  ale,  called  king's  ale,  sold 
by  him  this  year  — 


(Payments  and  expenses) 

.And  paid  for  thread,  nails,  and  the  watching  of  the  shrine  on  the  feast  of 
Corpus  Christi,  6d.  And  on  men  hired  to  carry  the  said  shrine  on  the  said 
feast,  6d.... 



Examination  of  Anne  Barter     DRO:    PE/WM:  CP2/8,  item  90 

single  sheet-single  sheet  verso  (23  February) 

Proceedings  of  the  court  held  before  William  Stone,  MA.  official,  in  the  presence  of 
Sampson  Morice,  notary  public  and  deputy  registrar 

The  lord's  office  promoted  against  Stephen  Barter  and  Anne,  his  wife,  for 
incontinence  before  marriage. 

Today  the  said  Anne  appeared  and  on  the  strength  of  her  corporal  oath 
already  taken  she  acknowledged  that  (English). 



Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:   Harley  MS.  6715 
f  54v   (14  January)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  sessions) 

Committed  by  order  of  the  Blandford  sessions  for  a  scandalous  song. 
William  Honny  of  Stour  Provost,  I 
Ferdinand  Thomas  of  the  same,  w< 
Edward  Scot  of  the  same,  wheeler 

William  Honny  of  Stour  Provost,  husbandman  f 

Ferdinand  Thomas  of  the  same,  weaver,  individually 

w..n  c  I  i20  each 

William  Hopkins  or  the  same,  mason 

(Bound)  for  the  appearance  of  the  aforesaid  Honny  and  Thomas  at  the  next 

sessions  and  in  the  meantime  for  good  behaviour. 

Committed  for  the  like. 

The  same  Scot  and  Hopkins  each  for  £40 

And  the  same  Honny  and  Thomas  each  for  £20 

(Bound)  for  the  appearance  of  that  Scot  and  Hopkins  at  the  next  sessions 

and  for  good  behaviour. 

324  DORSET 



Borough' and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM:   MB.O-B 

p   321*    (3  October)(  Presentments  by  jury  of  court  leet) 

The  aforesaid  jurors  further  say  and  present  upon  their  oath  that  Henry 
Backway  placed  a  pile  of  earth,  in  English,  'a  heap  of  earth'  in  the  place  where 
the  maypole  would  formerly  stand  and  that  Henry  Waltham  and  Godfrye 
placed  two  piles  of  earth  and  soil  in  the  street  called  St  Mary  Street.  And 
they  are  ordered  to  remove  the  same  piles  before  the  next  feast  of  All  Saints 
under  penalty  that  each  one  who  is  delinquent  will  forfeit  5s. 


Borough  and  Borough  Court  Minute  Book     WM:    MB.O-B 

p  419    (7  Octobcr)(Presentments  by  jury  of  court  left) 

At  this  court  Richard  Hickes  presented  upon  his  oath  that  William  Barens 
—  3s  4d  —  and  John  Hingston  -  3s  4d  -  killed  two  bulls  within  this  town 
before  the  next  court  and  not  publicly  (blank),  in  English,  'did  not  bait  them 
openly.'  Therefore  each  of  them  is  under  amercement  for  the  sums  above 
their  names. 



Casebook  of  Sir  Francis  Ashley     BL:    Harley  MS.  671  5 

f  1  5v   (25  May)  (Bonds  taken  for  the  assizes) 


Henry  Chepman  of  Monkton,  husbandman  for          £40 

John  Middleton  of  the  same,  yeoman  and 

£20  each 

Henry  Notley  of  the  same,  husbandman 

For  (Chepman's)  appearance  at  the  next  assizes  to  reply  to  these  (charges). 


John  Blanchard  of  Monkton,  husbandman  for  £40 

John  Middleton  of  the  same,  yeoman  and  for  £20 

Henry  Notley  of  the  same,  husbandman  for  £20 

For  (Blanchard's)  appearance  at  the  next  assizes  to  reply  to  these  (charges). 



William  Bartlet  of  Monkton,  clerk  for          £40 

For  his  appearance  at  the  next  assizes  to  give  evidence  against  Henry  Chepman 

and  John  Blanchard. 


119     PRO:  SP  16/96     single  sheet 

Although  this  document  has  been  published  in  Stokes  with  Alexander  (eds),  Somerset  Including  Bath, 
vol  1 ,  p  436,  we  have  reprinted  it  here  because  it  establishes  as  the  precedent  for  the  Somerset  action 
an  order  for  the  suppression  of  ales  in  Dorset.  This  is  the  earliest  evidence  extant  for  countywide 
opposition  to  such  festivities,  which  are  regularly  seen,  as  the  visits  of  travelling  performers  are,  as  a 
focus  for  increasingly  strong  Puritan  opposition  to  entertainments. 

119-20     PRO:  Assi  24/20/140     f  35v 

This  order  was  part  of  the  business  conducted  by  a  western  circuit  assize  held  at  Dorchester  before  Sir 
John  Denham  on  21  July  1631.  It  represents  a  continuation  of  the  effort  to  regulate  or  suppress  cus 
tomary  ales  and  revels  on  the  grounds  that  they  occasioned  disorder.  The  document  alludes  to  an  earlier 
order  for  the  suppression  of  such  events,  that  of  July  1628  when  the  assizes  met  at  Sherborne.  In  the 
same  year  a  group  of  ministers  from  Somerset  petitioned  Sir  John  Denham  to  grant  an  order  for  the 
suppression  of  ales  and  revels  in  their  home  county,  an  order  similar  to  that  made  even  earlier,  in  1627, 
at  'the  last  Summer  Assises  held  for  the  County  of  Dorsett'  (p  119,  1.15).  For  other  orders  contributing 
to  the  effort  to  regulate,  if  not  eliminate,  public  ales  and  revels  and  for  an  abstract  of  the  Dorset  order 
of  1631,  see  Cockburn  (ed),  Western  Circuit  Assize  Orders,  pp  33,  46-7. 

121      WRO:   D5/28/6,  item  34     single  sheet 

The  Wiltshire  and  Swmdon  Record  Office  has  assigned  the  bundle  of  documents  including  this  entry 
to  the  years  1591-3;  this  item,  like  many  others,  is  not  explicitly  dated.  Although  the  sheet  lists  Roger 
Crabbe  and  Richard  Horsford  as  churchwardens,  in  the  absence  of  surviving  churchwardens'  accounts 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  the  date  more  precisely. 

121-2      DRO:   QSM:  1/1      ff  272v-3 

Folio  272v  is  headed  'de  Ordinibus,'  and  f  273,  'Adhuc  de  Ordinibus.'  The  scribe's  unusual  final  Y  is 

transcribed  as  a  single  letter  except  in  'Ma/«t/«  Iustic«'  (p  122,  1.28)  where  it  is  a  sign  for  'es.' 

Thomas  Freke  (1563-1633)  was  the  son  of  Robert  Freke,  teller  of  the  Exchequer  and  surveyor  for 
Dorset.  Robert  had  married  a  Blandford  girl  and  set  himself  up  as  a  country  gentleman  at  Iwerne 
Courtney.  Freke  was  MP  for  Dorchester  in  1584  and  for  Dorset  in  1604  and  1626  and  deputy  lieutenant 
of  the  county  for  about  thirty  years;  he  and  his  son  owned  the  largest  of  the  Dorset  privateering  ships 
and  he  lent  money  to  both  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  and  Lord  Burleigh.  He  was  knighted  at  the  coronation  of 
James  I.  Sir  John  Strode  (d.  1642)  of  Chantmarlc,  Dorset,  was  MP  for  Bridport  in  1620-1.  Leweston 



Fitzjames  (r  1574-1638)  of  Leweston,  Dorset,  was  educated  at  Balliol  and  admitted  to  the  Middle 
Temple;  he  was  MP  for  Bridport  in  1597.  He  was  related  to  the  prominent  Dorset  Trenchard  family 
and  had  connections  with  the  Hannams  of  Wimborne  Minster.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  complained  of  his 
quarrelsome  behaviour  in  1596  (PW  Hasler,  The  House  of  Commons,  1558- 1603.  vol  2  (London,  1981), 


The  account  of  the  puppet  players  is  described  in  Bettey,  'Puppet-Players.'  On  5  July  1630,  according 
to  the  diary  of  William  Whiteway,  puppet  players  had  appeared  in  Dorchester  and  were  refused  leave  to 
play  although  they  had  Charles  is  warrant  (seep  200,  II.  10-1  1 ).  Just  four  years  later  Beaminster's 
curate,  Mr  Spratt,  told  his  parishioners  to  follow  their  consciences  -  not  the  king  -  on  the  sabbath  and 
gave  other  signs  of  obdurate  Puritanism  (Bettey,  'Varieties  of  Men,'  p  847).  The  puppet  players  were 
probably  from  Lancashire:  when  William  Sands  of  Preston  died  in  September  1638  he  willed  to  his  son 
John  his  'Shewe  called  the  Chaos,  the  Wagon,  the  Stage,  &  all  the  loyners  tooles  &  other  ymplemwt«  . 
to  the  said  Shewe  belonging'  (see  David  George  (cd),  Lancashire,  REED  (Toronto,  1991),  87  and  334). 

122-4    WRO:  D5/22/2     ff  47v-8 

Thomas  Hewlett,  husbandman,  Geoffrey  Phipper,  husbandman,  and  Francis  Blundon  are  deposed  be 
fore  officials  of  the  ecclesiastical  court  in  a  suit  brought  for  defamation  by  the  minstrel,  Thomas  Whiffen, 
and  his  wife,  Eleanor,  against  Henry  Gerrard.  Gerrard,  the  Whiffens,  and  all  the  witnesses  were  from 
Bere  Regis.  The  depositions,  taken  on  interrogatories  proposed  by  the  plaintiffs,  were  taken  before 
William  Wilkinson,  chancellor  of  the  diocese  of  Salisbury,  1591-1613.  For  Wilkinson's  biography,  see 
Brian  P.  Levack,  The  Civil  Lawyers  in  England  1603-1641:  A  Political  Study  (Oxford,  1973),  279. 
According  to  Hutchins,  David  Woodnutt  (p  123,  1.17)  was  vicar  from  1574  until  his  death  in  1592 
(History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  155). 

125     DRO:  PE/BER:CW1     ff  2,3 

Although  the  presence  of  the  minstrel,  Thomas  Whitfen,  at  the  1590  Bere  Regis  church  ale  shows  that 
the  ale  might  sometimes  attract  performers,  there  is  no  clear  indication  -  as  there  is  for  the  Sherborne 
king  ale,  for  example  -  that  performance  or  mimetic  activity  was  an  intrinsic  part  of  the  Bere  Regis 
celebration.  Bere  Regis  ale  receipts  for  the  years  1607-8  and  1616-17  are  printed  in  the  Records  since 
in  those  years  the  parish  paid  performers  who  may  have  played  at  the  ale.  Receipts  for  other  years  are 
as  follows:  £15  in  1608-9  (f5).  £21  2s  6d  in  1609-10  (f6v),£12in  1610-11  (f  8),  £10  5s  3d  in 
161 1-12  (f  10),  £11  Is2din  1612-13  (f  12),  £13  Is4din  1613-14  (f  16,  repeating  the  sum  recorded 
in  a  cancelled  account  on  f  14).  Payments  to  mend  the  parish  drum  in  1607-8  (1.36)  and  for  a  'drum 
Corde'  in  1613-14  (f  14)  may  have  had  no  connection  with  a  specific  performance  or  with  the  ale. 
Note  that  the  account  of  churchwardens  Tobias  Mead  and  William  Quoke  on  f  10  is  headed  'AD  1612,' 
which  would  ordinarily  introduce  the  account  for  1612-13;  the  account  on  f  12,  however,  is  clearly  the 
1612-13  account,  and  a  complete  account  for  1610-1 1  begins  on  f  8,  so  Mead's  and  Quoke's  account 
must  have  been  for  161 1-12. 

Two  studies  referring  to  the  Bere  Regis  church  ale  as  part  of  a  pattern  of  local  religious  controversy 
and  conflict  about  parish  celebration  may  overstate  the  Bere  Regis  evidence.  As  Underdown  states, 
churchwardens'  accounts  record  church  ale  receipts  in  each  year  until  1614-15,  when  receipts  from 
the  rates  are  the  major  source  of  parish  revenue  (f  19).  He  continues,  however:  'But  there  was  fierce 
resistance  to  the  change.  The  rate  produced  less  than  half  the  amount  normally  raised  by  the  church 
ale,  there  were  large  unpaid  arrears  and  apparitor's  fees  "for  following  the  suit  against  those  that  do  refuse 
to  pay  the  rate".  In  1616  Bere  Regis  returned  to  the  old  ways  and  held  a  successful  church  ale,  making 


a  new  "vizard  for  the  players".  A  gap  in  the  churchwardens'  accounts  obscures  the  next  few  years,  but 
by  1624  the  struggle  was  over.  The  1624  rate  raised  more  than  the  earlier  ales  had  done,  and  by  now 
there  were  increasing  revenues  from  the  sale  of  church  seats.  Ales  were  as  unnecessary  to  the  repair  of 
the  Bere  Regis  church  as  they  had  at  last  become  unacceptable  to  its  parish  elite  (emphasis  added;  Revel, 
p  91).  Certainly  the  parish  resisted  the  new  levy  in  1614  but  that  seems  scant  evidence  for  a  'struggle' 
in  a  parish  which  seems  to  have  made  no  effort  to  oust  its  unsatisfactory  vicar,  the  poet  Thomas  Bastard, 
vicar  from  1592  to  1618  (Bettey,  'Varieties  of  Men,'  pp  846-7).  Similarly,  in  discussing  the  impact  on 
local  merry-making  of 'the  demonstration  of  feeling  within  Parliament  against  "profanation"  of  the 
Sabbath'  early  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  Hutton  says  the  Bere  Regis  church  ale  ended  in  1625-6  (Rise 
and  Fall,  p  189);  in  fact,  the  last  evidence  of  an  ale  at  Bcrc  Regis  is  in  1616-17,  a  different  stage  in 
Hutton's  interpretive  chronology. 

127     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts      f  B9 

The  record  refers  to  the  old  town  hall;  the  town  raised  funds  to  build  a  new  town  hall  in  1592-3  (ffB13- 

B13v;seepp  14-15). 

127     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B14 

Augustine  Drake  copied  these  receipts  (11.12-14)  below  his  copy  of  an  original  account  of 'Monye  laied 
out  ...  for  the  towne'  by  'John  Cleeues,'  one  of  the  town  stewards  for  1594-5.  The  additional  receipts 
(11.19-21)  are  part  of  Drake's  copy,  on  the  same  folio,  of  the  reckoning  made  on  5  November  by  Cleeves 
and  the  other  steward,  Robert  Keynell.  They  probably  represent  a  summary  of  the  same  receipts  but 
are  included  because  they  may  reflect  a  separate  payment  of  7s  6d  made  by  players  to  Keynell.  Drake 
copies  yet  another  list  of  receipts  for  1  595  on  f  Bl  3v;  included  is  an  entry  for  7s  6d  'Receiuedof  John 
Cleeues  that  was  Receiuedof  the  players,'  confirming  thatTmstrum's  company  and  Lord  Stafford's  and 
Lord  Monteagle's  men  were  players. 

John  Cleeves  (1.10)  was  an  influential  Blandford  citizen.  One  of  those  responsible  for  the  town  fund- 
raising  ale  in  1591-2,  he  also  served  as  steward  in  1595-6,  1596-7,  1597-8,  1599-1600,  1600-1, 
1601-2,  1603-4,  and  1604-5  and  as  chamberlain  in  1605-6;  he  collected  money  at  the  1603/4 
Blandford  race  meeting  (p  129,  1.24)  and  was  one  of  three  townsmen  who  loaned  money  to  Blandford 
in  1600  (ff  BlOv  and  B13  and  F2,  F3,  F4,  F6,  F6v,  F7,  F8,  F9,  and  F10). 

Robert  Keynell  was  again  steward  in  1595-6,  1596-7,  and  1597-8,  bailiff  in  1600-1,  steward  in 
1602-3,  chamberlain  in  1613-14,  1614-15, and  161 5-16  and  bailiffin  1614-15.  His  brother-in-law, 
Christopher  Comege,  left  money  to  the  almshouse  and  to  Blandford's  poor  (ff  F2,  F3,  F4,  F7,  F12v, 
F15v,  F16,  and  Fl6v;  see  also  p  129, 1.7  below). 

127     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  F2 
Drake's  copy  of  the  original  entry  occurs  on  f  B15. 

127      DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B15v 

'Gawler'  (1.35)  may  have  been  John  Gawler,  a  saddler  who  leased  from  the  town  a  shop  adjoining  his 
house  for  a  twenty-one-year  lease  ending  at  Michaelmas  1602;  a  John  Gawler  was  town  bailiffin 
1610-1  1,  and  the  'widdow  Gawler'  earned  wages  during  the  1603/4  race  meeting.  See  f  Flv  and  p  132, 
1.24  and  p  135,1.16. 

127-8      DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  F5 

Drake's  copy  of  a  list  of  receipts  for  the  same  year  records  that  Andrew  Pope  would  pay  the  town  20s 



at  the  next  town  reckoning  for  'playes  played  in  the  yeldhall  this  yeare  past'  (f  B16v).  According  to 
J.H.P  PafTord,  Pope  was  probably  a  Blandford  man  ('Blandford  Forum,'  p  285). 

Jehonadab  Sherlye  (p  128, 1.5)  was  one  of  Blandford's  mosc  prominent  citizens  berween  1  590  and 
1630.  Like  John  Cleeves,  one  of  those  responsible  for  the  ales  of  the  early  1590s  that  were  held  to  raise 
money  for  the  new  Blandford  guildhall,  he  was  steward  in  1598-9,  1599-1600,  1600-1,  and  1601-2 
and  -  judging  by  the  sum  paid  him  for  his  expenses  -  he  was  one  of  the  more  important  organizers  of 
the  celebrations  surrounding  the  races  in  1603-4  (p  132,1.13).  He  was  bailiff  in  1604-5,  chamber 
lain  in  1606-7,  bailiff  in  161 1-12,  and  chamberlain  again  in  1616-17.  On  30  May  161  5  Blandford's 
bailiff  placed  town  money  in  Sherlye's  hands,  Sherlye  was  to  pay  for  the  use  of  the  money  to  benefit 
the  poor  in  Blandford's  almshouse.  See  ff  BlOv,  F4,  F6,  F6v,  F8,  F9,  F12,  F15v,  and  F17;  and  p  133, 
1.36;  and  p  135.11.23-4. 

128     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B16v 

Bailiff  Rawlingston  (1.12)  may  have  been  Thomas  Rawlinston  who  rented  the  'play  close'  from  the  town 
in  1600-1  and  who  sold  the  town  a  'rostinge  pugg'  for  the  dinners  at  the  race  meeting  of  1603-4. 
The  play  close  was  kept  available  for  archery  practice;  it  took  its  name  from  the  bowling  and  other  un 
lawful  games  specifically  prohibited  in  its  precincts.  See  ff  B 1  Ov  and  F6  and  p  131,1.19. 

128     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts     f  F6 

Pope's  payment  is  for  money  owed  the  town  for  plays  in  the  guildhall  in  1598-9  (p  127, 1.42-p  128, 1.2). 

128     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     fB18v 

This  is  the  first  reference  to  the  Shrovetide  horse  race  which  was  an  important  town  fund-raiser  berween 
at  least  1603-4  and  1615-16;  although  the  Blandford  races  were  celebrated  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
they  disappear  from  the  chamberlains'  accounts  in  1616.  The  Blandford  race  meeting,  apparently 
overseen  by  the  town  bailiff,  may  be  compared  to  races  at  Chester,  which  had  clearer  associations  with 
local  festive  customs.  At  Chester  Shrove  Tuesday  races  dated  to  1 539-40;  the  prize  for  a  Shrove  Tuesday 
foot  race  replaced  an  earlier  guild  homage  of  a  football,  and  a  prize  for  a  Shrove  Tuesday  horse  race  re 
placed  another  homage.  In  1610  Chester  also  began  to  run  a  horse  race  on  St  George's  Day  (Lawrence 
W.  Clopper  (ed),  Chester,  REED  (Toronto,  1979),  lii-liii,  41,  234-6).  Compiling  records  for  1608-9 
Chester's  seventeenth-century  antiquarian,  David  Rogers,  states  that  he  believes  horse  races  and  other 
customs  are  'yearely  vsed'  at  Chester,  'which  is  doone  in  uerye  fewe,  if  anye  Citties  of  Englande'  (Clop 
per  (ed),  Chester,  p  238). 

In  1603-4  the  festivities  associated  with  the  Blandford  race  meeting  ran  for  a  week,  from  Sunday  to 
Saturday.  The  chamberlains'  less  detailed  accounts  for  later  years  specifically  assign  the  race  to  'Shrove 
tide'  in  1605-6,  1606-7,  161 1-12,  and  1615-16;  in  other  years  no  time  of  year  is  mentioned.  The 
relatively  large  profits  of  1604-5,  1605-6,  1607-8,  and  1 61 1-12  suggest  that  at  least  in  those  years 
the  race  meeting  probably  ran  for  a  week,  as  it  had  in  1603-4;  smaller  profits  in  1606-7  and  1615-16 
may  reflect  less  prolonged  festivities,  less  extravagant  celebrations,  or  less  well-controlled  costs. 

Despite  the  downplaying  of  Ash  Wednesday  by  Elizabeth  it  seems  unlikely  that  early  Stuart  towns 
men  would  have  organized  seven  days  of  feasting  and  gambling  with  Ash  Wednesday  as  the  centrepiece 
of  the  celebration,  particularly  with  the  dietary  restrictions  which  would  have  obtained  on  Ash  Wednesday 
and  the  three  days  following:  the  most  significant  source  of  revenue  in  the  detailed  accounts  of  1603-4 
are  the  sums  paid  the  town  for  dinners  and  suppers.  In  years  in  which  the  race  meeting. lasted  an  entire 
week  the  'Shrovetide'  race  probably  ran  from  Sexagesima  Sunday  to  the  following  Saturday,  that  is, 

330  DORSET 

during  the  week  preceding  the  Monday  and  Tuesday  more  commonly  called  Shrovetide.  (For  Shrove 
tide  customs  before  and  during  the  early  Stuart  period  and  for  the  Lenten  fast  in  the  reign  of  James  I 
see  Hutton,  Stations  of  the  Sun,  pp  151-7  and  169-70.) 

George  Harbyn  (1.28)  occurs  in  the  race  meeting  accounts  for  1603-4;  he  was  bailiff  in  1606-7 
and  chamberlain  in  1606-7,  1610-1 1,  161 1-12,  and  1612-13.  See  ff  FlOv,  F12,  F14,  and  FHvand 
p  132,1.11  andp  134,1.16. 

129      DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B19 

The  receipts  for  the  1603-4  race  given  here  repeat  the  net  profits  recorded  in  the  itemized  accounts 
entered  on  ff  Bl9v-20.  John  Cleeves  and  John  Roper,  town  stewards,  rendered  their  account  for  the 
same  sum  on  5  November  1604  (f  F9).  Roper,  or  Rooper,  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  town  ale  in 
1592-3,  one  of  the  collectors  for  the  poor  in  1595-6,  and  bailiff  in  1600-1.  Together  with  John 
Cleeves  and  Jehonadab  Sherlye,  he  loaned  money  to  the  town  in  1599-1600,  a  debt  still  unpaid  in 
1601-2  (ffBllv,  Fl,  F6v,  and  F8). 

129-33     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     ff  B19v-20 

The  race  meeting  was  probably  held  12-18  February  1603/4  (Sexagesima  week)  rather  than  19-24 
February,  the  week  which  included  the  days  usually  referred  to  as  Shrovetide  (see  pp  329-30,  endnote 
to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  Bl8v). 

Most  notable  among  the  many  names  in  this  account  are  Sir  Ralph  'Horssyes'  or  Horsey  (p  130, 
1.19)  and  Sir  'Care  Rawleigh'  or  Carew  Ralegh  (p  130,  1.20).  A  member  of  one  of  the  most  prominent 
Dorset  families,  Horsey  was  lord  lieutenant  of  Dorset  as  early  as  1  594  when  he  was  present  at  one  of 
Sir  George  Trenchard's  dinners  with  Sir  Walter  and  Carew  Ralegh  and  others,  and  rebuked  Carew 
Ralegh  for  loose  speeches  (G.B.  Harrison  (ed).  An  Elizabethan  Journal:  Being  a  Record  of  Those  Things 
Most  Talked  of  during  the  Yean  1591-1594  (London,  1928),  295).  Carew  Ralegh  (c  1550-1626)  was 
the  older  brother  and  lifelong  friend  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  Beginning  his  career  with  voyages  of  discovery 
he  was  on  a  list  of  captains  preparing  to  defend  England  against  Spain  in  the  1580s  and  was  vice  ad 
miral  for  Dorset  in  1597.  He  frequently  reaped  rewards  when  his  more  famous  younger  brother  was 
in  favour  with  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  knighted  Carew  in  1601.  He  became  gentleman  of  horse  to  Sir 
John  Thynne  of  Longleat  before  1  580;  after  Thynne's  death  he  married  the  widow,  whose  Wiltshire 
connections  probably  influenced  his  settlement  at  Downton  House  near  Salisbury  in  the  late  1590s. 
During  the  1590s  he  had  been  one  of  the  set  surrounding  Ralegh  who  debated  religious  topics,  and  he 
and  his  stepson  were  among  those  accused  before  rhe  commission  at  Cerne  in  1  594,  where  the  Wyke 
Regis  parson  asserted  that  the  Ralegh  brothers  had  confiscated  his  horse  at  Blandford  three  years  earlier. 
When  the  parson  protested  that  he  needed  his  horse  if  he  were  to  preach  in  his  parish  the  next  day, 
Carew  is  supposed  to  have  answered  that  'he  might  go  home  when  he  would  but  his  horse  should  preach 
before  him.'  See  'Sir  Walter  Ralegh'  in  the  DNB;  Hasler,  House  of  Commons,  vol  3,  pp  271-3;  Harrison 
(ed),  An  Elizabethan  Journal  1591-1594,  p  295;  G.B.  Harrison  (ed),  A  Last  Elizabethan  Journal:  Being 
a  Record  of  Those  Things  Most  Talked  of  during  the  Years  1599-1603  (London,  1933),  235;  and  Lloyd, 
Dorset  Elizabethans,  pp  260-4. 

Several  prominent  Blandford  citizens  also  occur  in  these  accounts.  For  John  Cleeves  (p  129,  1.24) 
see  p  328,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B14.  Hugh  Macham  (p  131, 
1. 18  andp  132,  1.14)  was  chamberlain  in  1610-11,  1611-12,  1612-13,  1621-2,  1622-3,  and  1623-4 
(ffFl4,  Fl4v,  F15,  F18,and  F18v).  For  Thomas  Rawlingston  (p  131,  1.19)  see  p  329,  endnote  to 
DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  Bl6v.  If 'mr  Macham'  (p  131, 1.23)  was  not  Hugh 
Macham  he  may  have  been  the  'mr  macham,'  bailiff  in  1  592-3,  who  took  a  seven-year  lease  on  the 


play  close  (see  p  329,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B 1 6v)  in  the  same 
year  (f  BlOv).  Edward  Macham  was  a  leaseholder  in  1595  (f  Flv)  and  a  steward  in  1604-5,  and  'mr 
macham'  was  bailiff  in  1605-6  (f  F10).  The  'mrs  kcynell'  who  sold  hens  to  the  town  (p  132, 1.1)  may 
have  been  the  wife  of  Robert  Keynell  (see  p  328,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' 
Accounts  f  Bl  4).  Thomas  Pitt  (p  132,  1.9)  was  chamberlain  in  thirteen  of  the  years  between  1607-8 
and  1623-4  (ff  Fl2v-Fl8v).  For  John  Roper  (p  132,  1.10).  see  p  330,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB: 
Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B19.  For  George  Harbyn  (p  132,  1.1 1),  see  pp  329-30,  endnote  to 
DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B18v.  For  Jehonadab  Sherlye  (p  132,  1.13),  see 
pp  328-9,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  F5.  Robert  Swayne  (p  132, 
1. 16)  was  chamberlain  in  1608-9,  1609-10,  and  1618-19  and  bailiff  in  1607-8  and  1613-14  (ffFlZv, 
F13v,  F14,  F15v,  and  Fl7v).  The  'widdow  Gawler'  (p  132, 1.24)  was  probably  connecced  to  John  Gawler, 
for  whom  see  p  328,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B 1 5v.  Several  Pitts 
were  active  in  Blandford  political  circles  and  may,  like  Thomas  Pitt,  be  proposed  as  the  'mr  pitt'  who 
sold  bricks  to  the  town  for  the  kitchen  used  in  the  1603/4  race  celebrations  (p  132,  1.36).  In  1591-2 
John  Pitt  'the  youngest'  was  among  those  running  the  ales  that  raised  money  for  the  guildhall  and  he 
also  guarded  almshouse  money  in  1600.  John  Pitt  the  elder  kept  safe  the  funds  for  the  guildhall  in 
1592-3  and  he  is  listed  among  those  holding  leases  from  the  town  in  1595;  he  loaned  money  to  Bland- 
ford  in  1595-6,  1596-7,  and  1597-8  and  served  as  steward  in  1 598-9  (ffBlOv,  Bl  Iv,  Flv,  F3,  F4v, 
and  F6v). 

133-4     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  F9 

Drake's  copy  of  Sherlye's  account,  including  the  receipts  from  the  race  and  the  women's  hocktide  col 
lection,  is  on  f  B21v. 

134     DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts      f  Fl  1 

The  races  in  this  excerpt  were  probably  held  23  February-!  March  1605/6  and  8-14  February  1606/7, 
if  our  theory  that  the  week-long  race  meetings  were  celebrated  during  Sexagesima  week  is  correct  (see 
pp  329-30,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  Bl8v);  if  the  smaller  profits  of  the 
1606/7  race  represent  a  shorter  meeting  it  is  possible  that  the  races  in  that  year  were  held  16-17  February. 
Sir  John  Rogers  (1.18)  was  a  member  of  a  family  prominent  in  Dorset  since  the  early  sixteenth  century. 
See,  for  example,  the  entries  for  Sir  John's  namesake  in  S.T  Bindoff,  The  House  of  Commons,  1509-1558, 
vol  3  (London,  1982),  208  and  in  Hasler,  House  of  Commons,  1558-1603.  vol  3,  p  302.  Five  members 
of  the  family  were  Elizabethan  MPS  for  Dorset  or  Dorset  boroughs  (Hasler,  House  of  Commons,  1558- 1603, 
vol  3,  pp  298-9  and  301-3). 

134     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Account      f  Fl2v 

In  1595  Justinian  Whiteinge  (1.28)  paid  rent  to  the  town  for  a  burgage  next  to  the  storehouse  he  was 
to  retain  so  long  as  he  remained  schoolmaster;  he  agreed  to  relinquish  the  lease  of  the  schoolhouse  in 
1 599-1600  (ff  Flv  and  F6v). 

134-5     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts     f  B22 

The  account  is  that  of  Thomas  Pitt  and  Robert  Swayne;  immediately  preceding  the  receipts  from  the 
players  is  the  note:  'more  that  is  dew  by  mee  for  monye  which  hath  been  in  my  hand«  since  the  last 
towne  reckoninge,'  almost  certainly  Pitt,  since  he  also  served  as  chamberlain  in  1607-8.  Thomas  Pitt 
is  almost  certainly  the  nephew  of 'my  vnkcll  Kcynell'  (p  135,  1.1),  probably  Robert  Keynell  (seep  328 
endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B14). 

332  DORSET 

135     DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B23v 

A  note  to  the  town  reckoning  for  1612-13  indicates  that  Gawlcr  had  not  yet  settled  the  debt  (f  F15). 

135  DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts      f  Fl4v 

The  profits  of  the  race  referred  to  in  this  excerpt  suggest  that  the  race  meeting  was  a  week-long  celebra 
tion.  If  it  was  and  if  we  are  right  that  such  a  celebration  would  not  have  overlapped  the  first  days  of 
Lent  (see  pp  329-30,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B18v),  then  the 
race  was  held  during  Sexagesima  week,  16-22  February  161 1/12. 

136  DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts     f  B26v 

Swayne's  house  ('my  howse,'  1.1 1)  was  probably  used  in  the  1611/12  race,  the  last  year  when  Jehonadab 
Sherlye  was  bailiff  (see  p  135,  11.23-4).  The  detailed  accounts  for  the  1603/4  race  record  a  payment  of 
£14  15s  8d  to  Swayne  (p  132,  11.16-17)  as  well  as  a  payment  of  2s  to  a  workman  for  two  days  work 
about  his  kitchen  (p  133,  11.1-2). 

136  DRO:   DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts     f  B28v 

This  relatively  unprofitable  race  meeting  may  have  been  held  during  Sexagesima  week,  4-10  February 
1615/16,  or  just  possibly  on  Shrove  Monday  and  Tuesday,  12-13  February  (see  pp  329-30,  endnote 
to  DRO:  DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains'  Accounts  f  B18v). 

137  DRO:    DC/BFB:  Finance:  Chamberlains' Accounts      f  F23 

J.H.P.  Pafford's  transcription  of  references  to  players  in  the  chamberlains'  accounts  omits  the  reference 
to  the  'Children  of  the  Revells'  ('Blandford  Forum'). 

138  DRO:  DC/BTB:M18/11     f  [1] 

Presumably  Henry  Wey  and  Stephen  Shower  were  the  stewards  of  the  ale  and  submitted  their  account  as 
such.  Both  were  later  elected  to  more  prestigious  civic  offices,  including  that  of  bailiff  (Wey  for  1555-6, 
1559-60,  1563-4,  and  1566-7  and  Shower  for  1564-5,  1568-9,  1572-3,  and  1576-7).  Judging 
from  expenses  noted  in  the  account,  money  raised  by  the  ale  was  spent  chiefly  on  the  maintenance  of 
the  streets.  However,  it  may  be  that  these  expenses  were  not  allowed  by  the  borough,  for  ff  [1]  and  [Iv] 
have  both  been  cancelled  by  means  of  an  X  running  diagonally  from  corner  to  corner.  One  problematic 
item  among  the  receipts  is  the  booth  used  by  the  town  to  raise  funds.  The  booth  was  probably  a  canvas- 
covered  stall  from  which  food  was  sold  to  patrons  of  the  ale.  The  proceeds  'for  the  Bowth'  are  so  high 
that  they  must  be  from  the  sale  of  goods  rather  than  from  the  sale  of  the  booth  itself.  Because  later 
records  of  the  Robin  Hood  ale  of  Bridport  include  payments  for  a  bower  and  because  one  sense  of 
'booth'  was  a  temporary  dwelling  made  of  the  boughs  of  trees,  this  booth  may  have  taken  that  form. 

138     DRO:  DC/BTB:M7/10     ff(l,lv] 

In  the  first  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  parish  registers,  extant  only  from  1600  on,  note  the 
baptisms  of  children  of  the  Buckerell  clan  and  one  son  of  a  John  Owens;  however,  no  other  civic  records 
contemporary  with  this  entry  shed  light  on  the  biographies  of  William  Buckerell  (1.33)  or  'owyn'  (1.35). 
The  Jack-a-Lent  (1.35)  was  a  figure  of  a  man,  set  up  in  Lent  in  order  to  be  mocked  and  pelted;  as  such 
it  served  as  a  ritualistic  scapegoat.  In  this  case  the  Jack-a-Lent  was  carried  about  on  horseback.  Given 
the  ambiguity  of  'making,'  it  is  not  clear  if  'owyn'  fashioned  the  figure  of  the  Jack-a-Lent  or  conducted 
the  riding  of  it. 


139     DRO:   DC/BTB:  M7/10     single  sheet 

Perhaps  (his  Loveredge  was  of  the  same  family  and  trade  as  the  Loveredges  noted  in  early  seventeenth- 
century  records,  who  were  reimbursed  for  supplying  iron. 

139-53     DRO:  DC/BTB:  Ml 5/11     ff  [2-7,  7v-9v] 

To  build  a  market  house  and  schoolhousc  required  a  concentrated  fund-raising  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
citizens  of  Bridport.  Wearing  collars  as  signs  of  their  office  (p  152,  1.30),  Henry  Browne  and  George 
Francke  gathered  donations  in  cash  or  in  kind  not  only  in  Bridport  but  also  in  almost  all  the  parishes 
surrounding  it.  Even  the  journeys  to  and  from  neighbouring  parishes  proved  to  be  profitable  as  the 
collectors  appealed  to  travellers  whom  they  met  en  route  for  contributions  to  the  cause.  The  funds  so 
raised  covered  the  travel  expenses  of  the  collectors,  the  costs  of  materials  and  labour  for  building  the 
schoolhouse  and  market  house,  and  expenditures  for  food,  drink,  and  musical  entertainment  for  the 
major  fund-raising  events,  the  drinkings  on  Holy  Rood  Day  (3  May),  Ascension  Day  (24  May),  and 
May  Day  (1  May),  and  throughout  the  weeks  after  Whitsunday  (3  June)  and  Trinity  Sunday  (10  June). 

The  fact  that  receipts  were  registered  for  each  of  the  main  streets  of  the  borough  (p  148,  1.38  — p  149, 
1.2)  suggests  that  the  ales  were  a  fund-raising  effort  that  drew  wide  public  support.  In  A  Respectable 
Society,  p  5,  Basil  Short  implies  that  the  giving  transcended  barriers  of  class:  'Naturally  the  citizens  of 
Bridport  appear  first  on  the  list,  about  60  of  them  contributing  amounts  varying  from  a  penny,  no  mean 
sum  at  that  time,  to  two  shillings  and  sixpence.  Those  who  did  not  give  money  gave  malt  or  wheat, 
while  two  gave  candles  and  one  bacon.  The  list  is  headed  by  Mr  Richard  Russell,  member  of  the  local 
family  from  which  sprang  the  Dukes  of  Bedford.  He  gave  half  a  crown  as  did  Mr  John  Pitt.  Smaller  gifts 
came  from  such  people  as  Symond  Colfox,  shoemaker,  John  Thresher,  barber,  William  Shuer,  roper, 
and  Thomas  Triptree,  butcher.'  Solid  support  for  the  venture  came  from  the  leading  families  of  the 
borough:  George  Francke,  William  Byshop,  John  Wey,  Robert  Miller,  Henry  Pounde,  Richard  Hounsell, 
Stephen  Wey,  John  Pitt,  Walter  Hallett,  John  Colfox,  Arthur  Maynarde,  and  Nicholas  Stratchlighe  all 
served  as  bailiffs  of  Bridport  during  the  last  fifteen  years  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  I  or  the  first  decade 
of  the  reign  of  James  I.  Other  donors,  such  as  Robert  Hassard,  Simon  Colfox,  Christopher  Davige, 
William  Shower,  John  Miller,  and  Richard  Colfox,  were  kin  of  others  who  served  the  borough  in  that 
capacity  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  10).  Morgan  Moone  was  probably  related  to  Gilbert 
Moone  (alias  Holman),  bailiff  with  John  Pitt  at  the  time  of  the  building  ale;  Morgan  Moone  aJso  en 
joyed  the  status  of  officer  in  charge  of  weighing  hemp,  a  product  crucial  to  Bridport's  economy  (DRO: 
DC/BTB:  PQ/28  p  94). 

Lady  Stourton  (p  141,  1.21)  was  probably  Frances,  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Tresham,  knight,  wife  to 
Edward,  tenth  Lord  Stourton,  and  lady  of  nearby  Chideock  Castle  and  manor  (Hutchins,  History  and 
Antiquities,  vol  2,  pp  254,  257-8).  She  was  one  of  the  most  generous  benefactors  of  the  project.  Be 
cause  of  her  provision  of  the  stone,  taken  from  her  quarries  near  the  top  of  the  hill  just  west  of  Bridport, 
the  total  cost  of  the  building  was  approximately  £21  (Short,  A  Respectable  Society,  p  5). 

Apart  from  residents  of  Bridport,  of  those  contributing  to  the  ale  the  easiest  names  to  identify  are 
those  of  well-to-do  visitors  from  the  many  nearby  towns  and  villages. 

The  Vicer  of  porestock'  (p  1 41,  1.13)  may  have  been  Henry  Browne,  presented  to  the  living  at  Power- 
stock  cum  Bampton  (now  Bothenhampton)  in  1  567  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  322). 
Nicholas  Browne  and  Edmund  Browne  (p  141 ,  11.1  5-16)  received  a  lease  for  a  term  of  years  for  a  hold 
ing  called  Mappercombe  or  'Brown's  farm'  in  Powerstock  parish  in  21  Elizabeth  (1578-9);  Nicholas 
Browne  purchased  the  freehold  to  the  farm  for  £1367  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I  (Hutchins,  History  and 
Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  320). 

John  Waddon  of  Bradpole  (p  141,  1.42)  is  probably  the  John  Waddon  of 'Broppole'  whose  will  was 

334  DORSET 

registered  in  the  records  of  Canterbury  for  1599;  similarly,  a  Lionel  Browne  of 'Brapol'  (p  142,  1.6)  left 
a  will  recorded  for  1621  (Calendar  of  Dorset  Wills  Proved  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury,  Somer 
set  House.  London  1383-1700,  George  S.  Fry  (ed)  (London,  1911),  15).  Richard  Newborough,  gentle 
man  (p  142,  1.1 1),  was  probably  related  to  the  Newburgh  family,  who  held  the  manor  at  Bradpole  in  the 
time  of  Henry  vin  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  155). 

Richard  Justce  (p  142,  1.18)  is  likely  the  Richard  Justice  who  was  instituted  as  vicar  of  Loders  in  1579 
and  perhaps  held  the  living  until  1596  when  William  Odell  was  vicar  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities, 
vol  2,  p  312).  John  Browne  (p  142,  1.19)  is  probably  the  gentleman  of  that  village  who  died  in  1597. 
The  inventory  of  his  goods  made  on  25  March  1597,  printed  by  Hutchins,  includes  a  great  deal  of 
livestock  and  several  leases.  The  total  was  valued  at  £455  4s  8d.  Robert  Larder,  gentleman  (p  142, 1.17), 
was  one  of  the  appraisers  of  his  goods  (History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  307). 

'Mr  Newboroughe'  of  Netherbury  (p  143.  1. 1 )  may  have  come  from  a  family  of  Newburghs  of 
Worth  Francis,  a  holding  within  the  parish  of  Netherbury;  members  of  the  family  also  came  to  hold 
Hurlands,  a  freehold  tenement  in  the  Netherbury  manor  of  Yondover  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities, 
vol  2,  p  109) 

From  1561  to  1639  Richard  Egerdon  or  Eggerdon  (p  143,  1.29}  held  a  manor  and  hamlet  called  South 
Eggardon  about  a  mile  northeast  of  the  little  village  of  Askerswell  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities, 
vol  2,  p  175);  Christopher  Darby  or  Derby  (p  143,  1.33)  was  buried  in  1603,  according  to  the  parish 
register  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  176);  according  to  Hutchins  there  are  numerous 
entries  in  the  Askerswell  parish  register  'relating  to  a  family  named  Hardy,  some  of  whom  lived  at  the 
neighbouring  hamlet  of  North  Eggerdon  in  Litton  Cheney  parish  and  others  at  Hembury  in  this  parish' 
(Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  176). 

According  to  Hutchins  the  parish  register  of  Symondsbury  tells  us  that  Arthur  Fowke,  gentleman 
(p  144,  1.1),  married  Joan  Darby  on  5  August  1594  and  had  a  daughter  in  1601;  Arthur  died  in  1610 
(Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  pp  242-3).  Doctor  Edmund  Hound,  DD  (p  144,  1.10),  was 
presented  to  the  living  at  Symondsbury  1  5  February  1  583;  Hutchins  tells  us  that  local  traditions  say  he 
hanged  himself  in  his  cellar;  he  was  buried  in  1597  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  pp  243-4). 

A  Thomas  Egerdon,  gentleman  (p  145,  1.3),  who  held  the  estate  of  Brodenham  in  the  Netherbury 
manor  of  Yondover  in  1626,  may  more  tentatively  be  suggested  as  the  Thomas  Egerdon  who  gave  a  peck 
of  wheat  to  the  Bridport  building  ale  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  109).  Thomas  Gollop, 
gentleman  (p  145,  1.14),  of  North  Bowood,  near  Netherbury,  appears  in  local  records  associated  with 
different  properties  in  the  parish  from  1578-9  until  his  death  7  April  1610  (Hutchins,  History  and 
Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  113). 

At  Chilcombe  in  1  576-7  Richard  Martin  was  licensed  to  alienate  a  moiety  of  the  manor,  valued  at 
£7,  to  John  and  Humphrey  Byshop  (p  145,  1.34);  over  the  door  of  the  mansion  house  is  carved  '1578, 
John  Elnor  Bishop'  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  739). 

John  Hayes,  gentleman,  was  mayor  of  Lyme  Regis  (p  146, 1.20)  at  the  time  of  the  Bridport  ale.  Several 
of  the  names  listed  at  Lyme  Regis  may  refer  to  others  who  served  as  mayor  of  the  borough:  'mr  Belmy' 
(p  146,  1.21),  for  example,  may  be  John  Bellamy,  deputy  searcher  and  mayor  in  1581—2  and  1591-2; 
'mr  barons'  (p  146, 1.22)  may  have  been  Robert  Barnes,  merchant,  mayor  in  1598-9;  'mr  Davy'  (p  146, 11.23, 
36),  may  have  been  John  Davey,  mariner,  and  mayor  1589-90  and  1596-7  or  Robert  Davey,  mayor  in 
1583-4;  Richard  Norris  (p  146, 1.24)  was  mayor  in  1597-8  and  again  in  1605-6;  Anthony  Moone  (p  146, 
1.25)  was  mayor  in  1608-9;  'mr  lurden'  (p  146,  1.26)  may  be  either  John  Jourdain,  mayor  in  1577-8 
and  1  584-5,  or  Silvester  Jourdain,  Cobb  warden  in  1  590  (see  p  366,  endnote  to  DRO:  DC/LR:  Gl/1 
pp  140-1).  For  the  most  accurate  list  of  mayors  of  Lyme  Regis,  see  George  Roberts,  Lyme  Regis,  pp  45-9 


Dr  James  (p  151,  1.5)  was  likely  Dr  Francis  James,  LLD,  who  was  vicar  general  of  Bristol  diocese 
and  a  Dorset  MP  (see  Levack,  Civil  Lawyers,  pp  243-4).  Locke  (p  153, 1.13)  was  perhaps  Thomas 
Locke,  named  in  1590  in  the  list  of  Bridport  tanners  and  shoemakers.  In  1609/10  he  (or  perhaps  his 
son,  or  at  least  his  namesake)  is  listed  as  a  shoemaker  in  a  register  of  sales  of  leather  (DRO:  DC/BTB: 
01,  art  2)  and  may  be  the  Thomas  Lack  of  Bridport,  shoemaker,  named  as  a  defendant  in  the  Star 
Chamber  case  of  Miller  ct  al  v.  Maries  et  al  (PRO:  STAC  8/214/2;  see  below  pp  154-60).  Robert  Wey 
(p  1 53,  1.18)  may  have  been  related  to  John  and  Gregory  Wey,  feltmakers;  the  former,  along  with  two 
others  in  the  family,  Henry  and  William,  held  a  number  of  important  civic  offices  in  the  late  sixteenth 
and  early  seventeenth  century.  The  'frethinge'  (ie,  fretting;  p  153,  1.18)  of  the  bower  suggests  that  it  was 
a  set  constructed  of  lattice  interlaced  with  boughs.  This  bower  may  have  served  the  same  purpose  as  the 
booth  (see  p  138,  1.18  above  and  endnote)  used  in  the  Robin  Hood  ale. 

The  king  of  Loders  (p  152,  1.33)  was  probably  a  summer  king,  the  central  figure  in  a  folk  custom  of 
Loders,  a  parish  about  two  miles  northeast  of  Bridport.  Although  the  appearance  of  this  character 
added  to  the  expenses  of  the  ale,  it  almost  certainly  added  also  to  the  fun  and  the  profits.  So  too  did  the 
musicians,  who  received  liveries  and  a  generous  reward  (p  151, 1.21;  p  153, 1.1 1)  probably  because  they 
performed  on  more  than  one  occasion.  For  further  discussion  of  the  various  aspects  of  the  ale  and  the 
importance  of  the  market  house  and  schoolhouse  (which  were  probably  in  the  vicinity  of  St  Andrew's 
Church)  to  the  economic  and  social  well-being  of  the  borough,  see  Short,  A  Respectable  Society,  pp  4-7. 

153  DRO:   DC/BTB:  Ml 8/10     ff[l,3] 

Although  the  manuscript  has  no  heading  by  which  to  date  it,  it  includes  a  reference  on  f  [2]  to  'Mr.  baylie 
davidge.'  According  to  the  Great  Red  Book  of  the  borough  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  Hi ,  p  364),  Richard 
Davige  served  as  bailiff  in  1  James  i,  from  Michaelmas  1602  to  the  same  feast  in  1603.  King  James  I 
acceded  on  24  March  1602/3  and  he  was  crowned  in  London  on  1 1  July,  though  his  royal  entry  into 
London  was  postponed  until  early  the  next  year.  Davige  would  have  been  bailiff  at  the  time  of  the  July 
coronation,  which  Bridport  celebrated  with  ringing  and  feasting.  'Mr  Tiggins'  (1.31)  is  presumably 
either  Richard  Tiggyns,  or  Tigens,  Sr,  merchant,  or  his  son  and  namesake.  This  family  was  a  prominent 
one,  for  a  Richard  Tiggins  (specifically  Richard  Tiggins,  Sr,  in  1  585)  was  elected  bailiff  of  the  borough 
ten  times  between  1552-3  and  1590-1  (Hutchins,  History  and  Antiquities,  vol  2,  p  10). 

154  DRO:  DC/BTB:  C88     f  23 

This  is  part  of  the  settlement  of  the  several  children  of  John  Maniford.  Thomas'  two  sisters  were  bound 
to  masters  on  the  same  day  although  their  covenants  were  concluded  and  Thomas'  was  not. 

154-60     PRO:  STAC  8/214/2     mb  4 

Miller  v.  Maries  provides  a  good  illustration  of  the  divisive  force  of  Puritanism  in  Bridport,  for  the  case 
pits  members  of  some  of  the  borough's  oldest  and  most  powerful  families  against  one  another.  As  John 
Hutchins'  list  of  bailiffs  indicates,  several  of  the  litigants  had  been  elected  to  this  important  civic  office 
by  this  time,  or  would  be:  of  the  plaintiffs,  Robert  Miller  (1605-6,  1609-10,  1614-15,  1624-5), 
Angel  Churchill  (1634-5),  John  Chard  (1604-5),  William  Whettam  (1618-19,  1623-4,  1634-5), 
and  Walter  Hussey,  alias  Baylie  (1633-4,  1636-7,  1640-1);  of  the  defendants,  John  Lea  (1631-2, 
1635-6,  1639-40)  and  Thomas  Lack  (1617-18);  and  of  those  named  in  the  first  libel,  Thomas 
Merefeild  (1626-7,  1630-1,  1638-9),  John  Byshop  (1622-3,  1626-7,  1629-30,  1636-7,  1641-2), 
and  Christopher  Balstone  (1619-20)  (History  and  Antiquities,  vol  1,  p  10).  An  ordinance  of  4  January 
1631/2  for  the  wearing  of  gowns  epitomizes  the  status  that  many  of  the  men  involved  in  this  case  would 

336  DORSET 

enjoy  by  that  time.  The  ordinance  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  H5)  has  been  endorsed  by  William  Whcttam,  John 
Byshop,  Thomas  Lack,  Walter  Baylie,  John  Lea,  Thomas  Mcrefeild,  and  'Churchell';  other  signatories 
may  have  been  kin  of  those  involved  in  Miller  v.  Maries:  Stephen  Colfox,  William  Wey,  Thomas 
Byshop,  and  John  Miller.  William  Maries,  the  principal  defendant,  did  not,  judging  from  extant  records 
at  least,  hold  a  major  civic  office  but  the  borough  did  reward  him  in  1614-15  for  training  in  the  town's 
armour  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  MS/ 10  f  [2])  and  paid  him  muster  wages  from  the  account  of  William  Whet- 
tam,  cofferer,  in  1620-1  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  M8/203  f  [2v]).  That  William  Maries,  a  major  figure  in 
Bridport's  muster,  should  find  himself  at  odds  with  the  town's  Puritan  faction  suggests  that  we  may  have 
in  this  case  what  Underdown  found  in  the  Star  Chamber  case  of  John  Condytt  v.  Matthew  Chubbe, 
both  of  Dorchester  -  increasing  tension  between  citizens  committed  to  religious  reform  and  citizens 
attached  to  the  customary  celebrations  of  their  borough;  see  Fire  from  Heaven,  especially  pp  23-37, 
and  below  pp  161-3. 

Although  the  bill  of  complaint  submitted  by  Robert  Miller  and  the  other  plaintiffs  does  not  establish 
that  local  ceremonies  or  celebrations  were  a  basis  for  conflict,  it  does  make  clear  that  religion,  social 
order,  and  economics  were.  The  plaintiffs  claim  that  those  accused  of  libel  are  jealous  of  their  (the 
plaintiffs')  prosperity  and  accuse  the  defendants  of  defying  the  civic  authorities,  attempting  to  contain 
the  dissemination  of  the  writings  in  question.  At  the  same  time  the  plaintiffs  affirm  that  their  religious 
observances  have  the  approval  of  the  Church  of  England.  The  first  libellous  poem  transcribed  in  the 
bill  of  complaint  portrays  the  plaintiffs  as  a  group  which,  under  the  cover  of  a  religious  gathering,  in 
dulges  in  licentious,  adulterous  jollity.  The  mockery  of  the  poem  extends  to  include  not  only  the  wives 
but  also,  it  seems,  some  of  the  daughters  of  the  religious  reformers;  'Buckerelles  trulls'  (p  155,  1.33)  are 
likely  the  twin  daughters  of  Richard  Buckerell,  who  were  baptized  in  1603,  according  to  the  parish 
register.  Unlike  the  first  libel,  which  identifies  the  subjects  of  the  satire  by  name,  the  second  poem  is 
far  more  cryptic.  Its  central  thrust  attacks  the  Puritan  faction  of  Bridport  as  a  whole  for  their  hypocrisy, 
self-righteousness,  and  double  standards  but  in  its  conclusion  it  takes  a  distinctive  turn  when  it  alludes 
to  the  poor  quality  of  cloth  and  the  high  cost  of  shoes.  The  latter  allusion  reveals  how  religious  disagree 
ments  set  shoemaker  against  shoemaker,  defendant  Thomas  Lack  against  plaintiffs  William  Whettam, 
Thomas  Merefeild,  and  Henry  Wey,  all  of  whom  are  listed  with  Thomas  Lack  (not  to  mention  John 
Lack  of  Beaminster,  tanner,  from  whom  Thomas  buys  his  leather)  in  the  1609  Register  Book  for  Leather 
(DRO:  DC/BTB:  Ol,  art  2).  The  involvement  of  Henry  Wey  epitomizes  the  intensity  of  the  religious 
convictions  of  some  of  those  involved  in  this  case  for  on  20  March  1629/30  Henry  Wey  sailed  with  his 
family  from  Plymouth  to  Nantucket  before  settling  in  Dorchester,  Massachusetts  (Short,  A  Respectable 
Society,  p  14). 

161-3     PRO:  STAC  8/214/2     mb  2 

This  answer  of  Hugh  Syms,  Anthony  Mathew,  and  William  Marshall  occupies  mb  2  of  the  document. 
The  first  membrane  contains  the  answer  of  William  Maries  and  John  Lack  but  it  does  not  elaborate 
upon  the  particulars  of  the  case;  instead,  it  asserts  the  allegations  to  be  groundless  and  petitions  for  a 
dismissal  of  the  charge. 

The  defence  set  forth  by  Syms,  Mathew,  and  Marshall  depends  upon  the  social  divisions  within 
Bridport.  The  defendants  reaffirm  the  view  expressed  in  the  first  libel  that  the  assemblies  of  the  plaint 
iffs  were  hypocritical  occasions  for  feasting,  drinking,  and  licentious  behaviour.  They  claim  further  that 
the  leaders  of  the  faction,  Cheverell  and  Traske,  had  turned  a  large  number  of  citizens,  many  poor  and 
uneducated,  against  the  incumbent  parson.  Cheverell  and  Traske  were  portrayed  as  the  agents  of 
discord.  The  defendants  argue  that  as  there  were  concerns  about  Traske,  'a  young  hot  headed  and 



excommunycated  Mynister'  (p  161, 11.21-2),  and  about  the  assemblies  at  which  he  preached,  the  church 
wardens  of  Bridport  had  presented  several  of  the  Puritan  faction  in  the  diocesan  court.  This  action  of 
the  churchwardens  is  crucial  to  the  answer  of  Syms,  Mathew,  and  Marshall,  who  submit  that  the  libels 
were  written  and  disseminated  by  the  plaintiffs  themselves  in  order  to  get  revenge  against  the  church 
wardens  and  their  associates. 

Traske  was  probably  John  Traske,  a  native  of  Somerset  and  a  schoolmaster  there,  whom  James  Montague, 
bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  judged  to  be  insufficient  for  ordination.  Traske's  notoriety  increased  after  he 
moved  to  London  in  1617,  published  several  works  (Christs  kingdome  discovered.  Or,  that  the  true  church 
of  God  is  in  England  (STC.  24175.3);  A  pear/e  for  a  prince,  ...  Delivered  in  two  sermons  (STC.  24176);  The 
power  of  preaching.  Or,  the  powerfull  effects  of  the  word . . .  Delivered  in  one  or  moe  sermons  (STC.  24 1 77); 
A  treatise  oflibertiefrornjudaisme,  or  an  acknowledgement  of  true  christian  libertie  (STC.  24 1 78);  and 
The  true  gospel  vindicated  from  the  reproach  of  a  new  gospel  (STC:  24178.5),  and  ran  afoul  of  the  law  for 
preaching  that  the  Jewish  sabbath  ought  to  be  observed  (see  Lancelot  Andrewes,  'A  Speech  Delivered 
in  the  Starr-Chamber  against  the  Two  Ivdaicall  Opinions  of  Mr.  Traske,'  printed  posthumously  with 
other  of  Andrewes'  minor  works  on  pp  63-75  of  Reverendi  . . .  Lanceloti  episcopi  Wtntoniensts,  Ofvscvla 
quaedam  posthvma  (STC:  602)).  John  Traske  was  so  influential  as  a  powerful  preacher  and  charismatic 
personality  that  he  was  included  as  the  founder  of  the  'Traskites'  in  Ephraim  Pagitt's  Hemtography,  6th  ed 
(London,  1662;  Wing:  P182),  161-97. 

163    DRO:  DC/BTB:M2/11     f  [1] 

The  Lent  assizes  normally  occurred  in  February  or  March  each  year  and  the  western  circuit  lasted  twenty 

to  thirty  days. 

163-7     PRO:  STAC  8/214/2     mb  3 

John  Abbot,  one  of  the  churchwardens  responsible  for  the  presentment  of  Robert  Miller  and  others  of 
(he  Puritan  faction  in  the  ecclesiastical  court,  elaborates  upon  the  allegations  made  by  Syms,  Mathew, 
and  Marshall  that  the  plaintiffs  in  this  case  not  only  wrote  the  libellous  verses  but  framed  Abbot  so  as 
to  get  revenge  against  him.  Abbot's  story  clarifies  two  of  the  devious  methods  by  which,  he  alleges,  the 
plaintiffs  incriminated  him:  first,  they  used  persons  of  lower  social  status,  Mary  Willyams,  wife  of  John 
Willyams,  and  John  Lea,  Abbot's  apprentice,  in  order  to  put  the  libellous  verses  into  Abbot's  hands; 
second,  they  used  plausible  business  connections,  Angel  Churchill  being  a  tailor  in  need  of  mercery  sold 
by  Abbot,  in  order  to  discover  the  libels  in  Abbot's  possession  and  to  prompt  him  to  read  them  publicly. 

167     DRO:  DC/BTB:  M2/9     f  [3] 

Richard  Colfox,  apparently  acting  as  a  scrjcant  in  this  case,  does  not  appear  elsewhere  in  the  Bridport 
records.  The  Colfox  family  was  a  very  important  one,  however:  Francis  Colfox  is  identified  in  1 577  as  a 
victualler  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  PQ/28  p  66),  Simon  Colfox  as  a  shoemaker  in  1593  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  Bl/7), 
John  Colfox  as  a  shoemaker  in  1 609  (DRO:  DC/BTB.  Ol,  art  2),  and  William  Colfox,  Jr,  as  a  glover  in 
1635  (DRO:  DC/BTB:  PQ/28  p  92).  John  Colfox  (specifically  John  Colfox,  Sr,  in  1590-1)  served  as 
bailiff  in  1  590-1  and  1  594-5.  The  most  distinguished  member  of  the  family  was  Stephen  Colfox;  he, 
and/or  his  namesake,  was  elected  bailiff" six  times,  serving  in  1609-10,  1613-14,  1616-17,  1622-3, 
1631-2,  and  1639-40.  Indeed,  this  payment  to  Richard  Colfox  appears  in  the  account  of  the  expendi 
tures  made  by  Stephen.  See  also  pp  333-5,  cndnotc  to  DRO:  DC/BTB:  Ml  5/1 1  ff  [2-7,  7v-9). 

Bridewell  was  originally  a  royal  palace  built  between  1515  and  1  520  on  the  west  side  of  the  Fleet 
River  where  it  joins  the  Thames  in  London;  the  location  of  Bridewell  Palace  is  shown  on  the  map  of 

338  DORSET 

Tudor  London  reproduced  by  Roy  Porter  in  London:  A  Social  History  (London,  1994),  39.  In  1553  the 
city  took  possession  of  the  property  and  turned  the  palace  into  a  prison,  hospital,  and  workhouse.  How 
ever,  the  name  was  extended  to  other  gaols  or  prisons  in  the  London  area  and  in  the  provinces  (OED). 
In  this  case,  'Bridwell'  (1.25)  probably  refers  to  the  gaol  in  Dorchester:  in  the  accounts  for  1614-15 
Farr  and  his  fellows  were  paid  3s  for  carrying  a  man  who  stole  a  horse  to  the  Dorchester  prison;  this 
sum,  comparable  to  that  which  Colfox  received,  implies  that  the  cost  of  transporting  an  offender  to 
London  would  be  much  higher. 

168  DRO:  DC/BTB:  DE10/3     f  [2v] 

The  handwriting  of  this  document  makes  it  difficult  to  ascertain  for  certain  what  some  of  the  names 
are.  The  range  of  dates  given  for  this  entry  in  the  subheading  is  based  upon  the  earliest  and  latest  dates 
recorded  on  f  [2v].  Like  others  on  the  page  this  entry  is  not  exactly  dated. 

169  DRO:   DC/BTB:  E2/unnumbered     single  sheet 

This  entry  was  apparently  written  after  the  jurors'  names;  the  last  lines  are  written  awkwardly  to  their 
right,  'hadstock'  (1.5)  is  probably  an  error  for  Halstock,  a  parish  about  twelve  miles  north  northeast  of 
Bridport.  A  similar  presentment  of  nineteen  Bridport  butchers  (including  William  French,  Sr)  in  1643 
(DRO:  BTB/E2/  item  1116)  indicates  that  local  butchers  persisted  in  killing  unbaited  bulls  and  that  the 
borough  strove  to  have  its  ancient  custom  observed. 

169     DRO:  PE/CEA:CW  1/1     f  20 

The  heading  for  the  account  including  this  entry  is  'The  Accompte  of  William  Lock  and  George  Hodges, 
Churchwardens  of  the  said  Town  Annis  Domini  1633  &  1634,  which  was  made  in  the  parish  Church 
aforesaid,  before  the  Inhtf&tames  the  19  day  of  Aprill  Anno  1635'  (f  18).  Since  the  payment  following 
the  entry  for  the  dismantled  maypole  is  for  'a  booke  intituled  The  Kings  Ma/«ties  declarat;on'  (the  Book 
of  Sports,  re-issued  October  1633),  and  since  accounts  for  1633  appear  later  on  the  folio,  it  seems 
likely  that  the  maypole  was  dismantled  in  1633  or  1634.  This  is  the  only  reference  to  the  Cerne  maypole 
and  it  seems  too  slender  evidence  to  support  Underdown's  assertion  that  the  Cerne  Abbas  'maypole 
survived  the  earlier  Puritan  attack,  only  to  be  cut  down  to  make  a  town  ladder  in  1635,  just  when  may 
poles  were  reappearing  in  other  places  after  the  second  Book  of  Sports'  (Revel,  p  92).  Cerne's  maypole 
may  indeed  have  been  a  survival;  it  may  also  have  been  a  'reappearance'  or  an  isolated  celebration. 
Maypoles  may  also  have  been  put  up  and  taken  down  annually  and  recycled  frequently. 

169     DRO:  PE/CHM:  CW  1/1     f  24v 

These  accounts  have  survived  only  in  scraps  and  it  is  not  always  possible  to  establish  the  context  of  re 
ceipts  or  payments.  It  is  possible  that  an  entry  for  1600  refers  to  another  hocktide  gathering.  The  entry 
reads:  'Itmi  ReffiWof  the  hoockes  xv  d.'  (f  20v). 

169-70  STC:  23333  pp  359-60 

Stow  situates  his  peculiar  account  of  the  entertainments  at  Corfe  Castle  between  the  names  of  the  mayor 
and  the  sheriffs  appointed  in  October  1328  (p  359)  and  the  marginal  '1329'  (p  360).  The  regnal  year  is 
also  noted  in  the  margin  of  p  360  as  'Anno  rcg»3'  (p  170,  1.5m),  which  ran  from  25  January  1328/9  to 
24  January  1329/30.  We  have  followed  Stow  in  putting  the  event  within  the  London  civic  year,  Michael 
mas  to  Michaelmas,  but  the  festivities  at  Corfe  Castle  could  not  have  occurred  after  13  March  1329/30 
when  the  earl  of  Kent,  Edmund  of  Woodstock,  the  youngest  son  of  Edward  I,  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of 


treason.  Queen  Isabella  and  Mortimer  tricked  Kent  into  revealing  his  abiding  loyalty  to  Edward  II  and 
disloyalty  to  them  by  spreading  the  rumours  that  the  late  king  was  still  alive.  In  other  versions  of  these 
events  a  friar  who  conjured  up  a  devil  provided  the  confirmation  that  Edward  n  was  still  alive.  Having 
received  confirmation  of  Edward  n's  presence  in  Corfe  Castle,  Kent  initiated  a  plot  to  restore  the  late 
king,  a  plot  that  would  lead  to  his  own  indictment,  arrest,  and  execution. 

170     BL:  SloaneMS.  2131      ff  16v-17 

Robert  Ashley  provides  a  good  example  of  the  educational  and  sometimes  useful  nature  of  dramatic 
performances.  The  Christmas  performance  (11.26-9)  was  probably  in  1574/5,  for  it  was  part  of  the 
education  Ashley  received  at  Corfe  Castle,  which  preceded  his  schooling  in  Southampton.  He  explains 
on  f  17  that  his  mother  sent  him  and  his  younger  brother,  Francis,  to  Hadrian  a  Saravia's  school  in 
Southampton  when  Francis  was  six  years  old.  That  would  have  been  in  1  575:  Ashley  provides  the  date 
ofhis  brother's  birth  as  24  November  1569  (ff  16-l6v)  and  notes  that  he  was  at  the  beginning  of  his 
Fifth  year  at  that  time.  Ashley  goes  on  to  date  the  move  to  Dr  Hill's  school  (see  11.30-4)  to  the  begin 
ning  ofhis  twelfth  year,  which  would  be  the  fall  of  1  576,  and  he  studied  there  for  about  a  year.  There 
fore  the  entertainment  of  the  earl  of  Pembroke  would  have  occurred  some  time  m  1  576—7. 

Christopher  Hatton  (1.20),  a  royal  favourite  at  this  time,  was  made  constable  of  Corfe  Castle  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  about  1571.  He  was  later  appointed  vice-chamberlain  of  the  queen's  household  on  11  November 
1578.  Sir  Henry  Herbert,  second  earl  of  Pembroke  as  of  4  April  1570  (1.35),  was  an  abiding  benefactor 
of  Salisbury,  even  after  he  became  president  of  the  Council  in  the  Marches  of  Wales  and  relocated  from 
his  home  base  near  Salisbury  at  Wilton,  Wiltshire,  to  Ludlow  Castle.  His  interest  in  drama  found  expres 
sion  in  his  patronage  of  players  who  performed  in  the  provinces  throughout  the  1  590s  (see  J.A.B.  Somer 
set,  'The  Lords  President.  Their  Activities  and  Companies:  Evidence  from  Shropshire,'  Elizabethan 
77w/rMO  (1988),  93-1  ID. 

Hadrian  i  Saravia  ('Hadriano,'  1.30)  was  a  protestant  divine  who  fled  to  the  Channel  Islands  to  escape 
the  religious  troubles  in  Brussels  in  1  560.  After  several  years  as  a  schoolmaster  and  assistant  minister  of 
St  Peter's,  Guernsey,  he  became  master  of  the  Southampton  grammar  school.  He  returned  to  Belgium 
about  1576,  according  to  Ashley,  and  in  1  582  he  was  appointed  a  professor  of  divinity  at  the  University 
of  Leiden  and  pastor  of  a  reformed  church  there.  He  went  on  to  get  his  DD  from  Oxford  and  to  hold 
several  important  ecclesiastical  offices  in  England.  Adam  Hill  (1.32)  studied  with  Bishop  Jewel  and 
attended  Balliol  College,  where  he  earned  a  BA  in  1 569,  an  MA  in  1572,  and  his  BD  and  DD  in  1591. 
He  served  as  vicar  in  Westbury,  Wiltshire,  and  Gussage,  Dorset,  before  taking  up  the  offices  of  prebendary 
and  succentor  of  Salisbury  Cathedral,  offices  he  held  until  his  death  in  February  1594/5. 

171-2     Bodl.:   MS.  Add.  B.  97     ff  63-4 

The  'Presentment'  is  an  illustration  of  plays  dubbed  as  a  group,  'Christian  Terence.'  Though  written  in 
(he  metre  of  Roman  comedy,  iambic  senani,  the  prologue  does  not  appear  to  be,  or  to  introduce,  an 
adaptation  of  any  of  Terence's  six  extant  plays;  it  is  more  likely  an  imitation  of  Terence  in  Latin  by  an 
English  schoolmaster,  perhaps  Robert  Cheekc  himself.  Allusions  to  works  on  the  curriculum  of  the 
students  represent  one  way  in  which  the  entertainment  celebrates  not  only  the  distinguished  guests  but 
also  the  school  itself  and  its  endeavours.  Apart  from  Terence  the  prologue  alludes  to  the  dialogues  of 
Cordier  at  p  172,  1.7  (see  STC:  5762  for  their  English  translation).  The  lines  'Sic  omne  punctual  retulit 
isquj  miscuit  I  Dulcj  vtile.  &c'  (p  172, 11.22-3)  are  an  adaptation  of  Horace,  An  Poetica,  343-4:  'Omne 
tulit  punctum  qui  miscuit  utile  dulci,  1  lectorem  delectando  pariterque  monendo.'  This  prologue  may 
also  be  alluding  to  the  controversies  about  plays  and  players  current  in  Dorchester  at  this  time,  contro 
versies  recorded  most  fully  in  the  case  of  Condytt  v.  Chubbe  (see  pp  177-80). 

340  DORSET 

John  Thornborough  (p  171,  1.8)  was  bishop  of  Bristol  1603-17  and,  given  the  pun  on  his  name 
(p  171, 11.40-2),  it  is  clear  that  the  entertainment  was  written  for  him.  Although  neither  the  manuscript 
of  the  prologue  nor  any  other  Dorset  documents  specifies  the  precise  date  of  his  visit  to  Dorchester,  he 
did  visit  Dorset  in  1603,  as  published  visitation  articles  (sec  pp  48  and  1 13)  indicate,  and  again  in  1609 
(a  visitation  referred  to  in  PRO:  STAC  8/15/19  mb  8).  As  it  seems  probable  that  he  would  have  made  a 
visitation  of  the  school  early  in  his  episcopacy  the  date  range  1603-10  has  been  assigned  to  this  text. 

Robert  Chceke  ('ye  SchoolM<wrfr  Sheeke,'  p  171 ,  1.1 1)  came  to  Dorchester  in  1  595  to  be  master  of  the 
Free  School  and  in  1617  he  succeeded  William  Cheek  as  rector  of  All  Saints.  Puritan  in  his  sympathies 
he  was  a  generous,  well-liked  member  of  the  community.  He  oversaw  the  rebuilding  of  the  Free  School 
in  1618  and  the  founding  of  Trinity  School  in  1623,  the  year  in  which  his  students  presented  p|ays  for 
Bishop  Wright  during  his  visitation. 

173-9     PRO:  STAC  8/94/1 7     mb   19 

The  bill  of  complaint  was  filed,  with  an  attached  copy  of  the  libels  as  exhibits,  on  21  April  1608  but 
the  bill  and  its  attachments  must  have  been  composed  and  written  earlier.  The  original  copy  of  the  bill 
appears  on  mb  19,  that  of  the  libels  on  mbs  20-2.  A  second  copy  of  the  bill,  which  occupies  mb  10,  is 
incomplete  (it  deletes  the  formulaic  conclusion,  p  178,  1.40-p  179,  1.6)  and  is  signed  by  the  defendants' 
attorney;  it  is  probably  an  administrative  copy,  to  which  the  second  copy  of  the  libels  (mbs  12-13)  was 
attached,  made  for  the  commissioners  who  took  the  formal  answers  of  Matthew  Chubbe  and  other  defen 
dants.  Because  mb  1 9  served  as  the  outside  cover  for  much  of  the  document  when  the  membranes  were  joined 
together  and  folded  for  storage,  it  is  more  damaged  than  other  membranes.  Many  words  and  phrases 
apparently  lost  as  a  result  of  damage  were  read  under  UV  light  and  are  enclosed  in  diamond  brackets. 

This  case  of  Condytt  et  al  v.  Chubbe  et  al  is  one  of  the  main  sources  of  information  about  the  social 
history  of  Dorchester  in  the  early  seventeenth  century.  The  case  is  fundamental  to  Underdown's  indis 
pensable  study  of  the  town,  Fire  from  Heaven;  see  pp  27-37  where  he  uses  the  case  to  establish  the 
character  of  Dorchester's  governors  and  their  milieu.  He  also  draws  on  the  case,  specifically  the  account 
it  gives  of  the  1 607  visit  of  Berkeley's  men  to  Dorchester,  in  his  broader  study  of  the  southwestern 
counties,  Revel,  Riot  and  Rebellion,  pp  56-8.  In  Underdown's  view,  'The  conflict  between  Chubb  and 
the  reformers  was  one  for  the  town's  very  soul:  for  its  entire  moral  and  spiritual  character'  (Fire from 
Heaven,  p  38).  John  Condytt  was  one  of  these  reformers,  'orthodox  members  of  a  protestant  Church 
of  England'  whose  'beliefs  demanded  a  constant  striving  after  salvation,  a  refusal  to  compromise  with 
sin  and  human  fallibility,  and  required  them  to  press  on  with  building  the  new  Jerusalem,  the  task  that 
God  had  marked  out,  above  all  others,  as  their  destiny'  (p  22).  On  the  other  hand,  Matthew  Chubbe 
and  his  circle,  according  to  Underdown,  'stood  for  an  old  conception  of  neighbourliness,  of  community 
harmony,  of  a  social  order  held  together  by  an  interlocking  network  of  mutual  obligations  joining  people 
of  all  ranks  and  conditions.  At  the  top,  the  rich  -  wealthy  burgesses  in  the  towns,  prosperous  gentry  in 
the  countryside  —  would  provide  hospitality  and  charity  to  whomsoever  they  chose,  in  the  mythical 
good  old  way,  not  simply  to  those  who  were  deserving  because  they  were  godly  and  well  connected' 
(p  32).  Traditional  festivities,  local  customs,  and  public  performances  by  travelling  players  were  among 
the  occasions  where  these  opposed  forces  clashed  in  early  seventeenth-century  Dorchester.  For  the  fol 
lowing  notes  on  persons  involved  in  this  case  we  are  indebted  to  the  works  of  David  Underdown  already 
noted  and  to  'Appendix  5:  Biographical  Notes'  of  the  Dorset  Record  Society  edition  of  William  White- 
way's  diary  (see  Documents,  pp  62-3). 

The  principals  in  this  case  were  well-established  citizens  of  the  borough.  John  Condytt  was  a  Puritan 
tailor  of  Dorchester  who  was  in  1608  on  the  brink  of  greater  prominence  in  the  borough:  constable  in 


1616,  serjeant  at  mace  in  1624,  beadle  of  the  company  of  freemen  1629-30  (in  which  year  he  also 
assisted  with  the  negotiations  for  the  town  charter),  serjeant  at  arms  1634  -  all  of  which  positions 
brought  him  into  direct  opposition  with  more  festive  inhabitants  of  Dorchester.  Matthew  Chubbe, 
goldsmith,  was  Dorchester's  wealthiest  man  and  perhaps  its  most  powerful.  One  of  the  burgesses  of  the 
town  by  1583,  he  'was  bailiff  for  the  first  of  several  times  in  1 588,  and  in  the  next  twenty  years  he  held 
that  and  every  other  possible  town  office  with  great  regularity'  (Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  p  24). 
See  also  LJ.  Chubb,  'Matthew  and  Margaret  Chubb,'  SDNQ28  (1961-7),  213-18,  230-5,  and  Under- 
down,  Fire  from  Heaven,  pp  23-37,  especially  p  34.  Margaret  Chubbe,  widow  of  Matthew  in  1617, 
reaffirmed  in  her  will  of  1625  his  values,  values  which  included  hospitality  and  philanthropy.  She  made 
very  generous  bequests  to  the  Women's  Almshouse  (which  became  known  as  Chubb's  Almshouse)  and 
the  New  Hospital. 

John  White  (p  173, 1.17)  was  the  powerful,  influential  rector  of  Holy  Trinity  parish  from  the  time 
of  his  appointment  in  1606  until  he  fled  to  the  Savoy  after  his  house  was  plundered  in  1642.  Besides 
David  Underdown,  Fire  from  Heaven,  passim,  sec  Rose-Troup,  John  White.  Matthew  Chubbe  defends 
himself  against  this  specific  claim  that  he  had  quarrelled  and  wrangled  with  preachers  by  adverting  to 
his  provision  for,  and  hospitality  toward,  them,  both  preachers  of  the  town  and  visiting  ones.  He  counters 
the  claim  that  he  and  John  White  were  at  odds  by  arguing  that  he  and  the  rector  had  effected  a 
reconciliation.  Underdown  remains  skeptical  of  Chubbe's  sincerity  in  these  efforts;  see  Fire  from  Heaven, 

The  records  of  this  case  refer  to  two  men  named  John  Adyn  (p  173,  1.20;  p  190,  1.26).  One  is  a 
co-complainant  with  Condytt  and  others.  The  other  is  the  late  John  Adyn,  brewer,  who  was  a  long 
standing  member  of  Dorchester's  elite,  being  a  burgess  from  the  1580s  and  a  bailiff  as  early  as  1582—3. 
That  he  was  one  of  Chubbe's  circle  is  evid